Craftsmen and Manual Workers in Attic Vase-Painting of the Archaic and Classical Period
p. 63-93
Résumés
Une brève présentation du monde du travail dans l’antiquité au travers du regard des peintres de vase ainsi qu’une enquête portant sur le matériel pictural et les conventions iconographiques sont les principaux objectifs de cet article. La réflexion portera essentiellement sur le rendu iconographique des différents types d’artisans (potiers, métallurgistes, sculpteurs, etc.) que l’on pourra comparer à celui des travailleurs « d’extérieurs » (bergers, paysans, pêcheurs) dans la peinture de vases attique d’époques archaïque et classique. Traits du visage et caractères physiques, nudité, habillement et posture sont quelques uns des éléments picturaux qui seront examinés. Ces caractéristiques ont souvent été considérées comme autant de marqueurs de la position sociale du sujet. Cette étude nous mènera à la conclusion que les intentions des peintres de vase étaient de recréer sur la céramique leur propre environnement de travail et de mettre en évidence leur contribution dans le processus de production. Il est encore davantage intéressant de noter que les artistes choisissent généralement de figurer, non pas le spectre entier des métiers manuels mais seulement certains aspects caractéristiques des activités relevant des principaux secteurs de production de l’économie athénienne.
A brief representation of the world of labor in antiquity through the eyes of the vase painters, as well as an inquiry into the pictorial material and the deciphering of iconographic conventions are the main goals of this paper. This paper will focus on the study of the iconographic rendering of various types of ancient craftsmen (potters, bronze workers, sculptors etc.) as compared with the outdoor workers (shepherds, farmers, fishermen) in the Attic vase painting of the Archaic and Classical period. Facial traits and bodily features, nudity, clothing and poses of the depicted figures are some of the pictorial elements which will be examined. These features have been considered as markers for the recognition of the social position of the depicted craftsmen. The representations of craftsmen and other manual workers lead to the conclusion that the vase-painters’intention was to recreate for potential customers the artists’own working environment and to emphasize their contribution to the manufacturing process. It is most interesting to note that the artists generally chose to render in their paintings not the entire spectrum of crafts or other outdoor activities but only certain typical aspects of those activities connected with the main productive sectors of the Athenian economy.
Entrées d’index
Mots-clés : Iconographie, artisans, travailleurs manuels, travailleurs agricoles, bergers, caractéristiques
Keywords : Iconography, craftsmen, manual workers, farm workers, herdsmen, features
Texte intégral
1Images of workshops, trade and agriculture in Attic vase-painting constitute a valuable source in the social history of labour and its artistic representation. In these representations, dating mainly from the middle of the 6th to the middle of the 5th century B. C., vase-painters attempted to depict instances of professional activities, performed by manual workers.1
2Social reforms in Attica by Peisistratοs and mainly by Cleisthenes, led to measures in favour of professional craftsmen, a class which in its majority enjoyed social recognition and a comfortable standard of living.2 Their growing social and professional self-confidence is evident in the Attic vase-paintings.3
3This paper focuses on some instances of the pictorial corpus of craftsmen, drawing comparisons between them and outdoor workers depicted in the Attic vasepainting of the archaic and classical period, by tracing similarities and differences between these two broader iconographical groups.
4In general terms the way manual workers are represented does not differ substantially from that of other male figures. Young manual workers appear beardless, whilst mature men have beards (fig. 1 and fig. 2). In all illustrations, craftsmen have short hair and in most scenes they wear a band or wreath on their head (fig. 3).
5Himation, ἱμάτιον, was the usual cloth of craftsmen. The craftsman’s pose and the particular work he is involved with determine the manner in which the himation is worn.4 Craftsmen who are sitting down (fig. 1 and fig. 2), practising the ἑδραῖος βίος,5 such as potters, bronze workers and cobblers, wear their himation loosely wrapped about the lower part of their body, while one edge hangs at the side. On the contrary, craftsmen, such as bronze workers, carpenters and sculptors, who are depicted standing and engaged in some vigorous physical activity (fig. 4), usually wear their himation wrapped tightly around the lower part of their body, so that this garment is held in place, should they move abruptly. In a few cases the potters wear chlamys or exomis, a short chiton, which leaves one shoulder bare, thereby allowing greater freedom of movement (fig. 5).6Fishermen appear to wear the same clothing (fig. 6).7
Fig. 1: Red-figure cup by the Antiphon Painter (480 B. C.). Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 01.8073.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. K 45, pl. 16.
Fig. 2: Red-figure cup by the Proto Panaitia Group (490-480 B. C.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. 1980.7.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. X5, pl. 24.
Fig. 3: Red-figure cup by Epiktetos (515-510 B. C.). Copenhague, National Museum, Inv. no. 119.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. C1, pl.32.
Fig. 4: Red-figure cup by the Foundry Painter (480 B. C.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. 2294.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. X12, pl. 27.
Fig. 5: Red-figure crater by the Comares Painter (480 B. C.). Oxford, Ashmolean Museum, Inv. no. 562.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. K51, pl.19.
Fig. 6: Red-figure pelike by the Pan Painter (480 B. C.). Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Inv. no. 3727.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. E29, pl. 54.
Fig. 7: Black-figure amphora by the Hypobibazon Class (510 B. C.). Richmond, Virginia Museum, Inv. no. 62.1.5.

After Koehler 1986, 59, fig. 10.
6Carriers of pottery, agricultural and fishery products are also shown wearing either a himation on their shoulders (fig. 7)8 or a chitoniskos (fig. 6 and fig. 8)9 in order to carry their products more easily. A long pole, the anaforon, with baskets or amphorae hung at both ends, was used to transport products over small distances.10 Considering the size and weight of most amphorae, transporting goods in this manner must have been hard work11 as attested by a depiction of amphoreaforoi carrying the pole with both hands. The intense muscular effort of the amphoreaforoi is evident οn an amphora, where they are represented depicted carrying the pole with both hands (fig. 7).12
Fig. 8: Boeotian kantharus (Late 5th c. B. C.). Bruxelles, Musées Royaux d’art et d’histoire, Inv. no. A 1683.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. E6, pl. 42.
7Pilos, πίλος, which covered the head, was part of the clothing of potters, bronze workers and those engaged in agricultural and pastoral work.13 There are two distinctive types of pilos. The first, from treated leather, fitted snugly on the head, was worn by potters and bronze workers protecting them when working close to the furnaces (fig. 2).14 The second, a fur cap, was worn by fishermen, farm workers and herdsmen, for protection from bad weather (fig. 6).15
Fig. 9: Black-figure kyathos signed by Theozotos (550-540 B. C.). Paris, Museum of Louvre, inv. no. F 69.

After Malagardis 1988, p. 107, pl. 1a.
8Besides the pilos, the clothing of farm workers and herdsmen varied according to the type of manual work in which they were engaged, and the prevailing weather conditions. The presence of a series of pasturage scenes in 6th and 5th century B. C. iconography underscores the contribution of stock breeding to the economic selfsufficiency of Athenian society, since animal husbandry and agriculture were the two main productive forces of Athenian economy.16
9The earliest scenes with goatherds in vase-painting date from the middle of the 6th century B. C. In these, herdsmen are shown, in their typical clothing, guiding their flocks, in some cases with the help of whips and dogs (fig. 9).17 The presence of herdsmen in these scenes calls to mind the poor class of Diakrioi, which lived in the hills being deprived of their land and pastures.18 The spears that the goatherds bear in two scenes were intended to deter wild animals and predatory attacks.19 Moreover, if we take into account Aristotle’s mention of military trained pastoral people who were capable of guarding the borders, then it is possible that spears served war purposes as well.20 As the vase paintings show, a cattle breeding was also widespread in Attica.21
10The above herdsmen are shown wearing humble clothes, such as a chiton or difthera. The latter is described in the Lexicon of Suda as the ποιμενικὸν περιβόλαιον ἐκ δερμάτων,22 that is “pastoral clothing made of leather pieces”. This type of furry pelt was appropriate for their harsh living conditions.
11Pasturage scenes became more popular in vase-painting during the 5th century B. C., a development possibly associated with the rise of the bucolic poetry.23 On a red-figure cup by the Panaitios Painter (490-480 B. C.), a young bare-foot herdsman, wearing a striped pilos on his head and a furry pelt (difthera) tightened with a knot on his right shoulder, guides with a goad his shorn lambs to the pasture or to the sheepcote.24 Another young cowherd in similar clothing is depicted on a redfigure cup (470-460 B. C.) by the Brygos Painter, in the form of a cow’s hoof, the distinctive shape of which obviously refers to the depicted iconographic theme.25 Scenes of cattle breeding occur also in the Attic vase painting of the 5th century B. C. On one side of a red-figure cup in Bologna by the Dokimasia Painter a man, wearing a himation around his waist, drives two mules, while on the other two bulls and a cow walk to the right (fig. 10)26.
Fig. 10: Red-figure cup by the Dokimasia Painter (500-480 B. C.). Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico.

12Two scenes of swineherds are rendered with intense realism: according to one version, they refer to the return of Ulysses to Ithaca and his meeting with the loyal swineherd Eumaios (fig. 11).27 In the latter, represented on a red-figure chous, an old swineherd, surrounded by pigs, walks slightly bowed to the right. He is wearing a pilos on his head and a short chitoniskos covered by a hanging difthera.28
13Men involved in agricultural activities rarely appear dressed, in contrast with herdsmen. The black-figure amphora by the Bucci Painter (last quarter of the 6th century B. C.) is probably unique, since it shows a farmer wearing a pilos on his head as well as a perizoma (fig. 12).29
Fig. 11. Red-figure pelike by the Pig Painter (470 B. C.). Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Inv. no. GR 9.1917.

After CVA Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum 1 (GB 6).
Fig. 12: Black-figure amphora by the Bucci Painter (last quarter of the 6th c. B. C.). New York, Private Collection.

After Bothmer 1990, p. 139-140, no. 106.
Fig. 13. Black-figure amphora by the Antimenes Painter (500 B. C.) London, British Museum, Inv. no. Β 226

© Trustees of the British Museum.
14On a black-figure amphora by the Antimenes Painter (500 B. C.), the workers gathering olives with sticks (raktries) wear the same clothing, pilos and perizoma (Fig. 13).30 The perizoma was also common among those involved in the transportation of goods.31 Nevertheless, on another amphora in Berlin with a scene of olive gathering, workers wear raw animal skins tied with a knot to their neck and underbelly in order to cover their back.32
15Written sources attest the existence of another distinctive type of clothing, the katonaki, which was worn mainly by peasants. The Lexicon of Suda gives the following description of the katonaki: ἱμάτιον ἐστιν ἐκ τῶν κάτω μερῶν νάκος, τουτέστι διφθέραν περιερραμμένον, that is an outer garment with leather pieces attached to its hem. The same source informs us that in Athens the tyrants imposed the wearing of katonaki to peasants, in order to discredit them, since this garment reached their knees, thus deterring them from visiting the city. However, this description does not correspond to any item of clothing worn by peasants in Attic vase painting.
16From the aforementioned realistic scenes of craftsmen, farm workers and herdsmen, it becomes clear that clothing was an important, but not a unique, criterion for the recognition of their social status. However, according to Pseudo-Xenophon in the Constitution of the Athenians (1.10-12), there were no differentiations, as far as clothing was concerned, between citizens, slaves and metics, since the external appearance of a citizen was not better than that of a slave. Such a statement, despite its excess, reflects to a certain point the actual conditions of the era.33 Therefore, the heavy cloak and the pilos of a peasant on a red-figure amphora by the circle of the Pan Painter (470 B. C.) do not reveal whether the person wearing them is a slave or a citizen.34 The same issue is raised in the case of a farmer or a peasant who wears a himation around the lower part of his body.35
17Occasionally manual workers in Attic vase painting are naked but this could not have been a common practice in every-day life. Metal workers and potters, who worked close to a furnace, would probably wear light clothing because of high temperatures.36 Nevertheless, the nudity of young craftsmen could be interpreted differently, since in these specific cases their representation is idealised (fig. 3).37
18Moreover, Hesiod’s inducement in Works and Days “sow naked, and plow naked, and harvest naked”, corresponds to the scene of naked ploughmen, who are depicted as guiding a plough drawn by a pair of oxen (fig. 14).38 According to an interpretation, Hesiod’s lines do not describe a state of complete nudity, since they refer to the wearing of a chiton without the himation.39
19Workers engaged in agricultural activities, such as vintage and treading the grapes, are shown also naked in Attic vase-painting from the mid-6th century B. C.40 Given the fact that Dionysus was regarded as the god of wine, Athenian vasepainters used to decorate vases with scenes depicting Satyrs and Silenus involved in viticulture and treading the grapes.41 Workers in an olive oil press are also shown naked on a black-figure skyphos in Boston.42
20Apart from nudity, particular facial and bodily traits of craftsmen in vase-painting have been also interpreted as banausic characteristics, indicating participation in heavy manual labour.43 The distinctive facial features of a bronze-worker of the red-figure cup by the Foundry Painter (490-480 B. C.) confirm such an association (fig. 15).44 Moreover, on a red-figure chous in Hamburg, a donkey-man carrying a corn pounder is depicted having long, lanky hair and a pointed beard, features recalling the satyrs (fig. 16).45 He also wears a himation tied around his waist, a common motif in scenes of workmen or satyrs represented as labourers or servants.
Fig. 14. Black-figure Little Master Band cup (3rd quarter of the 6th cent. B. C.). Paris, Museum of Louvre, Inv. no. F77.

After CVA Musée du Louvre 9 (Fr. 14).
Fig. 15: Red-figure cup by the Foundry Painter (480 B. C.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. 2294.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. X12, pl. 27.
Fig. 16: Red-figure chous (460 B. C.). Hamburg, Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe, Inv. no. 1962.124.

After Hoffmann 1983, p. 68, fig. 9.
21Baldness, apart from being an obvious indication of old age, when depicted in combination with other distinguishing features, is also an indication of coarseness.46 In such a context the baldness of a manual worker on the red-figure pelike by the Hasselmann Painter is coupled with a flabby physique and distinctive features, such as a long nose, a sunken jaw and swollen lips (fig. 17).47 The same occurs on the lekythos by the Providence Painter, which depicts a bald bronze worker with round eyes and a snub nose (fig. 18).48
22Apart from the aforementioned lack of athletic physique of certain craftsmen,49 the highly developed physique was also used as a distinctly banausic characteristic. As an instance we refer to the porter depicted on a black-figure hydria by the Leagros Group (520-510 B. C.) in Munich, whose physique indicates his barbarian origin as well as his status as a laborer (fig. 19).50 Metalworkers involved in the forging of metals, a muscle-demanding task, are depicted in a similar physical status (fig. 20).51It is interesting to notice that depictions of manual laborers with developed physical appearance are mainly restricted in the black-figured scenes of the later 6th century B. C, before the first appearance of idealistic craftsmen representations.52
Fig. 17: Red-figure pelike in the manner of the Hasselmann Painter (440-430 B. C.). Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 13.100.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. C6, pl.34.
Fig. 18: Red-figure lekythos (470-460 B. C.). Providence, Museum of the Rhode Island School of Design, Inv. no. 25109.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. X13, pl. 28.
Fig. 19: Black-figure hydria by the Leagros Group (520-510 B. C.). Munich, Museum Antiker Kleinkunst, Inv. no. 1717.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. K39, pl.10.
Fig. 20: Black-figure amphora (515-510 B. C.). Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 01.8035.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. X2, pl. 22.
Fig. 21: Black-figure cup in the manner of Centaurs Painter (540-530 B. C.). Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum, Inv. no. 67/90.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. K37, pl. 9.
23The fact that manual laborers were depicted at work was decisive in the recognition of their professional status. Laborers appeared in realistic fashion taking various stances, according to their respective chores. More particularly, potters are shown sitting down in front of their wheel, while only in few cases do they appear standing while performing a manual task. Such is the case of a strong potter in the black-figure cup of Karlsruhe (540-530 B. C.), who is depicted striding while forming a vase (fig. 21).53
24Moreover, on a calyx-krater from Caltagirone (440 B. C.), the potter stands with both legs bent at the knee, his leftarm laid along his thigh, inactive, and his right hand inside the vase (fig. 22).54 According to Gisela Richter the pose of the potter seems to suggest that “…either he is finishing the vase on the inside of the rim by using a scraper or a sponge to obtain the final surface, or he is centering it, testing by eye and hand how true it is running by letting the vase spin against his hand”.55
25Some craftsmen and their assistants are also depicted in a squatting position, sitting either on the ground or on low seats (fig. 21).56 One could assume, that such a frontal squatting pose shows their stance, while they were working. However, this pose combined with their uncovered genitals, assigns a grotesque quality to the figures.57
Fig. 22: Red-figure calyx-krater (440 B. C.). Caltagirone, Museo Regionale della Ceramica, Inv. no. 961.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. K49, pl. 18.
26As we already mentioned, the deformed facial and bodily features in the depiction of the manual workers have been interpreted as anaemic characteristics and have been associated with their low social status and their marginalization in Athenian society.58 The possibility that the vase painters chose to use these distinctive traits in order not only to stress their social status, but also to enrich the scenes with liveliness and realism cannot be excluded. It is also plausible that the vase painters felt more freedom in the illustration of the workshops and their colleagues, than in drawing other religious or mythological figures.
27However, the vase-painters treated their colleagues and especially themselves in a favorable way, since in certain cases they used distinctive iconographic motifs, bearing positive connotations. An indicative, although rare, proof of this is the depiction of wreathed craftsmen (fig. 3), a pictorial characteristic not seen in scenes of farmers or herdsmen.59 One can hardly doubt the existence of a symbolic significance in the aforementioned scenes of wreathing which is similar to victorious scenes.60
28The urge of craftsmen to display their craftand their artistic virtues, while declaring the assistance of patron gods, is expressed by the active presence of the latter in scenes of workshops.61 In the craftsmen’s efforts to secure recognition and respect for their role in society, they enlisted the help of their patron goddesses, whom they depicted as being present in the workshops (fig. 22), not merely as bystanders, but as participants in the manufacturing process (fig. 23).62
29As regards the social status of the artisans depicted, study of the vase paintings and reference to the literary sources suggest that there was some discrimination between the various categories of craftsmen and land workers depending on the product. The rare depictions of shoemakers and carpenters and the more frequent depictions of potters, metalworkers and sculptors, who were associated with the creation of “artifacts”, namely painted vases and statues, have been seen as evidence of the distinction between “higher” and “lower” arts.63
Fig. 23: Red-figure oinochoe by the Group Berlin 2415 (470-460 B. C.). Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. F 2415.

After Chatzidimitriou 2005a, no. C4, pl. 33.
30The dominant view on the social position of manual workers probably reflects the following passage of Herodotus:64
…σχεδὸν πάντας τοὺς βαρβάρους ἀποτιμοτέρους τῶν ἄλλων ἡγημένους πολιητέων τοὺς τὰς τέχνας μανθάνοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐκγόνους τούτων, τοὺς δὲ ἀπαλλαγμένους τῶν χειρωναξιέων γενναίους. νομιζομένους εἶναι… μεμαθήκασι δ’ὦν τοῦτο πάντες οἱ Ἕλληνες καὶ μάλιστα Λακεδαιμόνιοι…
Ιn all foreign countries those who learn trades and their descendants are held in less esteem than the rest of people, and those who have nothing to do with artisan’s work. Thus much is certain, that this opinion is held by all Greeks and chiefly by the Lacedaeomonians…65
31Nevertheless, the positive evaluation of agricultural labor as opposed to manual labor in the written sources is remarkable. Noteworthy is the reference by Aristotle in Politics:66
Bέλιστoς γἀρ δῆμoς ὁ γεωργικòς ἐσιν, ὥστε καὶ πoιεῖv ἐvδέχται δημοκρατίαν ὅπου ζῇ τό πλῆθος ἀπὸ γεωργίας ἤ νομῆς.
The best common people are the agricultural population, so that it is possible to introduce democracy as well as other forms of constitution where the multitude lives by agriculture or by pasturing cattle.67
32Xenophon68 also, through Socrates, praises husbandry as the mother and nurse of the other arts:
…τὴν γεωργίαν τῶν ἄλλων τεχνῶν μητέρα καὶ τροφὸν εἶναι. Εὖ μὲν γὰρ φερομένης τῆς γεωργίας ἔρρωνται καὶ αἱ ἄλλαι τέχναι ἅπασαι, ὅπου δ’ἄν ἀναγκασθῇ ἡ γῆ χερσεύειν, ἀποσβέννυνται καὶ αἱ ἄλλαι τέχναι σχεδόν τι καὶ κατὰ γῆν καὶ κατὰ θάλατταν.
For when husbandry flourishes, all the other arts are in good fettle ; but whenever the land is compelled to lay waste, the other arts of landsmen and mariners alike well-nigh perish.69
33However, when Xenophon70comes to manual labor his point of view is different:
Καταλυμαίνονται γὰρ τὰ σώματα τῶν τε ἐργαζομένων καὶ τῶν ἐπιμελομένων, ἀναγκάζουσαι καθῆσθαι καὶ σκιατραφεῖσθαι, ἔνιαι δὲ καὶ πρὸς πῦρ ἡμερεύειν. Τῶν δὲ σωμάτων θηλυνομένων καὶ αἱ ψυχαὶ πολὺ ἀρρωστότεροι γίγνονται.
For the (banausic arts) spoil the bodies of the workmen and the foremen, forcing them to sit still and live indoors, and in some cases to spend the day at the fire. The softening of the body involves a serious weakening of the mind.71
34Xenophon’s description is also reflected on some of the depictions of craftsmen previously mentioned (fig. 16-18).
35Nevertheless, the esteem in which agricultural activities were held by the Athenian society as described by ancient authors is not reflected in the Athenian vase-painting. The few agricultural scenes mainly date from the second half of the 6th century B. C., an era when favorable measures were taken by Peisistratos for the revitalization of agriculture.72 In these scenes emphasis is given to the collective process of sowing and ploughing and not to the farmers involved (fig. 12, 14). In the 6th and 5th century B. C. depictions of pasturage, emphasis is given to the herdsmen and their flock (fig. 9-10), while there are so far no known depictions of the production and processing of the products of animal husbandry (trimming of sheep, milking, production of cheese).73
36The preponderance of pastoral over agricultural scenes in the Attic vase-painting could be associated with the dominance of animal husbandry over farming in Attica and with the use of the animals for sacrifices.74 A reference of Thucydides75 is indicative, as he describes Attica as λεπτόγεως, a land not fertile for farming. On the contrary, the earth was suitable for animal breeding and this explains the expansion of animal husbandry.76 Moreover, according to Xenophon:77
καὶ γὰρ ἡ προβατευτικὴ τέχνη συνῆπται τῇ γεωργία, ὥστε ἔχειν καὶ θεοῖς ἐξαρέσκεσθαι θύοντας καὶ αὐτοὺς χρῆσθαι.
the art of breeding stock is closely linked with husbandry ; so that men have victims for propitiating the gods with sacrifice and cattle for their own use.78
37The representations of craftsmen and other manual workers lead to the conclusion that the vase-painters’intention was to re-create for potential customers the artists’own working environment and to emphasize their contribution to the manufacturing process. It is most interesting to note that the artists generally chose to render in their paintings not the entire spectrum of crafts or other outdoor activities but only certain typical aspects of those activities connected with the main productive sectors of the Athenian economy and export trade. Scenes of pottery and bronze workshops, in which vases and helmets are delineated as trade products, are noteworthy (fig. 1,5, 19, 22).
38A brief representation of the world of labor in antiquity through the eyes of the vase painters, as well as an inquiry into the pictorial material and the deciphering of iconographic conventions were the main goals of this paper. The multitude of interpretative keys that can be gained from iconographical studies remains impressive and opens a new field for further academic contributions.
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Notes de bas de page
1 I thank the British Museum and the Museo Civico Archeologico di Bologna (Dott. Laura Minarini) for providing me with photos. The translation was accomplished by Dr. Kostis Karpozelos, whom I warmly thank. Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 31-130.
2 For reforms by Peisistratos see Andrewes 1982; Mossé 1969, p. 49-78. For reforms by Kleisthenes see Ostwald 1988; Ducat 1992, p. 37-51; Whitehead 1986, p. 16-38.
3 Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 197-202.
4 Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 133-135.
5 Greek Anthology ΧΙ 42.
6 See Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 135; Chatzidimitriou 2005b, p. 132-133.
7 For instance see a red-figure pelike by the Pan Painter (480-470 B. C.) in Wien, Kunsthistorisches Museum, Inv. no. 3727: ARV2 555, 88; CVAWien 2, ΙΙΙ Ι, pl. 76, 1-3 [F. Eichler]; Gschwantler, Oberleitner 1974, p. 73, no. 231, pl. 36; Himmelmann 1980, p. 66-67; Malagardis 1988, p. 114, fig. 5b; Sparkes 1995, p. 152-153, fig. 11.3-4; Reinholdt 1994, p. 169-170, fig. 9a-b.
8 See: a) A black-figure amphora (Type Β) by the Hypobibazon Class (510 B. C.) in Berlin, Antikenmuseum, Inv. no. 4860: Para. 150, 4; Boardman 1980, p. 132, fig. 216; Malagardis 1988, p. 114, note 88, fig. 6; Sparkes 1995, p. 154-156, fig. 11.5, 11.6; Chatzidimitriou 2010, p. 38, figs. 12-13. b) A black-figure amphora (Type Β) by the Hypobibazon Class (510 B. C.), in Richmond, Virginia Museum, Inv. no. 62.1.5: Para. 150, 3; Boardman 1980, p. 132, fig. 215; Kunstwerke der Antike (Basel, 13. Mai 1961), MuMBasel, Auktion 22 (1962), p. 143, pl. 46; Scheibler 1987, p. 66.
9 See: a) A red-figure bell krater by the Pan Painter (see above footnote 7). b) A boeotian kantharus (5th c. B. C.) in Bruxelles, Musées Royaux d’art et d’histoire, Inv. no. Α 1683: CVABruxelles 3, ΙΙΙ G, pl. 5, 2a, b [F. Mayence, V. Verhoogen]; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, 219, no. E6, pl. 2.
10 Koehler 1986, p. 49-67; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 104-106.
11 For example, it has been claimed that a third-century B. C. Rhodian amphora weighed more than thirty-five kilograms when filled with wine. See Koehler 1986, p. 56. According to Senff 1990, p. 454-457 a regular-sized loaded amphora weighted 30 to 40 kilos, while bigger ones could even weight 90 kilos.
12 Lexicon of Suda, s. v. “ἀμφορεαφόρους”: τοὺς μισθίους τοὺς τὰ κεράμια φέροντας, καὶ ἀμφορεαφόρος, ὁ κεράμια μισθοῦ φέρων. Even though lexicographers do not specify if the keramia refer to empty or filled pots, the latter seems more plausible. See Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 105, 218, no. E3.
13 DA IV (1905), s. v. “Πίλος”, p. 479a-481b (P. Paris); R. Kreis von Schwaewen, RE XX 2 (1950), s. v. “Pilos”, p. 1330b-1333a; Ziomecki 1975, p. 72; Pipili 2000, p. 153-179; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 133-134; Chatzidimitriou 2005b, p. 134. For the multiple use of pilos, see Berger 1970, p. 92-97.
14 Pipili 2000, p. 155-162.
15 Pipili 2000, p. 163-178, figs. 6.6, 6.7, 6.8, 6.10.
16 For the agriculture and the country life in classical Attica see Jameson 1992, p. 142-146; Lohmann 1992, p. 29-57. For the animal husbandry see Hodkinson 1988, p. 35-74; Isager, Skydsgaard 1992, p. 83-107.
17 See a) A black-figure boeotian oinochoe (2nd quarter of the 6th c. B. C.), with the potter’s signature of Gamedes (From the Nekropole of Tanagra) in Paris, Museum of Louvre, Inv. no. ΜΝΒ 501: CVALouvre, 17 (France 26), p. 31, pl. 28.1-5 [A. Waiblinger]; Raubitschek 1966, p. 155, no. 1, pl. 44a, c; Himmelmann 1980, p. 55, pl. 2-3; Reinholdt 1994, p. 173-175, fig. 15; Kilinski 1990, p. 19, 42, pl. 15, 3-4. b) A black-figure kyathos signed by Theozotos (550-540 B. C.) in Paris, Museum of Louvre, inv. no. F 69: ABV 349; Malagardis 1988, p. 107, pl. 1a; Eisman 1971, p. 826-827, no. 439; Reinholdt 1994, p. 175, fig. 16a-b; Himmelmann 1980, p. 55, pl. 4-5; Tosto 1999, p. 98-100, Suppl. I11, pl. 153.
18 French 1959, p. 46-57.
19 See above footnote 17.
20 Aristotles, Politics VII 1319a 25-30.
21 For instance see: a) A black-figure kyathos (530 B. C.) with the signature of Nikosthenes, in Bryn Mawr, College, Inv. no. P-88, shows a cowherd, wearing a pointed cap and a mantle, to drive a bull: ABV 223, 62; Eisman 1971, p. 59-62, no. 1, pl. 1-3, fig. 5; Tosto 1999, p. 95-97, p. 226, no. 130, pl. 131. b) The fragments of a black-figure kyathos (530 B. C.) with the signature of Nikosthenes in Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 03.853, show a large bull about to drink from a trough: ABV 223, 61; Eisman 1971, p. 62-64, no. 2; Tosto 1999, p. 95-97, 225-226, no. 129, pl. 131. c) Two fragments of a band cup by the BMN Painter (540 B. C.) in Villa Giulia, Inv. no. 79991, show, on both sides, two bulls attacking each other flanked by two men: Hannestad 1989, vol. 1, p. 9, 72, no. 70.
22 Aristophanes, Nubes 70-72; See Liddell-Scott, s. v. “διφθέρα”. For the origin of the hide and its use as dress see Elsaadani 1988, p. 77-81; Riis 1993, p. 154-160.
23 With the bucolic Idylls of Theocritus (V 147-150) have been associated scenes on a boeotian black-figure cup in Athens, Canellopoulos Museum, Inv. no. 310. On both sides of this cup, a flock of goats and cattle with two herdsmen, are depicted in grotesque style. For the cup see Maffre 1975, p. 496-499, no. 23, fig. 42, a-c and 43, a-b.
24 Hamburg, Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe, Inv. no. 263: Hornbostel 1977, p. 307, no. 263; Malagardis 1988, p. 107, pl. 1b. The depiction of herdsmen does not differentiate in the mythological cycle. A typical example of this is a red-figure bell-krater by the Pan Painter in Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 10.185. This vase shows Pan pursuing a young herdsman who, besides holding a whip, wears a chiton, a goatskin difthera, stockings and a sheepskin cap on his head. See Beazley 1974, p. 1-2, pl. 2, 4.
25 New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art, Fletcher Fund 1938, Inv. no. 38.11.2: Richter 1953, p. 88, pl. 69i; Himmelmann 1980, p. 53-54, pl. 12-13; Reinholdt 1994, p. 175, fig. 18a-c.
26 Bologna, Museo Civico Archeologico, Inv. no. C. 175: ARV2 412.9; CVA Bologna, Museo Civico di Bologna 1 (I 5), III Ic, pl. 7 [L. Laurinsich].
27 a) A red-figure pelike by the Pig Painter (470 B. C.) in Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum, Inv. no. GR 9.1917: CVA Cambridge, Fitzwilliam Museum 1 (GB 6), III I, pl. 33.2, 34.4 [W. Lamb]; Reinholdt 1994, p. 165, fig. 2; For the homeric episode of Eumaios, see Himmelmann 1980, p. 45-51, 69-70. b) A red-figure chous by the Circle of Meidias or by the Eretria Painter (420 B. C.) in Tübingen, Antikensammlung des Archäologischen Instituts, Inv. no. S./10 1605: CVATübingen 4 (D 52), p. 83, pl. 36 [E. Böhr]; Green 1971, p. 202, fig. 7.8; p. 204, note 19; Reinholdt 1994, p. 166-167, fig. 5a-c.
28 See above footnote 27.
29 Bothmer 1990, p. 139-140, no. 106. For the perizoma and its origin see Kossatz-Deissmann 1982, p. 65-90.
30 London, British Museum, Inv. no. Β 226: See Malagardis 1988, p. 123, fig. 10b; Chatzidimitriou 2008, 241. Ράκτριαι: Pollux, Onomastikon VII 146, X 130: τάς ράβδους αἷς καταράσσουσι τόν καρπόν. For scenes of collecting olives see Malagardis 1988, p. 123-125, fig. 10b-c.
31 One of the earliest illustrations of perizoma occurs on the laconian cup by the Arkesilas Painter (565-560 B. C.): Tiverios 1996, p. 276-277, no. 66; Tiverios 2000, p. 19-26; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 224-225, no. Ε37, pl. 57. On possible Egyptian influences in the perizoma origins see Kossatz-Deissmann 1982, p. 68, note 13. The same clothing is depicted on a black-figure amphora by the Berlin Painter 1686 (550-540 B. C.) in Altenburg, Staatliches Lindenau-Museum, Inv. no. 189: Para. 17, 129; Bielefeld 1957, p. 31, pl. 4, 5; CVAAltenburg 1 (D 17), pl. 15-16 [E. Bielefeld]; Scheibler 1987, p. 63-65, fig. 2; Paul 1992, no. 2.
32 Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. 1855: Malagardis 1988, p. 123, fig. 10c. For the use of the hide, see above footnote 22.
33 For commentary on this passage see Austin, Vidal-Naquet 1998, p. 379-380, note 74; Garlan 1988, p. 183-184; Lewis 1998-1999, p. 78-90; Lévy 1974, p. 38-46, who refers to slaves’ clothing as described in Aristophanes’ texts.
34 Kunstwerke der Antike (Basel, 5. Oktober 1963), MuMBasel, Auktion 26 (1963), p. 72, no. 135.
35 Athens, Museum of Kerameikos, Inv. no. 6513.5679: Knigge 2005, p. 136, no. 203, pl. 70-71.
36 In the view of Cuomo di Caprio 1984, p. 82, “the nudity of potters working next to furnaces may be due to the sense of relaxation brought on by high temperatures or to the mild climate of Greece and to the fact that pots were fired during the summer, which is the best time for drying them”.
37 Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 139-140; Chatzidimitriou 2005b, p. 134.
38 Hesiod, Works and Days 391-392: “γυμνὸν σπείρειν, γυμνὸν δὲ βοωτεῖν, γυμνὸν δ’ ἀμάειν,…”. For instance see: a) A black-figure Little Master Band cup (3rd quarter of the 6th c. B. C.) in Paris, Museum of Louvre, Inv. no. F77: Beazley Archive, no. 164; CVA Musée du Louvre 9 (Fr. 14), III. He, pl. 82.4.6-10; Malagardis 1988, p. 116-117, fig. 7. b) A black-figure cup by the Painter of the Burgon Sianas (560-550 B. C.) in London, British Museum, Inv. no. GR 1906.12-15.1: Μalagardis 1988, p. 116-117, fig. 8a; Brijder 1983, p. 207-208, no. 290, fig. 75-78, pl. 58ab, 91. c) A black-figure cup by the Painter N. (530 B. C.) in Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. F 1806: Malagardis 1988, p. 116-117, fig. 8b; Tosto 1999, p. 135-137, 228, no. 144, pl. 137.
39 Himmelmann 1994, p. 38-39.
40 For instance see: a) A black-figure amphora by the Amasis Painter (last quarter of the 6th century B. C.) in Paris, Museum of Louvre, Inv. no. ΑΜ 1008, on which four naked boys and two naked men are depicted gathering grapes in baskets: CVALouvre 4 (F 5), III He, pl. 29,3 and 30,3 [E. Pottier]; Malagardis 1988, p. 126, fig. 11d. b) A red-figure krater by the Orchard Painter (460 B. C.) in Ferrara, Museo Nazionale, Inv. no. T 254, on which naked youngsters and men are depicted treading grapes in a wine-press: ARV2 p. 524, 26; Para. 383, 26; Malagardis 1988, p. 126, fig. 12b.
41 Sparkes 1976, p. 47-64; Xagorari 1992, p. 97-102.
42 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 99.525: Malagardis 1988, p. 125, fig. 10d.
43 Himmelmann 1971, p. 36-38; Himmelmann 1980, p. 58-63; Himmelmann 1994, p. 7-14, 23-29; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 137-139.
44 Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. 2294: ARV2 400, 1; Hauser 1932, p. 84; CVABerlin 2 (D 21), pl. 72-73 [A. Greifenhagen]; Mattusch 1980, p. 436, note 13; Ziomecki 1975, p. 148-149, no. 8; Seki 1985, p. 69; Heilmeyer 1993, p. 19-26; Mattusch 1996, p. 182-184; Vidale, Prisco 1997, p. 105-136; Prisco, Vidale 1998, p. 125-131; Neils 2000, p. 75-80.
45 Hamburg, Museum für Kunst und Gewerbe, Inv. no. 1962.124: Hoffmann 1963, no. 20; Hoffmann 1983, p. 68, fig. 9; Padgett 2000, p. 59-61, fig. 2.5, who asserts that: “In so sharply caricaturing rustic labourers like the donkey-man in Hamburg, vase painters may have been attempting to mitigate in some degree their own marginalization by contributing to that of their unskilled, country cousins, many of whom were certainly slaves”.
46 For the meaning of the baldness see Meyer 1989, p. 74-75; Emery 1999, p. 18-20.
47 Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 13.100: Caskey, Beazley 1963, no. 164, pl. 96, 4-5; G. Siebert, LIMC V (1990), s. v. “Hermes”, p. 305, no. 171, pl. 215.
48 Providence, Museum of the Rhode Island School of Design, Inv. no. 25109: ARV2 676, 17; CVAProvidence: Museum of the Rhode Island School of Design 1 (USA 2), pl. 17, 1b [S. Bleecker Luce].
49 See footnotes 45 and 46.
50 Munich, Museum Antiker Kleinkunst, Inv. no. 1717; ABV 362, 36; Beazley 1989, p. 39; Ziomecki 1975, p. 155, no. 33; Philipp 1990, p. 512-513, no. 9; Vidale 1998, p. 124, fig. 4, no. 7; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 35-47, 209, no. K39, pl. 10.
51 See: a) A black-figure amphora (515-510 B. C.) in Boston, Museum of Fine Arts, Inv. no. 01.8035: CVABoston 1 (USA 14), pl. 37 [H. Hoffmann]; Ziomecki 1975, p. 150, no. 12Β; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 55-56, 212, no. X2, pl. 22 (fig. 20). b) A black-figure lekythos (510 B. C.) in Würzburg, Martin-von-Wagner-Museum, Inv. no. 98.510: Mythen und Menschen 1997, p. 62-63, no. 17; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 56, 212-213, no. X4, pl. 23. c) A blackfigure oinochoe of the Keyside Class (510-500 B. C.) in London, British Museum, Inv. no. 507: ABV 426, 9; Boardman 1980, fig. 285; Ziomecki 1975, p. 154, no. 29; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 56, 212, no. X3, pl. 22.
52 Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 199-200.
53 Karlsruhe, Badisches Landesmuseum, Inv. no. 67/90: CVAKarlsruhe 3 (D 60), p. 53, pl. 24 [C. Weiss]; Ziomecki 1975, p. 152, no. 24; Kaeser 1990, p. 58-59; Philipp 1990, p. 513, no. 10; Vidale 1998, p. 124, figs. 4-5, no. 6; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 35-36, 209, no. K37, pl. 9.
54 Caltagirone, Museo Regionale della Ceramica, Inv. no. 961: Beazley 1989, p. 45; Ziomecki 1975, p. 151, no. 19; Vidale 1998, p. 125, fig. 4, no. 12; Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 36, note 39, p. 211, no. K49, pl. 18.
55 Beazley 1989, p. 16.
56 a) A black-figure cup in Karlsruhe (see above footnote 53 - fig. 21). b) A fragment of the blackfigure vase in the manner of Exekias (540-530 B. C.) in Athens, National Archaeological Museum, Inv. no. 853: Graef, Langlotz 1925, p. 103, no. 853, pl. 56; Ziomecki 1975, p. 147, no. 4; Beazley 1989, p. 39. c) A red-figure cup by the Foundry Painter in Berlin (see above footnote 44). For figures in a frontal squatting pose, see Himmelmann 1971, p. 36-38; Himmelmann 1980, p. 60-63; Himmelmann 1994, p. 7-8.
57 Moreover, similar poses appear in rural representations, as in a scene of honey stealing on a black-figure amphora by Berlin Painter 1686 or by Princeton Painter (540-520 B. C.) in London, British Museum, Inv. no. Β177: Malagardis 1988, p. 130-131, fig. 13c; Böhr 1982, p. 46, pl. 199b.
58 According to Padgett 2000, p. 61, the vase painters, who belonged to the scorned class of artisans, have been attempting to mitigate their own marginalization through the depiction of their unskilled colleagues, many of whom were slaves.
59 Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 133.
60 On the wreath’s symbolisms and interpretations see Kefalidou 1996, p. 72-73.
61 Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 164-169. According to one version “craftsmen were responsible not only for the proliferation of scenes of manufacture but for the mythological traditions that inserted legendary craftsmen into Attic genealogy” see Morris 1992, p. 361.
62 See a red-figure oinochoe by the Group Berlin 2415 (470-460 B. C.) in Berlin, Staatliche Museen, Inv. no. F 2415: Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 215-216, no. C4, pl. 33.
63 On the craftsmen sufficient standard of living see Philipp 1968, p. 99-100; Lauter 1974, p. 10. Moreover see Chatzidimitriou 2005a, p. 201-202.
64 Herodotus, II 167.
65 Translation by A. D. Godley (ed. Loeb).
66 Aristotle, Politics 1318b, 2.10-14.
67 Translation by H. Rackham (ed. Loeb).
68 Xenophon, Oeconomicus V 17.
69 Translation by E. C. Marchant (ed. Loeb).
70 Xenophon, Oeconomicus IV 2.
71 Translation by E. C. Marchant (ed. Loeb).
72 See above footnotes 2, 38. There is only one known plough scene on a late red-figure bell-krater of 430 B. C. by the Painter of the Naples Hephaistos, in Harvard Art Museum/Arthur M. Sackler Museum (Bequest of David M. Robinson), Inv. no. 1960.345. On this vase is depicted Bouzyges, the inventor of the first plough, guiding his invention, which is drawn by a pair of bulls. Τhe olive tree in front of the animals and the spike held by the feminine figure, attest the presence of Athena Polias: CVAThe Robinson Collection, Baltimore 2 (USA 6), pl. 48.2a-b [D. M. Robinson]; Robinson 1931, p. 152-160; Rühfel 2003, p. 85.
73 The reference in poetry of Alcman (2Α Page): οὐκ ἀνὴρ ἄγροικος οὐδὲ σκαιὸς… οὐδὲ ποιμήν…, “No boor... nor a keeper of sheep,…”, shows that the herdsmen were held in low esteem together with other manual workers.
74 See Jameson 1988, p. 87-107.
75 Thucydides I 2.
76 Plato, Critias 114e: Περὶ τὰ ζῶα ἱκανῶς ἥμερα καὶ ἄγρια τρέφουσα. Plutarch (Solon’s Life 23) notices that the country of Attica was better for pasturage than for tillage: βελτίονα νέμειν ἤ γεωργεῖν χώραν ἔχουσι (B. Perrin, ed. Loeb).
77 Xenophon, Oeconomicus V 3.
78 Translation by E. C. Marchant (ed. Loeb).
Auteur
-
Athina Chatzidimitriou
2nd Ephorate of the Prehistoric and Classical Antiquities, Hellenic Ministry of Culture
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