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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Italian peculiarities Italian Resistance The military in Italian Resistance Different combat experiences Conclusion Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Militaires en résistances en France et en Europe

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    Table des matières

    Military in the Resistance, Resistances by the Military: the Italian case

    Nicola Labanca

    p. 167-178

    Résumé

    The article aims to identify the most important features of military participation into the Italian resistance. It highlights some Italian peculiarities, primarily related to the way Fascist Italy lost its war in the Summer 1943, and to the way in which a complex and large Resistance movement developed then.
    The article presents at least six forms of this military participation in national Resistance: 1. The immediate resistance of the military who reacted on September 8, 1943; 2. The resistance of units, officers, and soldiers who were abroad on September 8, especially in the Balkans, and who decided to fight together with Tito’s partisans; 3. The contribution of military units of the “Kingdom of the South” to combat and support activities under the authority of the Anglo-American Command; 4. The network of resistance units dropped in the north by the “Kingdom of the South”; 5. The resistance of officers and soldiers taken prisoners by the Reich who refused to rally the neo-fascist “Repubblica Sociale Italiana”; 6. Finally, and most significantly, the resistance of those tens of thousands of Italian soldiers who, within their own country, chose to join anti-fascist activists in the mountains.
    Given the plural nature of this participation, not due to a single order and not obeying a single commander, the article suggests that it should be better to speak about (plural) “Military Resistances” (insisting on the plural) than about “military Resistance” or “Military in the Resistance”.

    Texte intégral Italian peculiarities Italian Resistance The military in Italian Resistance Different combat experiences Conclusion Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1Along together with the Anglo-American Allied forces, in April 1945 the Italian Resistance movement saw its contribution to the war against Fascism and Nazism realized. After the Liberation of its country, the Italian military was well aware of the contribution of anti-fascist political parties to this victory and proclaimed that the Italian conquest of freedom and independence was the result of a common action, an international and national, civilian and military one.

    2A few years later, in the new atmosphere of the Cold War, the reality of a former unity of action between civilian and military forces was relegated to the past. Moderate conservatives preferred to consider the war of liberation from Nazi-fascism as a war of independence1. Communists and left-wing civilians strongly criticized the military and its role in the Resistance2. The military itself kept silent on the irregular warfare with which it had in fact fought and won to focus on the new, regular, Cold war and its likely conventional fight. The Italian military did not proudly acknowledge its cooperation with the Resistance before the Seventies3. At this time, Italian politics and society were radically changing, and losing touch with them would have been hazardous for the armed forces. It was also the case after the Cold War, when ideas of a primacy of the military-national-institutional Resistance upon the political-civilian-ideological Resistance movements were rising. After 1989-1991 and the fall of soviet Communism, it has been frequently said that the first to mobilize against Nazi-Fascism had been the Italian military, and not the antifascist political parties, arguing of a primacy of military Resistance4.

    3How can we explain this shift about the relative significance of each segment of the Resistance? Why was the military Resistance (in the following pages we will explain why it could be better saying ‘Resistance by the military’) first emphasized, then forgotten and celebrated again5?

    4On the side of the armed forces, these changing attitudes regarding the memory of its active participation to the Liberation Movement may be related to fundamental historical changes in the character of war. As a matter of fact, the Italian armed forces emerged from the war of Liberation well aware that associating regular and irregular warfare was the rule in the Italian campaign of 1943-1945. Nevertheless, during the Cold War, the armed forces were engaged in the preparation of a major new regular war – conventional or nuclear – between NATO and the Warsaw Pact alliance. Since the end of the Cold War, the Italian military has been committed to expeditionary daily peacekeeping, peace-enforcing, and to counter-insurgency operations. Confronted to the new challenges of modern operations, the now far away guerrilla war of 1943–1945 may still teach some valuable lessons6.

    5Otherwise, and much more simply, the reason for this fading memory of the significant role led by the military in the Resistance movement of 1943-1945 could lay in the complexity of this historical phenomenon.

    Italian peculiarities

    6When on September 8, 1943, the Italian military, representing King Victor-Emmanuel III, signed the armistice before representatives of the United Nations7, Italy had been ruled by Mussolini for twenty-one years (almost twice as long as Hitler ruled Germany). During this period, Mussolini ordered the Italian military to engage in many theaters of war, such as France (1940-1943), the Soviet Union (1941-1943), the Balkans (1941-1943), East Africa (1940-1941), North Africa and the Mediterranean sea (1940-1943), almost always with inadequate means: weapons, artillery, tanks or airplanes were never numerous enough and not as efficient as they had been promised to Italian combatants, or as they should have been in comparison with their enemies. In all these theaters, and in different ways, the Italian army was defeated, whether it was alone or with its Nazi allies8. Furthermore, in June 1943 the Italian territory (starting from the islands of Lampedusa, Pantelleria and Sicily) was invaded by the Allies. On July 25, 1943, the king had Mussolini arrested and put General Badoglio at the head of the new post-fascist government. The anti-fascist parties immediately began to reorganize9. The country rejoiced, hoping for the end of a war in which it believed less and less, and of a regime from which even economic and political elites had already started to distance themselves since 1940. When news of the armistice signed on 8 September spread throughout the country, Italians hoped for the end of a very long nightmare.

    7Meanwhile, German armed forces had already penetrated the national territory, seizing many centers of power10. The king, Badoglio and his government escaped to Southern Italy. Represented the institutional continuity of the Italian State, an antifascist ‘Kingdom of the South’ was established, cooperating with the Anglo-American armies which were trying to free the Italian Peninsula.

    8At this stage of the war, most of the Italian soldiers were stationed outside of their national territory, in France or in the Balkans for instance. About one million of them were taken prisoners by the German forces. Later, the Nazi Reich and its Italian collaborating ally, the neo-fascist ‘Italian Social Republic’ centered on Salò (Lombardy), would ask these soldiers to enlist in their own military units. From September 1943 to June 1944, the Anglo-American armies liberated a large part of southern and central Italy, up to Rome, In August, the Allied forces freed Florence. Most of the time they were helped by the first local partisan units (in Lazio, in the Marches, in the Abruzzi and in Tuscany).

    Italian Resistance

    9In this complicated context, a political Resistance movement arose against Nazi occupation and neo-fascist collaboration11.

    10In Italy, unlike in Yugoslavia, the Resistance was a movement of (great) political cooperation between monarchists and anarchists, moderate liberals and communists, socialists and Christian Democrats, and radical azionisti (from the Giuseppe Mazzini’s Action party, a liberal-republican movement during the Italian Risorgimento in 1848-1870). Of course, all these parties and political movements were fiercely competing and politically arguing with each other. However they worked together within a unique Resistance movement. The Italian Resistance, contrary to the French one at the end of the conflict, had at its head neither a single man nor a single ruling authority, but rather collective bodies formed over time (the National Liberation Committee in Rome and the Northern Italy National Liberation Committee in Milan), composed of representatives from almost all the anti-fascist clandestine political parties. Meanwhile, partisan fighting units supported by these political parties were formed in the occupied territories, first from the bottom up, and only later with a top-down organization. They were sometimes aided by the Supreme Command of the ‘Kingdom of the South,’ but most of the support came from their new Anglo-American Allies12. The armed movement of the Italian Resistance was created and organized in this complex context.

    11It is difficult to give precise figures regarding the size of the Italian Resistance movements all over Europe, but about 241,000 Italian partisans (combatants) and at least 60,000 patriots (civilians) fought inside their own country. In other words, one man out of fifteen between twenty and forty years old was a Resistance fighter in Italy, which is a relatively significant number. Even more numerous, though much more difficult to count, were the civilians who directly or indirectly supported the partisan war. At the end of the war, about one million Italians applied for recognition as Resistance combatants or patriots: only a third of these applications was accepted – many were not solid, some others were rejected because of the Cold Wars’ atmosphere.

    The military in Italian Resistance

    12However, the role of the armed forces in the Italian Resistance did not end there. The work of the Italian Resistance amounted to more than the partisan war in the mountains and in the towns of occupied Italy. Believing the Italian Resistance to be limited to the partisan war would mean having poorly understood the unique features of the Italian case.

    13Like all over Europe, in Italy the anti-Nazi-Fascist Resistance was, first and foremost, a political and civilian movement, involving anti-fascist clandestine political parties and organizations13. Beyond it, a larger civil Resistance involving ordinary men and women was acting against the Nazi occupation and its local Fascist supporters. In other words, the Italian Resistance was a multilayered movement, far beyond the partisan warfare14. Several, different forms of military action in the field of Resistance could be outlined: 1. immediate resistance by military on September 8, 1943 (with fighting by individual soldiers, as regular military units, or together with armed civilians)15; 2. resistance of units, officers, and soldiers who – being abroad on September 8, 1943 – decided to fight together with Tito’s partisans16; 3. fighting17 or support activities18 by military units of the Kingdom of the South, operating in Italy under the orders of the Anglo-American Command19; 4. resistance by units parachuted in the north by the Kingdom of the South20; 5. resistance by officers and soldiers taken prisoners by the Reich21; 6. And, in the end, most significantly, the resistance of those tens of thousands of Italian soldiers who, inside their country, chose to go to the mountains with anti-fascist activists22.

    14Even from such a short and schematic list, we can see the many faces of the Italian Resistance as well as the various and complicated roles the military played in it.

    15As outlined above, partisan war was not at all the only contribution of the armed forces to the Antifascist Resistance in Italy. There were military contributions to the Resistance outside the homeland as well, and resistance taking place in very different geographical contexts: the Ionian Islands, the Balkans, and even the prison camps. Not all of these resistances were armed, and many if not all were neither organized nor directed by the head of the military hierarchy (the Supreme Command and its General Staff, from the Kingdom of the South) or by a government in exile, such as in Belgium or in Norway23. Rather, they were largely spontaneous and local. It could even be said that in the Italian Resistance, be it military or not, top-down actions seemed less important than bottom-up and individual actions.

    16This plurality of levels is not unique among European resistance movements, but the contemporary co-presence of so many different forms and levels seems absolutely peculiar for the Italian case. It was due to this peculiarity, and to the major contribution of the military (regardless of whether these contributions came from hierarchical orders or free individual beliefs), that the Italian Resistance could be counted as the third largest resistance movement in Europe, after the Russian and the Yugoslavian ones24.

    17It was also due to this peculiarity that the Italian Resistance was not just an organization of small groups of saboteurs – as in the Northern European countries – but a mass movement. On one side, in the Italian Resistance, the ‘political’ initiative was far more important than the ‘military’ initiative: it was not by chance if Italian Resistance did not have at the top a single military leader, like De Gaulle in France, being coordinated by a collective entity such as the ‘Comitato di Liberazione Nazionale’, in Rome and in Milan. On the other side, the Italian Resistance was a composite and unified movement, unlike in Yugoslavia or Russia where, even if certainly larger, resistance was ultimately a ‘one-party’ movement (of course, even in Yugoslavia and Russia there was a sort of plurality of political drives toward Resistance: but, in both these cases, not-communist movements had to give way to the strength and popular support for communist Resistance in a measure that, in the very end, made Yugoslavian and Russian Resistance much more politically ‘monolithical’ than in most of other countries).

    18This happened after the experience of losing the Fascist war25, and after the failure of the Fascist regime’s attempt to build a ‘new Man.’ These experiences explain to a large extent the specificities of the Italian Resistance and the role played by the military institution, and by the soldiers at large – as well as why its memory faded, or remains conflictual.

    Different combat experiences

    19In Rome, after the news of the armistice had spread, some regular Italian military units fought against their German counterparts. September 9, 1943, was not a day of victory for them, but on September 10, near Porta San Paolo, Italians with and without uniforms fought together successfully: among them were units, officers and soldiers from the ‘Grenadiers of Sardinia’ and ‘Sassari’ divisions, together with lancers from the ‘Genoa Cavalry’ battalion. They were some of the most glorious units of the Italian army. These soldiers fought under the orders of their officers, even if they fought alongside many Italian civilians together with antifascist activists rudimentarily armed26. Other similar confrontations took place in and out of Italy, for instance in Kefalonia and in other Ionian Islands27. This experience of the immediate resistance of the military reacting on September 8, 1943, was a dramatic and heroic one, but lasted only a few days or weeks. In any case, it was an experience of regular fighting.

    20Another experience of regular units fighting at close ranks for the duration of the war, was that the units, officers and soldiers who, caught abroad by September 8 in the Balkans, decided to fight together with Tito’s Yugoslavian (and Albanian) partisans. Officers and soldiers of the Emilia, Taurinense and Venice divisions were in Montenegro. After the armistice, many of them were taken prisoners: some passed to German units, others formed the Garibaldi division, which would become part of the II korpus of the NOVJ, the Yugoslav People’s Liberation Army. They fought under the orders of their officers against German troops and against the Yugoslav nationalists (chetniks), and sometimes against other Italians who supported them. Between 1943 and 1945, about 3,500 Italian soldiers came back from the Balkans wounded and sick, and at the end of the war, another 3,800 were repatriated28.

    21A few hundred Italian soldiers were parachuted by the Kingdom of the South in occupied northern Italy in order to support partisan warfare. Italian soldiers on September 8 fought ‘instinctively’ against regular units; the soldiers fighting in the Balkans with the Yugoslavs learned to fight and fought as partisans in large units, sometimes learning from their own mistakes. On the contrary the Italian fighters parachuted to the north were expert soldiers, trained for months in order to learn the rules of partisan warfare. They were taught to conduct a ‘war in the shadows.’ Once in enemy territory, they acted individually, or in very small groups of two or three, and tried to remain in contact with the Italian General Staff of the Kingdom of the South that had sent them29.

    22In coordination with the General Staff and under the command of Italian generals and high officers, tens of thousands of Italian soldiers fought in 1943-1945. The armistice signed by the new Italian government between September 3 and 29, 1943, stated that the judgment on post-fascist Italy by the Anglo-American allies would change according to the Italian contribution to the war against the Nazi Reich. For this political and diplomatic motive, and also for reasons of national honor, the Kingdom of the South absolutely wanted the Italians to return to fight. This was allowed by letting them build some regular units: the largest were the ‘Gruppi di combattimento’, five light infantry divisions that fought against the Gothic Line with about 50,000 men. The difficulties faced by these large regular units were enormous, as the Piedmontese general Emanuele Beraudo of Pralormo, commander of one of these groups, admitted in his secret diary. His men did not even have enough shoes to march and to go through training. Many soldiers, discouraged by the battle conditions and who wanted to go back home, decided to leave the service and their units. Strong prejudices and doubts on the part of their Anglo-American allies proliferated as they would have preferred the Italian regular soldiers as support troops rather than fighting in combat units. However, the Italian soldiers of the Groups overcame these difficulties and fought until the liberation of Italy in April 194530.

    23Officers and soldiers taken by the German troops, in Italy and abroad, had a different experience. Embarrassed, the Reich called them ‘Internati military italiani’ (IMI) and separated the officers from their soldiers. The historical relevance of their action was that, when the Germans and Italian Social Republic asked them to join the neo-fascist RSI, they refused and preferred spending two years in Nazi prison camps. All responded to their conscience. Out of about 700,000 prisoners, some, perhaps 140,000 joined the neo-fascist Republic in order to come back to Italy. Proportionally the support to the RSI was greater among officers than among soldiers.

    24It is perfectly true that, at a superficial glance, refusal to fight is not necessarily a politically motivated act of resistance: it could result from ‘normal’ feelings such as weariness of war, resentment against the institution, fear of coming back to combat, or the sense of worthlessness to resume combat in a war that is known to be lost etc. But it should not be underrated the hard push and stress that Nazi German forces, and the strong political interest the new neo-fascist ‘Repubblica sociale italiana’, put in all this, urging Italian prisoners to rally once again under Nazi-Fascist flags. Resisting to all these pushes and interests, in a totalitarian situation, was much more than the above mentioned ‘normal’ feelings. It was not by chance that some tens of thousands of Italian prisoners, treated very badly by their keepers (just slightly better than the Soviet ones) lost their lives in the camps, having refused to enlist into the ‘Repubblica sociale italiana’s army.

    25In this sense, the great majority made an act of resistance refusing to enlist: about half a million Italian soldiers did not want to return under the orders of Mussolini. This is the reason why the IMI has been called an “unarmed resistance”. In the spring of 1944, the Reich admitted the failure of its draft policy, as these soldiers would no longer fight, and turned them into ‘volunteer workers’, in other words forced laborers. The experience of the IMI wasthat of soldiers who ‘fought’ against the desire to return to their homeland, but at the price of obeying a neo-fascist regime, and remained in prison and work camps where they had to fight hunger that the political anger and racial contempt of the Nazi Reich forced them into. About 40,000 died because of this choice and never returned to Italy31.

    26However, the military experience with the strongest political value was the active and armed participation the Resistance by the tens of thousands of Italian soldiers who, inside their country, remained in the regions occupied by the Germans and administered by the RSI, and chose to go to the mountains together with anti-fascist activists. Caught by the Armistice in Italy, after their units were broken up on September 8, 1943, they individually chose to go up the mountains and joined or formed partisan units. It did not matter to them if these units were ‘military’ or ‘political’ groups. Italian officers, noncommissioned officers, and soldiers acted outside of any hierarchical constraint and regardless of whether those groups were subordinate to any of the large Italian partisan organizations like the communist “Garibaldi” divisions, the socialist “Matteotti” ones, the azionisti “Giustizia e Libertà” ones, the moderate Catholic “Autonome” ones etc. They made their own individual ‘choice’ between Fascism and Antifascism: the past twenty years of totalitarianism did not seem to matter, or at least was not decisive.

    27Here too, their choice was an individual one, but – unlike the IMI – it was a decisive step towards true fighting experience. They learned to fight and fought a type of warfare they were neither used to nor prepared for: a partisan, irregular war. On the other hand, the soldiers who participated in the partisan units brought with them their technical and tactical military expertise: they knew the weapons, the value of discipline, and the importance of acting as a collective. At the beginning of the war, anti-fascist political activists did not often have these skills, apart from those who had fought in the Spanish civil war.

    28As regular soldiers, they had to learn to fight in an irregular war, something they did not know and that they once opposed in occupied territories in 1940-1943, from France to Yugoslavia. They also had to unlearn what they thought war was supposed to be. Unlike regular warfare, irregular war did not rely on larger partisan units, as they were easier to spot and therefore to eliminate for German regular troops. Moreover, heavy weaponry (artillery) and regular logistics were not available during the partisan war. As a result, the Italian soldiers in partisan units could not annihilate the enemy: all they had to do was to wear him down, avoiding at the same time as much as possible German retaliatory actions against their groups and against civilians.

    29Soldiers in partisan groups also had to learn follow the orders of civilians, considering that many of their commanders were anti-fascist civil political activists. They sometimes even had to learn how to elect their own officers. An Italian historian even described partisan units as ‘microcosms of democracy’32. Above all, these former regular Italian soldiers fighting the partisan warfare were not only resisting invading Germans but also Italian soldiers of the RSI. In a word, the war against a foreign enemy became a civil war33. Therefore, the experience of war by the Italian soldier who fought in the Resistance movements differs greatly from one group to the other. Furthermore, these soldiers did not have a single military leader in whom they could recognize themselves. In Italy there was not, and there could not be, a De Gaulle: the civilian-political Resistance played a much stronger role than the military one.

    30For all these reasons, after the war, it was difficult for them to see themselves as a single movement, and it was all too easy for many Italian civilians to forget their contribution. After the war ended, the Republican Armed Forces were also slow to acknowledge these different contributions equally.

    31Plural Resistances meant plural experiences for the military, even though they all contributed to the same liberation movement.

    Conclusion

    32The military contribution to the Italian Resistance had many different facets. The participation in the anti-Fascist movement was in itself so diverse that we should speak of several resistances rather than of one Resistance: 1. The immediate resistance of the military that reacted on September 8, 1943; 2. The resistance of units, officers, and soldiers who were abroad on September 8, especially in the Balkans, and decided to fight together with Tito’s partisans; 3. The participation in fight and support activities by combat and logistical military units of the Kingdom of the South, operating under the orders of the Anglo-American Command; 4. The network of resistance units parachuted in the north by the Kingdom of the South; 5. The resistance of officers and soldiers taken prisoners by the Reich but refusing to join the neo-fascist Repubblica Sociale Italiana, spending two years in Nazi prison camps; 6. And, in the end, most significantly, the resistance of those tens of thousands of Italian soldiers who, inside their country, chose to go to the mountains with anti-fascist activists. This vast array of military actions in different resistance movements can hardly be seen as a single united military Resistance. Neither was all of it organized hierarchically by the Italian Supreme command and its staff. For these reasons we should speak of several ‘resistances by the military’ rather than of one single ‘military Resistance34.’

    33The story of these Italian ‘resistances by the military’ poses two main points. One point, which is not important here, refers to the public memory of such complex a story to be remembered and known. The second, and here more relevant, one reminds historians of how much complicate writing the history of Resistance movements could be, and how much international comparison – free from nationalistic prejudices and stereotypes – is essential in order to understand the historical relevance and the different contributes the military gave to these movements in all the different European countries.

    Bibliographie

    AGA ROSSI Elena, Una nazione allo sbando. L’armistizio italiano nel settembre 1943, Bologna, il Mulino, 2006.

    BALDISSARA Luca (ed.), Atlante storico della Resistenza italiana, Istituto nazionale per il movimento di Liberazione in Italia, Milano, Bruno Mondadori, 2000.

    COLLOTTI Enzo, SANDRI Renato, SESSI Frediano (ed.), Dizionario della Resistenza, vol. I, Storia e geografia della Liberazione, Torino, Einaudi, 2000.

    LABANCA Nicola (ed.), I gruppi di combattimento. Studi, fonti, memorie, 1944-1945. Atti del Convegno, Firenze, 15 aprile 2005, Roma, Carocci, 2006.

    MANZARI Giuliano, La partecipazione delle forze armate alla guerra di liberazione e di Resistenza 8 settembre 1943-8 maggio 1945, Roma, Ente editoriale per l’Arma dei carabinieri, 2003 (Commissione italiana di storia militare).

    PAVONE Claudio, Una guerra civile. Saggio storico sulla moralità nella Resistenza, Torino, Bollati Boringhieri, 1991.

    PELI Santo, La Resistenza in Italia. Storia e critica, Torino, Einaudi, 2004.

    ROCHAT Giorgio, Le guerre italiane 1935-1943. Dall’impero d’Etiopia alla disfatta, Torino, Einaudi, 2005.

    SCHREIBER Gerhard, I militari italiani nei campi di concentramento del Terzo Reich 1943-1945. Traditi disprezzati dimenticati, Stato maggiore dell’esercito. Ufficio storico, Roma 1992.

    VALLAURI Carlo, Soldati. Le forze armate italiane dall’armistizio alla liberazione, Torino, Utet, 2003.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 Il secondo Risorgimento. Nel decennale della Resistenza e del ritorno alla democrazia, 1945-1955, Roma, Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, 1955.

    2 Luigi Longo, Un popolo alla macchia, Milano, Mondadori, 1947.

    3 L’azione dello Stato Maggiore Generale per lo sviluppo del movimento di liberazione, Roma, Ufficio storico Stato maggiore esercito, 1975.

    4 Virgilio Ilari, Storia del servizio militare in Italia, vol. IV, Soldati e partigiani, 1943-1945, Roma, Rivista militare-Centro Militare di Studi Strategici, 1991; Renzo De Felice, Mussolini l’alleato, vol. II, La guerra civile 1943-1945, Torino, Einaudi, 1997.

    5 Nicola Labanca, Militari e Resistenza. Le svolte della storiografia, in Id. (ed.), I Gruppi di combattimento. Studi, fonti, memorie (1944-1945), p. 21-62.

    6 Nicola Labanca, Le armi della Repubblica. Dalla Liberazione ad oggi, vol. V di Mario Isnenghi (ed.), Gli Italiani in guerra. Conflitti, identità, memorie dal Risorgimento ai nostri giorni, Torino, Utet, 2009.

    7 Elena Aga Rossi, Una nazione allo sbando. L’armistizio italiano nel settembre 1943, Bologna, il Mulino, 2006.

    8 Giorgio Rochat, Le guerre italiane 1935-1943. Dall’impero d’Etiopia alla disfatta, Torino, Einaudi, 2005.

    9 Santo Peli, La Resistenza in Italia. Storia e critica, Torino, Einaudi, 2004.

    10 Gerhard Schreiber, I militari italiani nei campi di concentramento del Terzo Reich 1943-1945. Traditi disprezzati dimenticati, Stato maggiore dell’esercito. Ufficiostorico, Roma 1992.

    11 Luca Baldissara (ed.), Atlante storico della Resistenza italiana, Istituto nazionale per i lmovimento di Liberazione in Italia, Milano, Bruno Mondadori, 2000.

    12 Tommaso Piffer, Gli Alleati e la Resistenza italiana, Bologna, ilMulino, 2010.

    13 Anna Bravo, Resistenza civile, in Enzo Collotti, Renato Sandri, Frediano Sessi (ed.), Dizionario della Resistenza, vol. I, Storia e geografia della Liberazione, Torino, Einaudi, 2000.

    14 Carlo Vallauri, Soldati. Le forze armate italiane dall’armistizio alla liberazione, Torino, Utet, 2003.

    15 Giorgio Rochat, Marcello Venturi (ed.), La divisione Acqui a Cefalonia, Milano, Mursia, 1993.

    16 Elena Aga Rossi, Maria Teresa Giusti, Una guerra a parte. I militari italiani nei Balcani, 1940-1945, Bologna, il Mulino, 2011.

    17 Nicola Labanca (ed.), I gruppi di combattimento. Studi, fonti, memorie, 1944-1945. Atti del Convegno, Firenze, 15 aprile 2005, Roma, Carocci, 2006.

    18 Luciano Lollio, Le unità ausiliarie dell’esercito italiano nella guerra di liberazione. Narrazione, documenti, Roma, Ufficio storico Stato maggiore dell’esercito, 1977.

    19 Luigi Poli, Le forze armate nella guerra di liberazione, 1943-1945, Roma, s. n, 1995.

    20 Carlo Vallauri, Soldati. Le forze armate italiane dall’armistizio alla liberazione; L’azione dello Stato Maggiore Generale per lo sviluppo del movimento di liberazione.

    21 Nicola Della Santa (ed.), I militari italiani internati dai tedeschi dopo l’8 settembre 1943, Firenze, Giunti, 1985.

    22 Claudio Pavone, Una guerra civile. Saggio storico sulla moralità nella Resistenza, Torino, Bollati Boringhieri, 1991.

    23 Giuliano Manzari, La partecipazione delle forze armate alla guerra di liberazione e di Resistenza 8 settembre 1943-8 maggio 1945, Roma, Ente editoriale per l’Arma dei carabinieri, 2003 (Commissione italiana di storia militare).

    24 Giorgio Rochat, Appendice statistica e dati quantitativi, in Enzo Collotti, Renato Sandri, Frediano Sessi (ed.), Dizionario della Resistenza, vol. II, Luoghi, formazioni, protagonisti.

    25 Giorgio Rochat, Le guerre italiane 1935-1943. Dall’impero d’Etiopia alla disfatta.

    26 Alessandro Portelli, L’ordine è già stato eseguito, Roma, Donzelli, 2005.

    27 Giorgio Rochat, Marcello Venturi (ed.), La divisione Acqui a Cefalonia.

    28 Of relevant importance was the official research by the ‘Commissione Resistenza military italiani all’estero dopo l’8 settembre 1943’ chaired by gen. Ilio Muraca. The Commission released several well researched books.

    29 L’azione dello Stato Maggiore Generale per lo sviluppo del movimento di liberazione.

    30 Nicola Labanca (ed.), I Gruppi di combattimento. Studi, fonti, memorie (1944-1945); Carlo Vallauri, Soldati. Le forze armate italiane dall’armistizio alla liberazione.

    31 Gerhard Schreiber, I militari italiani nei campi di concentramento del Terzo Reich 1943-1945. Traditi disprezzati dimenticati; Giorgio Rochat, La memorialistica dell’internamento, in Nicola Della Santa (ed.), I militari italiani internati dai tedeschi dopo l’8 settembre 1943.

    32 Guido Quazza, Resistenza e storia d’Italia, Milano, Feltrinelli, 1976.

    33 Santo Peli, La Resistenza in Italia. Storia e critica.

    34 Nicola Labanca, Resistenza/resistenze. Un bilancio tra discorso pubblico e studi storici, in Monica Fioravanzo, Carlo Fumian (ed.), 1943 Strategie militari, collaborazionismi, Resistenze, Roma, Viella, 2015, p. 27-76.

    Auteur

    • Nicola Labanca

      History and Cultural Heritage Department, University of Siena (Italy)

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    1 Il secondo Risorgimento. Nel decennale della Resistenza e del ritorno alla democrazia, 1945-1955, Roma, Istituto poligrafico dello Stato, 1955.

    2 Luigi Longo, Un popolo alla macchia, Milano, Mondadori, 1947.

    3 L’azione dello Stato Maggiore Generale per lo sviluppo del movimento di liberazione, Roma, Ufficio storico Stato maggiore esercito, 1975.

    4 Virgilio Ilari, Storia del servizio militare in Italia, vol. IV, Soldati e partigiani, 1943-1945, Roma, Rivista militare-Centro Militare di Studi Strategici, 1991; Renzo De Felice, Mussolini l’alleato, vol. II, La guerra civile 1943-1945, Torino, Einaudi, 1997.

    5 Nicola Labanca, Militari e Resistenza. Le svolte della storiografia, in Id. (ed.), I Gruppi di combattimento. Studi, fonti, memorie (1944-1945), p. 21-62.

    6 Nicola Labanca, Le armi della Repubblica. Dalla Liberazione ad oggi, vol. V di Mario Isnenghi (ed.), Gli Italiani in guerra. Conflitti, identità, memorie dal Risorgimento ai nostri giorni, Torino, Utet, 2009.

    7 Elena Aga Rossi, Una nazione allo sbando. L’armistizio italiano nel settembre 1943, Bologna, il Mulino, 2006.

    8 Giorgio Rochat, Le guerre italiane 1935-1943. Dall’impero d’Etiopia alla disfatta, Torino, Einaudi, 2005.

    9 Santo Peli, La Resistenza in Italia. Storia e critica, Torino, Einaudi, 2004.

    10 Gerhard Schreiber, I militari italiani nei campi di concentramento del Terzo Reich 1943-1945. Traditi disprezzati dimenticati, Stato maggiore dell’esercito. Ufficiostorico, Roma 1992.

    11 Luca Baldissara (ed.), Atlante storico della Resistenza italiana, Istituto nazionale per i lmovimento di Liberazione in Italia, Milano, Bruno Mondadori, 2000.

    12 Tommaso Piffer, Gli Alleati e la Resistenza italiana, Bologna, ilMulino, 2010.

    13 Anna Bravo, Resistenza civile, in Enzo Collotti, Renato Sandri, Frediano Sessi (ed.), Dizionario della Resistenza, vol. I, Storia e geografia della Liberazione, Torino, Einaudi, 2000.

    14 Carlo Vallauri, Soldati. Le forze armate italiane dall’armistizio alla liberazione, Torino, Utet, 2003.

    15 Giorgio Rochat, Marcello Venturi (ed.), La divisione Acqui a Cefalonia, Milano, Mursia, 1993.

    16 Elena Aga Rossi, Maria Teresa Giusti, Una guerra a parte. I militari italiani nei Balcani, 1940-1945, Bologna, il Mulino, 2011.

    17 Nicola Labanca (ed.), I gruppi di combattimento. Studi, fonti, memorie, 1944-1945. Atti del Convegno, Firenze, 15 aprile 2005, Roma, Carocci, 2006.

    18 Luciano Lollio, Le unità ausiliarie dell’esercito italiano nella guerra di liberazione. Narrazione, documenti, Roma, Ufficio storico Stato maggiore dell’esercito, 1977.

    19 Luigi Poli, Le forze armate nella guerra di liberazione, 1943-1945, Roma, s. n, 1995.

    20 Carlo Vallauri, Soldati. Le forze armate italiane dall’armistizio alla liberazione; L’azione dello Stato Maggiore Generale per lo sviluppo del movimento di liberazione.

    21 Nicola Della Santa (ed.), I militari italiani internati dai tedeschi dopo l’8 settembre 1943, Firenze, Giunti, 1985.

    22 Claudio Pavone, Una guerra civile. Saggio storico sulla moralità nella Resistenza, Torino, Bollati Boringhieri, 1991.

    23 Giuliano Manzari, La partecipazione delle forze armate alla guerra di liberazione e di Resistenza 8 settembre 1943-8 maggio 1945, Roma, Ente editoriale per l’Arma dei carabinieri, 2003 (Commissione italiana di storia militare).

    24 Giorgio Rochat, Appendice statistica e dati quantitativi, in Enzo Collotti, Renato Sandri, Frediano Sessi (ed.), Dizionario della Resistenza, vol. II, Luoghi, formazioni, protagonisti.

    25 Giorgio Rochat, Le guerre italiane 1935-1943. Dall’impero d’Etiopia alla disfatta.

    26 Alessandro Portelli, L’ordine è già stato eseguito, Roma, Donzelli, 2005.

    27 Giorgio Rochat, Marcello Venturi (ed.), La divisione Acqui a Cefalonia.

    28 Of relevant importance was the official research by the ‘Commissione Resistenza military italiani all’estero dopo l’8 settembre 1943’ chaired by gen. Ilio Muraca. The Commission released several well researched books.

    29 L’azione dello Stato Maggiore Generale per lo sviluppo del movimento di liberazione.

    30 Nicola Labanca (ed.), I Gruppi di combattimento. Studi, fonti, memorie (1944-1945); Carlo Vallauri, Soldati. Le forze armate italiane dall’armistizio alla liberazione.

    31 Gerhard Schreiber, I militari italiani nei campi di concentramento del Terzo Reich 1943-1945. Traditi disprezzati dimenticati; Giorgio Rochat, La memorialistica dell’internamento, in Nicola Della Santa (ed.), I militari italiani internati dai tedeschi dopo l’8 settembre 1943.

    32 Guido Quazza, Resistenza e storia d’Italia, Milano, Feltrinelli, 1976.

    33 Santo Peli, La Resistenza in Italia. Storia e critica.

    34 Nicola Labanca, Resistenza/resistenze. Un bilancio tra discorso pubblico e studi storici, in Monica Fioravanzo, Carlo Fumian (ed.), 1943 Strategie militari, collaborazionismi, Resistenze, Roma, Viella, 2015, p. 27-76.

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    Labanca, N. (2020). Military in the Resistance, Resistances by the Military: the Italian case. In C. Miot, G. Piketty, & T. Vaisset (éds.), Militaires en résistances en France et en Europe. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.septentrion.105810
    Labanca, Nicola. « Military in the Resistance, Resistances by the Military: The Italian Case ». In Militaires En résistances En France Et En Europe, édité par Claire Miot, Guillaume Piketty, et Thomas Vaisset. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2020. doi:10.4000/books.septentrion.105810.
    Labanca, Nicola. « Military in the Resistance, Resistances by the Military: The Italian Case ». Militaires En résistances En France Et En Europe, édité par Claire Miot et al., Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2020, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.septentrion.105810.

    Référence numérique du livre

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    Miot, C., Piketty, G., & Vaisset, T. (éds.). (2020). Militaires en résistances en France et en Europe. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.septentrion.105670
    Miot, Claire, Guillaume Piketty, et Thomas Vaisset, éd. Militaires en résistances en France et en Europe. Villeneuve d’Ascq: Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2020. doi:10.4000/books.septentrion.105670.
    Miot, Claire, et al., éditeurs. Militaires en résistances en France et en Europe. Presses universitaires du Septentrion, 2020, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.septentrion.105670.
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