1 Obrist 20041, p. 144.
2 Wallis 2017, p. 195-224.
3 Cf. Appendix at the end of this paper, also described in the BNE’s digital catalogue: <http://bdh.bne.es/bnesearch/detalle/bdh0000054177>. Digitized in full at <http://bdh-rd.bne.es/viewer.vm?id=0000054177&page=1>. See also Gras 2021, cat. 2, p. 44-48.
4 It was under this older shelfmark that the manuscript was briefly noted by Knust 1843, p. 781 and Ewald 1881, p. 302-303.
5 E.g. Cordoliani 1955, p. 435-481. In his item-by-item survey of the manuscript, Cordoliani cites the correct folio number up to fol. 37 (p. 454); thereafter, his folio numbers are one less than the present foliation. This discrepancy is also found in Allen 2000, p. 288-319 at 294-295.
6 Cordoliani 1955, p. 486, n. 3.
7 Cambis 1770, p. 570-636. The manuscript was number 173 in his library.
8 Cambis 1770, p. 578-580.
9 Cambis 1770, p. 633.
10 Granget 1862, t. II, p. 350-351.
11 Bouland 1895, p. 161-164.
12 Chossat 1896, p. 495.
13 Cambis 1770, p. 584.
14 Mabillon 1707, lib. LV, cap. XCV, p. 321-322.
15 Cambis 1770, p. 574 and 651-652.
16 Bede 1977, c. 66, p. 468 ll. 161-175; trans. Wallis 2004, p. 163. Cf. Epistola ad Pleguinum 1980, c. 6, p. 619-620 ll. 98-110; trans. Wallis 2004, p. 408.
17 Note that Cambis’s account (Cambis 1770, p. 585) is not accurate.
18 Cambis 1770, p. 607-609.
19 Barcelona, Valencia, Cordoba but also southern France (Lyon, Arles, Anger, Tours, Chalons-sur-Saône): Cordoliani 1955, p. 453 and n. 65.
20 “1. Un traité sur le comput des Grecs et des Latins, par rapport au jour de Pâques, conformément à la définition du Concile de Nicée” [cf. Mss/9605 fol. 19r].
2. Le comput du Moine Helperic, écolâtre de Grandfel. [cf. Mss/9605 fol. 1r-10v].
3. Plusieurs écrits sur le nombre d’or, les indictions, l’embolisme, sur la manière de trouver le jour de Pâques en se servant de la période Julienne, enfin sur le comput annuel, ou supputation des temps pour tout le cours de l’année.
4. Un traité sur les présages des temps. [cf. Mss/9605 fol. 11vb].
5. La Chronique de saint Isidore de Séville. [cf. Mss/9605 fols. 116v-117v].
6. Un traité de comput attribué à Julien, évêque de Tolède. [cf. Mss/9605 fols. 53v-54r].
7. Les livres du vénérable Bède sur les douze mois, les jours de la semaine et les règles pour trouver les Calendes. [cf. Mss/9605 fols. 17ra-b(?)].
8. La Chronique de Claude, évêque de Turin, adressée au Prêtre Adon, depuis archevêque de Vienne. [cf. Mss/9605 fols. 104r-116v]; Cambis 1770, p. 576.
21 Cambis 1770, p. 581.
22 Cambis 1770, p. 652.
23 Borst 2006.
24 Cordoliani 1955, p. 447.
25 Borst 2006, t. I, p. 249-250. See also my review of Borst in Wallis 2008, p. 668-670.
26 For perceptive analysis of this manuscript as a “album” see Germann 2006, ch. 2; see also Barbara Obrist’s introduction to Abbo Floriacensis 2019, p. VIII-IX.
27 Obrist 20042, p.141-186.
28 Nothaft 2012, ch. 4, esp. p. 103-105; Verbist 2004, p. 61-93.
29 Omont 1889, p. 106-109; Jeudy and Riou 1989, p. 483-500; Borst 2006, p. 224-225; Zaluska 1991, p. 30-33.
30 British Library catalogue description at: <http://www.bl.uk/manuscripts/FullDisplay.aspx?Source=BrowseScribes&letter=A&ref=Sloane_MS_263> ; Borst 2006, p. 246-247.
31 Borst 2006, p. 272-273.
32 Borst 2006, p. 274-275.
33 Delisle 1868, p. 37; Borst 2006, p. 277-278.
34 Samaran and Marichal 1974, t. III, part. I, p. 275.
35 Wilmart 1945, p. 160-174; Borst 2006, p. 303-304.
36 Fohlen, Jeudy and Riou, 1982, p. 423-426; Borst 2006, p. 308.
37 Borst 2006, no. 17, p. 1054-1334 (Liber computi).
38 Divination played a not insignificant role in Abbo’s science albums: Juste 2004, p. 95-127. Despite Abbo’s influence on the contents of Madrid Mss/9605, there is no prognostica or divination in this manuscript, apart from the rubric of no. 4.
39 Clavis scriptorum 2010, p. 421-430. Earlier manuscript surveys are: Traube 1909-1920, t. III, p. 128-153, a revised version of an article which originally appeared in Neues Archiv, 18 (1893), p. 73-105; and McGurk 1974, p. 1-5.
40 The connection to Auxerre, coupled with the fact that the author’s name appears as “Heiricus” or “Heriricus” in some Loire valley codices, prompted Ludwig Traube to suggest that “Helperic” was actually the Carolingian scholasticus Heiric of Auxerre, a theory he later withdrew in favour of the traditional ascription: Traube 1909-1920, p. 146 and 128, note. Van de Vyver 1935, p. 149 suggested that Heiriricus, abbot of St-Mesmin de Micy (a dependency of Fleury) in the reign of Louis the Pious, may have lent his name to the Loire valley exemplars.
41 D f. 94r-107v (annus praesens 930); L f. 1r-13v (903); P2 f. 9v-38v (annus praesens is 975, but author is identified as “Helpericus”); and P3 f. 20r-31r (section of text with annus praesens missing but author named as “Helpericus”). On Helperic as a major source for Abbo, see Obrist 2019, p. xxiii-xxiv; Van de Vyver 1935, p. 146-149.
42 These two are examined in detail by Eastwood 1988, p. 265-280, with illustrations of fols. 12r-v on p. 277-278. See also Eastwood 1987, p. 141-172, esp. p. 155; Eastwood 2007, ch. 3 and p. 357-358; and Eastwood and Grasshoff 2004, p. 30-40. Abbo’s version in A fol. 38r (Abbo Floriacensis 2019, p. 59) is distinguished by the omission of vertical lines: see Obrist 2019, p. XLV-XLVI, and Eastwood 1997, p. 251.
43 These two formats are discussed and illustrated in Wallis 2015, p. 18-23.
44 Cordoliani 1955, p. 440, calls them “quelques lignes de piété”.
45 Cordoliani 1955, p. 439-440; cf. PL 90.735-736.
46 Cordoliani 1955, p. 441.
47 Bede 1977, p. 333. Ausonius’ Ecloga 16 1978, p. 108-109. On the genre of computus poetry see Strecker 2003, p. 178-179.
48 Jones 1943, p. 198-210.
49 Cordoliani 1955, p. 433. Ed. PL 94.605 and PL 129.1369; Strecker 1923, p. 682. For a list of manuscripts, see Di Pasquale 2003, p. 178-179.
50 Cordoliani 19431, p. 59.
51 Cordoliani 1955, p. 448-450, who also notes the unique character of this collection.
52 See above, notes 16-17.
53 It is thus not, as Cordoliani claims, “absolument semblable” to the Madrid Ms (Cordoliani 1955, p. 452-453).
54 L fols. 34r-38r has a very skeletal martyrology, but the tables are visually striking, with their cell walls thickened and decorated to produce the effect of a maze or an interlaced “carpet”.
55 Lapidge and Baker 2019, p. 35-36.
56 Wallis 2015, p. 23-29.
57 Hillgarth 1958, p. 7-26. See also no. 111.
58 Wallis 2017, p. 203-216, and Wallis 1995, p. 122-127.
59 The phrase in Obrist 2019, p. XLII. For her analysis of Abbo’s portfolio in A, see Obrist 20042, p. 143-173.
60 Obrist 2019, p. XLIII. Obrist sees these schemata as didactic props for the classroom, rather than meditations on the relationship of time and the universe: Obrist 20042, p. 183. I do not regard these two purposes as mutually exclusive.
61 Wallis 2017, p. 203-217.
62 Wallis 2015, p. 29. The evident difficulty of consulting a circular table did not discourage its precocious use as a format for computus data. The oldest circular computus table is the 95-year Paschal table inscribed on a marble tablet now in the cathedral of Ravenna, dating from the 6th century, and called “Ciclus Paschalis”: Obrist 20042, p. 152.
63 Wallis 2015, p. 3; Obrist 20041, p. 20-24 et p. 300-304; Obrist 1996, p. 95-164; Vossen 1950, p. 33-46.
64 Isidore de Séville 2002, p. 202 bis (illustrating ch. 7) and p. 216 bis illustrating ch. 11, where Isidore quotes Ambrose on the interweaving of the qualities “concordi societate” (p. 215, line 29).
65 Cf. A fol. 38v (Abbo Floriacensis 2019, p. 61); P3 fol. 14r; L fol. 46v. The Abbonian version of the first syzygia, unlike Isidore’s, also contains the dates for the beginnings of each season and the length of the season expressed in days.
66 Cf. A fol. 38v (Abbo Floriacensis 2019, p. 60).
67 Obrist 2019, p. XL-XLVI.
68 Jones 1943, p. 209-210.
69 Obrist 1997, p. 66-75, esp. fig. 27, showing the wind-diagram in Isidore of Seville’s De natura rerum in Laon, Bibliothèque municipale, Ms 422, fol. 6v (s. IX in.). It is worth noting that the Laon figures are divided vertically and coloured differently on each side, to suggest the shared elemental qualities of the four cardinal directions. The halos of the personifications in the Madrid manuscript are likewise divided down the middle and coloured like the adjacent triangles.
70 This is a prominent feature of the maps in manuscripts of Beatus of Liebana (9th c.), Commentary on the Apocalypse, e.g. Cathedral of Burgos de Osma, Archives, Ms Cod. 1 (1086), or the Saint-Sever manuscript, Paris, BNF, Latin 8878, fols. 45bisv-45ter (11th c.). Von den Brincken 2006, p. 355-379, esp. p. 361, fig. 4.
71 See Obrist 1997, p. 57-66, esp. figs. 16 and 17 (the latter from D fol. 74v), and Obrist 2000, p. 72-73 and figs. 1-3.
72 Eastwood and Grasshoff 2004, p. 49-55; Eastwood 2007, p. 86-88.
73 Juste 2007.
74 Bede 1977, p. 442, lines 19-28; trans. Wallis 2004, p. 136.
75 Bede 1977, p. 443 line 6, p. 444, line 18; trans. Wallis 2004, p. 137-138.
76 On the Ephemerida see above, note 52. On riddles and games in science albums, see Wallis 2012, forthcoming.
77 Obrist 20042, p. 168-172. This rota also appears L fol. 48r and P3 fol. 16r with the same text as is found in Madrid.
78 Obrist 20042, p. 181 and fig. 48. D fol. 73r contains the two smaller rotae only.
79 Allen 2000, p. 291. The letter-preface is edited by Ferrari 1973, p. 307-308. Madrid Mss/9605 is her Ms A.
80 Allen 2000, p. 295.
81 Allen 2000, p. 295-296. See catalogue description in https://manus.iccu.sbn.it//opac_SchedaScheda.php?ID=50386.
82 Allen 2000, p. 313.
83 Allen mistakenly thinks that Bede endorsed the position that the Passion occurred on 25 March (Allen 2000, p. 314, n. 130). In fact, he refutes this with heavy irony in De temporum ratione, ch. 47.
84 Nothaft 2012 and Verbist 2004.
85 The blank page on fol. 103v (no. 107) for instance, is intentional: Allen 2000, p. 295, Ferrari 1973, p. 304 and n. 2, and Cordoliani 1955, p. 436 agree that the page was left blank on purpose, so that the Chronicon could be laid out across a double-page opening, with the preface on the initial verso.
86 I signal here the important work by Worm 2010, p. 522-532; Worm 2013, p. 243-263; Worm 2014, p. 35-67.
87 On the contours of this form of early medieval erudition, see Wallis 2010, p. 113-126; Wallis 2007, p. 80-111; and Wallis 2006, p. 61-94.