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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Searching for “Simple” Swiss Ladies Multitasking by the Governesses New Insights into Educational Writing Practices Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century

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    • Emma George, Revue des études slaves, mis en ligne le 14 février 2025. URL : https://journals.openedition.org/res/7149 ; DOI : https://doi.org/10.4000/13bmp
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    Enlightened Education at the Russian Court: The Swiss Governesses at Work

    Danièle Tosato-Rigo

    p. 123-136

    Texte intégral Searching for “Simple” Swiss Ladies Multitasking by the Governesses New Insights into Educational Writing Practices Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1Empress Catherine II, alongside her active role in the development of the Russian empire’s public education, closely attended to the education of her grandchildren1. This happened at a pivotal moment in the transformation of princely education, when many European courts acted as laboratories for the pedagogical avant-garde. Under the influence of the Enlightenment, the knowledge commonly associated with princely education moved “from the Crown domain towards the public domain”, as Halevy puts it. “It was from then on that the very idea of a specifically princely education has been disqualified and regarded as dangerous because it had been inevitably “contaminated” by the prejudices and the weakened principles of absolute monarchy”2. An increasing number of pedagogical treatises promoting bourgeois values, such as physical education as part of a “natural” education, useful knowledge and moral education focused on willingness to work, penetrated princely education3.

    2Pushed by Catherine II, a close reader of John Locke, Jean-Jacques Rousseau, the German philanthropists like Johann Bernhard Basedow, Marquise Émilie du Châtelet and Madame Jeanne-Marie Leprince de Beaumont, the Russian court fully took part in this pedagogical evolution. Since the Grand Dukes were to be educated as human beings first, instead of future monarchs, the Empress dedicated the majority of her Instructions for the education of the Grand Dukes Aleksandr and Konstantin Pavlovich (March 1784) to physical and moral education4. The Grand Dukes’ sisters largely shared their programme consisting in acquiring self-judgment and “virtuous” behaviour, as well as learning modern languages – including French, English and Italian – and other useful knowledge, such as (for instance) history, which provided examples simultaneously of virtuous people and of the causes of the rise and fall of states, including their laws, statistics, etc. The education of the Grand Duchesses differed therefore considerably from the type received by the young women of the Russian court and high nobility in the 1750s, which was criticised by Princess Ekaterina R. Dashkova as being focused on the “bonnes manières” rather than on intellectual and moral development5.

    3While the historiography has emphasised the contribution of the Swiss tutor Frédéric-César de La Harpe to Catherine II’s programme for Aleksandr and Konstantin Pavlovich, La Harpe’s female compatriots have largely remained in the shadows6. Indeed, very few books mention the names of Esther Monod, Jeanne Huc-Mazelet or Louise de Sybourg, respectively governesses of Elena (1784-1803), Maria (1786-1859) and Anna Pavlovna (1795-1865), the female members of the Romanov dynasty who were later to rule in German principalities and in the newly-established United Kingdom of the Netherlands.

    4All the merits regarding the upbringing of the sisters of the future Alexander I (which was considered particularly successful) are traditionally attributed to the direction of “Governess-in-chief” Charlotte Lieven, highly praised by Grand Duke Nikolai Mikhailovich in his Portraits russes:

    La princesse Lieven joignait à un grand esprit une bonté sincère, une sévère moralité et la piété; elle avait une grande fermeté de caractère, qui allait même jusqu’à l’austérité, et une énergie vraiment masculine […]. L’accomplissement sévère et infatigable de ses devoirs eut un brillant succès pour ce qui a rapport à l’éducation des Grandes-Duchesses: on sait que toutes les filles de l’Empereur Paul Ier appartenaient au nombre des femmes les plus instruites de leur temps et jouèrent un rôle marquant dans le mouvement intellectuel et social de l’époque, non pas tant, il est vrai, en Russie que dans les pays qui devinrent, par leur mariage, leur seconde patrie7.

    5Jeanne-Huc Mazelet and Esther Monod’s archival records – which are the focus of ongoing research at the university of Lausanne8 – allow us to discuss such a statement, by documenting the poorly-known activities of those involved in the daily life of the Grand Duchesses till they got married. By bringing to light these second-rank (as far as contemporary court hierarchy was concerned) female figures, this article contributes to our understanding of the history of cultural exchanges in the Enlightenment, of childhood and adolescence in the Romanov dynasty, and to the history of pedagogical practices which too often elude historical analysis, for want of relevant sources.

    Searching for “Simple” Swiss Ladies

    6While Catherine II was very invested in Aleksandr and Konstantin’s education, equally she did not neglect her grand-daughters’ education. She chose their governess personally – the aforementioned Baroness Lieven – and insisted on the hiring of Swiss women to assist her. We know about the circumstances surrounding the hiring of Jeanne Huc-Mazelet and Esther Monod thanks to the correspondence of Frédéric-César de La Harpe, who had been asked to recommend compatriots to the Empress. In particular, he had to find governesses “bien nées, ayant reçu une bonne éducation, de l’usage du monde, et parlant bien leur langue”, who had “l’esprit assez cultivé pour tenir compagnie et faire la conversation” to Grand Duchesses Elena (six years old) and Maria (four years old)9. Their precise duties were not recorded, and it remained unclear whether they would give lessons or not.

    7The Empress wanted to hire women over the age of 30, and widowed if possible. Still, she accepted these two 25-year-old unmarried women, perhaps also because of Grand Duke Pavel Petrovich and his second wife Maria Feodorovna’s previous stay in the family of Esther Monod (who was related to a Bernese bailli) during their tour of Europe as “the Count and Countess of the North”. While Esther Monod came from a prominent family, Jeanne’s family (who were doctors from the Huguenot Refuge10) was socially slightly inferior. Regarding Catherine II’s expectations, it is significant that she turned down the initial candidates proposed by La Harpe. The Swiss tutor had initially suggested young women who had been governesses at German courts; this type of profile was far from uncommon, as what is the present-day French-speaking Switzerland was a crucial provider of female educators. For example, at the Hesse-Darmstadt court alone, there was a succession of such Swiss governesses. Marianne (or Marguerite) Ravanel, born in Morges, was governess to Princess Caroline of Hesse-Darmstadt’s daughter Amalie (1754-1832), sister of Grand Duke Pavel Petrovich’s first wife Wilhelmine (Natal’ia Alekseevna). In the 1780s, Louise d’Arnay, born in Moudon, was governess to Princess Louise of Baden (Grand Duke Aleksandr’s future spouse), and later on (after 1805) Maria Margareta Wildermeth, born in Bienne, served as governess to Princess Charlotte of Prussia, who married the future Nicholas I.

    8The Empress, however, sought young women “n’ayant aucune expérience de la cour”. While it might be argued that this decision was motivated by a desire to control the young women more easily, it is certainly clear that their expected profile was related to Switzerland’s idealised pastoral image, mainly conveyed by travel narratives. Indeed, Catherine II wanted young women “qui aient toute la simplicité de leur pays”11. La Harpe helped to ensure that the governesses conformed to these expectations by asking them to keep their clothing as simple as possible. The Arcadian ideal of “Swissness” was not the only asset that these young women represented; their country posed no threat of an aggressive foreign policy and the Swiss were thus not at risk of becoming enemies in case of conflict. Choosing female (and male) educators from Protestant cantons had the additional benefit of avoiding Catholics, whom the Empress had long regarded with a degree of suspicion. Even the republican structure of the Swiss cantons was seen positively, as it brought a sort of antidote to the known vices of the court12.

    Multitasking by the Governesses

    9Many of the great eighteenth-century pedagogical best-sellers carefully read by Catherine II promoted a model of what could be termed a “permanent education”, which consisted in a daily life shared between a pedagogue who was entirely devoted to his task, and a pupil who learned sometimes without realising it. The governesses’ schedule made them effective implementers of this pedagogical model, in which conversation played a key role. However, it left them very little freedom at all. In 1796, Mazelet stressed how she spent the “trois quarts et demi” of her time with the Grand Duchess and that the only free time she had was “un demi dimanche tous les quinze jours13.” Esther Monod provided some more detail:

    Je suis toujours chez ma Princesse depuis 7 heures du matin jusqu’à midi sans bouger, à midi je monte en courant pour ma toilette, à une heure je redescends pour le dîner, et je reste sans bouger jusqu’à 8 heures du soir, c’est l’heure où nos Princesses vont chez Leur Majesté. Elles y restent une demi-heure, […] à 8 h ½ je redescends pour le souper14…

    10Since they accompanied their pupils from their waking up to their bedtime, the governesses were frequently on the move. For example, throughout the year, they followed the imperial family in its transfers between its winter and summer residences. On a regular basis, they had frequent strolls in the gardens and parks of the imperial residences, notably for health reasons. Following Locke’s principles, the Empress (who disliked doctors, according to Mazelet), forced Jeanne to do four- or five-hour walks under the hot sun to help heal Maria Pavlovna’s facial swelling “par le grand air et la transpiration”15.

    11The young women attended the lessons given to the Grand Duchesses by other tutors and were responsible for coaching the pupils. This is reflected in Elena’s notes addressed to her governess asking to be excused from harp or harpsichord lessons (“car je vous assure que n’en puis plus, et par-dessus j’ai mal au genou droit”16), or from having to learn a story by heart after having copied the text (“qui m’a coûté une heure et dix minutes”) and having studied harpsichord for half an hour and also read in English17.

    12Governesses also collected the tutor’s opinions, and combined them with their own views, to make an oral account of their pupils’ behaviour to their superior. Esther Monod’s detailed diary on Elena Pavlovna (read every day by the pupil to improve herself), which she wrote during three months in 1792, is an example of a much more sophisticated form of observation report, which was inspired by philanthropist pedagogues, as Sylvie Moret Petrini’s research has shown18. The governesses followed the young Grand Duchesses, observed them, and spoke with them in a range of different situations – their daily toilette, their study time with tutors, their participation in official ceremonies, and their activities such as games, strolls and other forms of entertainment. They were responsible for both the heart (“cœur”) and the mind (“esprit”) of their pupil.

    13Mazelet regarded morals as an essential part of education, and states that she re-read Rousseau’s Emile with this in mind (she admits to having read it initially with some difficulty). She wanted to give her pupil safe principles to govern her behaviour, and to make her understand how crucial a good education was – as she put it, “ce que l’on doit avoir pour but en s’instruisant et ce qui fait la vraie bonne éducation”19. Esther Monod put piety at the heart of such moral teachings. The detailed instruction that she gave to Grand Duchess Elena, before returning to Switzerland for several months, recommended faith and prayers, and synthesised the central tenets of the good behaviour that she expected from her. It included the need to respect her governess Baroness Lieven (whom her parents had entrusted with their authority), focusing during her lessons (as “le temps perdu ne se retrouvera plus”), being gentle with her sisters and lenient with her family, as well as respecting her subordinates20.

    14The governesses also relied on theatre, as we can learn from a comedy called L’Épreuve ou le secret preserved in Esther Monod’s archive and apparently written in 1793 by the governess herself. Pedagogical theatre was subject to much praise among the elites of the governesses’ country, the Pays de Vaud21. Pedagogues like Madame de Genlis promoted it as a tool to improve the pupil’s pronunciation and helping them memorise and surmount their timidity. It also contributed to train social roles. 30 years previously, the Empress herself had introduced theatre at the Smolnyi Institute, drawing however some criticism concerning the morality of the repertoire. She asked Voltaire without success, and then approached Diderot to adapt plays specially for children22. With the publication of Madame de Genlis’ best-seller, Théâtre à l’usage des jeunes personnes (1779-1780), and several theatre plays for young people, addressing the problem of the bad examples that the theatre might provide23. It is no surprise that Esther Monod’s aforementioned comedy was directly inspired by Madame de Genlis’ play La Curieuse. Aiming to overcome curiosity, it was acted by the Grand Duchesses Aleksandra, Elena and Maria – whose names figure on the text – probably in occasion of Catherine’s birthday.

    15Generally speaking, the two governesses educated their pupils tirelessly to practise self-control, which was seen as an essential skill for individuals destined constantly to remain under the public gaze. The Grand Duchesses were conscious of this, as confirmed by the good resolutions that Elena discussed with her governess before her departure:

    Je tâcherai de me corriger de cette vivacité qui me conduit quelque fois trop loin; je tâcherai d’avoir plus d’empire sur moi-même et de rendre tout le monde qui est auprès de moi heureux et content, et je serai sûre alors de remplir tous les vœux que le cœur le plus tendre et de la meilleure amie forme pour le bonheur de son enfant24.

    16This self-control was acquired through daily, practical and, of course, physical efforts: not to twist and turn on one’s chair while studying; not to move one’s head when the wigmaker is working; to make one’s arms round when dancing; smiling when playing the harpsichord; and so on.

    17The main goal of the intellectual training of the Grand Duchesses was to train their reasoning abilities. Jeanne Huc-Mazelet, who taught not only French, but also geography and history to Maria during the first years of her employment, regularly expressed in her letters to her family how happy she was with her pupil’s “bonne tête”. When Maria began her instruction with tutors, Mazelet continued to read her excerpts – from the works of the comte de Mirabeau, Frederick II’s Mémoires, and other well-known philosophers and historians – during downtime, such as when the pupil’s wigmaker came to do her hair:

    Dans les livres que nous avons, si tout n’est pas à lire je choisis les morceaux, et comme cela toutes nos lacunes sont bien employées. S.A.I. a une connaissance générale de l’Histoire très distincte. Elle en fait des lectures dans ses leçons, et quand nous avons du temps, nous en repassons des parties dans différents ouvrages particuliers. Nous avons lu Charles XII [de Voltaire] dernièrement avec le plus grand intérêt – il est si bien écrit25.

    18Maria Pavlovna’s notebooks kept in the Weimar archives illustrate the dialogical character of Mazelet’s moral and intellectual teaching. The Grand Duchess wrote down and answered different questions raised by her governess, such as “What makes a young person kind?”, or “What do you take for self-judgement/for the qualities of heart/of the spirit?”. For example, regarding intellectual abilities (“les qualités de l’esprit”), Maria Pavlovna – who was not yet ten years old – wrote: “C’est la pensée, le jugement, le raisonnement”. Mazelet’s answer, in the following lines, invited her pupil to think a little bit further: “Je crois que les pensées viennent souvent du cœur, mais je crois aussi que l’esprit se les approprie en les rectifiant, en sorte que peut-être elles prennent naissance et sont mises au jour par l’esprit qui les raisonne”. Concerning truth, that Maria Pavlovna simply understood as “A ne pas dire une chose pour l’autre. Lorsque nous sommes appelés à dire une chose il faut la dire telle que nous la savons”, Mazelet insisted on the necessary “prudence”: truth not only needed to be said only if required, but was much less rigid among adults, who had to take care not to do any harm to anybody; as for children, the governess outlined that they had to refrain from talking about anything they heard, to avoid the danger of “imprudence”, undoubtably omnipresent at court26.

    New Insights into Educational Writing Practices

    19In addition to the pedagogical role of conversation, the governesses’ archives provide a very interesting insight into the importance of writing in educational practices. The first notes neatly scribbled by the Grand Duchesses (“Mademoizelle M., revenez, M. S. est content”) convey some essential goals of the exercise: not only to learn to write in French, but also to improve in order to please one’s governess. In accordance with contemporary pedagogical literature, the pupil’s attachment to their educator was considered crucial27.

    20The sometimes daily epistolary exchanges between the Grand Duchesses and their governesses followed tacit rules. Maria and Elena wrote most often during their free time, and only when authorised to do so. Just as the governesses could encourage their pupils to benefit from these epistolary exchanges, they could also deprive them of it. There was nothing spontaneous about this practice, which dealt with several different topics: narrating activities, books read and trips, or letters to their parents which the governesses helped them write. Mazelet’s corrections to Maria Pavlovna’s following draft of a letter to her parents28, when she was eight years old, perfectly shows how far the corrections could go:

    Maria PavlovnaGoverness Mazelet
    Mon très cher Papa et ma très chère Maman ! Permettez que je me mette à vos pieds pour vous remercier des lettres que vous avez eu la bonté de m’écrire. J’en ai eu tant de plaisir que j’ai eu de la peine à en revenir. Je les ai reçues à déjeuner et j’en ai été si folle de joie que je ne pouvais presque pas avaler mes morceaux.Permettez que je me mette à vos pieds pour vous remercier des lettres que vous avez eu la bonté de m’écrire. Je les ai reçues à déjeuner et l’extrême plaisir qu’elles m’ont fait m’a occupée toute la journée, et m’aurait même détournée de mes leçons si je n’avais pensé qu’elles étaient nécessaires à me faire espérer la continuation de vos bontés.

    21The following comment, written by Esther for Elena Pavlovna, illustrates how constantly interlinked language learning and the development of reasoning were:

    Vos lettres sont fort bien, ma chère enfant, la première a moins de fautes de français et d’orthographe, le style en est coulant, mais il y a plus d’idées dans la seconde, quoique le style en soit peut-être moins bon. Je suis bien aise que vous commenciez à me communiquer vos petites réflexions sur les lectures comme vous faites, c’est un grand moyen pour fixer votre attention en lisant et pour vous donner de la clarté dans les idées29.

    22The “petites réflexions sur leurs lectures” which the Grand Duchesses were encouraged to write by the governesses deserve their own study. They demonstrate that the pupils regularly read French children’s literature, a genre which was booming at the time, thanks to writers like Madame Leprince de Beaumont or Madame de Genlis, as well as others now forgotten, such as Alexandre-Guillaume de Moissy, whose L’homme sans gallon30 Maria read with delight. In places, we can surmise their educator’s influence. For example, Maria, after reading the journey to Hungary of the Lettres d’un Voyageur, hopes that the traveller “verra aussi la Suisse et la Russie”31. Similarly Elena writes to Esther to tell her how happy she is that they bought the Magazin des adolescents (by Leprince de Beaumont), adding “les jeunes dames apprennent la sainteté, écriture qui m’intéresse extrêmement, et je cherche dans tous les dialogues s’il n’y a pas de morceaux de l’Évangile32”.

    23In the exercises conducted by the governesses, we also find travel narratives, which were recommended by pedagogues33. Maria and Elena wrote one while travelling to Moscow on the occasion of their father’s coronation. Elena’s text, despite its brevity, shows to what extent a girl of 13 years-old had learned to reason about herself and those around her. She describes herself watching bystanders and the passing trees, a sight she finds “peu ravissant” but at least new (as she “aimait la nouveauté34”); confronted with the unexpected behaviour of the peasants who welcomed them in the villages where they stayed, the Grand Duchess tried to put on a brave face. The quest for a “style naturel”, which her governess encouraged, is striking here.

    24Thus, for around ten years, Esther Monod and Jeanne Huc-Mazelet were at the same time teachers, responsible for the learning agenda, the good manners, and moral guideposts for the grand duchesses35. In order not to exaggerate their importance, perhaps we should not forget that they were only one link in a pedagogical chain that remains largely understudied, in particular regarding the role of their mother, Grand Duchess, subsequently Empress Maria Feodorovna. Indeed, she apparently also asked French essays from her daughters, and recommended them to use their spare time to learn verses by speaking them out loud36. That being said, it would be equally incorrect to leave the two Swiss pedagogues in the shadow of “Governess-in-chief” Lieven, even if the court’s hierarchical system called for it. If we look to their correspondence, the young women seem to have perfectly adjusted to this system. Jeanne Huc-Mazelet wrote without complaining to her family about the rewards reaped by Charlotte Lieven for the success of the Grand Duchesses’ education. Still, she did not shy from observing:

    Ma princesse sera une femme estimable. Ne croyez pas que ce que je m’attribue du caractère de cet enfant exclue l’utilité dont ont été bien d’autres personnes – elle a reçu de grands soins de plusieurs – mais que ne peut pas en bien ou en mal la compagne constante d’un enfant qui depuis son lever jusqu’à son coucher ne la perd pas de vue37?

    Notes de bas de page

    1 Fajnštejn M., Göpfert F. (ed.), Katharina-Lesebuch. Literarisches aus der Feder der russischen Zarin Katharina II, Wilhelmshorst, Verlag F. K. Göpfert, 1996; Stroev A., “L’art d’être grand-mère: les écrits pédagogiques de Catherine II”, in Plagnol-Diéval M.-E., Brouard-Arends I. (ed.), Femmes éducatrices au siècle des Lumières, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007, p. 299-318.

    2 Halévy R. (ed.), Le savoir du prince: du Moyen Âge aux Lumières, Paris, Fayard, 2002, p. vii.

    3 An example of the adoption of bourgeois values at a German court is provided by: Kollbach C., Aufwachsen bei Hof. Aufklärung und fürstliche Erziehung in Hessen und Baden, Frankfurt, Campus Verlag, 2009.

    4 This instruction was published in: Sbornik Imperatorskogo Rossijskogo Istoričeskogo Obščestva, op. cit., vol. 10, 1872, p. 301-330. For further discussion, see: Plavinskaia N., “Catherine II et le grand-duc Alexandre Pavlovitch: l’institution du prince russe au siècle des Lumières”, in Luciani G., Volpilhac-Auger C. (ed.), L’institution du prince au xviiie siècle, Lyon, Charvet Imprimeurs, 2003, p. 175-180.

    5 “Čto že bylo dlja razvitija našego uma i vospitanija serdca? Ničego” [“What was there for the development of our intelligence and the education of our heart? Nothing”], in Daškova E. R., Zapiski knjagini Daškovoj [The Memoirs of Princess Dashkova], Moscow, Sovetskaja Rossija, 1991, p. 41, as quoted in Solodjankina O., Inostrannye guvernantki v Rossii (vtoraja polovina xviii i pervaja polovina xix veka) [Foreign Governesses in Russia (Second Half of the Eighteenth – First Half of the Nineteenth Century)], Moscow, Akademija, 2007, p. 470.

    6 Solodjankina O., Inostrannye guvernantki v Rossii (vtoraja polovina xviii i pervaja polovina xix veka) [Foreign Governesses in Russia (Second Half of the Eighteenth – First Half of the Nineteenth Century)], op. cit., chapter 3.7: “Bonny, guvernantki i guvernery v imperatorskoj semi” [“Maids, Governesses and Tutors in the Imperial Family”].

    7 Russkie portrety xviii i xix stoletij – Portraits russes des xviiie et xixe siècles, 5 vol., Saint Petersburg, Èkspedicija zagotovlenija gosudarstvennyx bumag, Izd. Velikogo knjazja Nikolaja Mixajloviča, vol. 2, 1906, p. 104.

    8 This research takes place within the project “Educating Russia’s Princes: Swiss Tutors at the Russian Court (1780-1820)”, funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. Most of the quoted documents are held in the Bibliothèque cantonale et universitaire in Lausanne (hereafter BCUL). Tosato-Rigo D., Moret Petrini S., L’Appel de l’Est. Précepteurs et gouvernantes suisses à la Cour de Russie (1780-1820), Lausanne, Unil, 2017; Huc-Mazelet J., Je suis moi, ils sont eux. Lettres et journal d’une gouvernante à la Cour de Russie (1790-1804), ed. Tosato-Rigo D., Heller G., Francillon D., Lausanne, Éditions d’en-bas, “Ethno-doc”, 2018. The Landesarchiv Thüringen-Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar also holds interesting documents about Jeanne Huc-Mazelet and her pupil Maria Pavlovna. I would like to extend my warmest thanks to Ms. Katja Deinhardt, curator, for helping me access these documents.

    9 Frédéric-César de La Harpe to Henri Monod, 12 May O.S. 1789, BCUL, IS 1918 H33.

    10 Jeanne’s grand-father Jacques Huc-Mazelet left the Cévennes in the 1730s to escape the repression that followed the protestant insurrection known as the War of the Camisards (1702-1710).

    11 This is according to the diary of Dorothée Lienhardt, governess in the Černyšev family: Cart J., “Quelques pages d’un journal écrit à Saint-Pétersbourg et à Rome”, Revue historique vaudoise, vol. 10, 1902, p. 179.

    12 It is with this in mind that Catherine justified sending her young cousins from Holstein-Gottorp to Berne: Tosato-Rigo D., Moret Petrini S., L’Appel de l’Est. Précepteurs et gouvernantes suisses à la Cour de Russie (1780-1820), op. cit., p. 6.

    13 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 23 October O.S. 1796, BCUL, IS 4172.

    14 Esther Monod to Marie Eléonore Monod, 1796, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    15 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 28 May O.S. 1791, BCUL, IS 1472.

    16 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, undated, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    17 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, undated, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    18 Moret Petrini S., L’enfance sous la plume. La diffusion de l’écriture éducative en Suisse romande (1750-1820), Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2022, p. 149-172.

    19 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her brother Jean-David, 10 March O.S. 1793, BCUL, IS 4172.

    20 Esther Monod to Elena Pavlovna, 27 August O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    21 Lovis B., La vie théâtrale à Lausanne et dans ses environs dans la seconde moitié du xviiie siècle (1757-1798), unpublished PhD thesis, University of Lausanne, 2019.

    22 Forycki M., “Denis Diderot et le Saint-Cyr pétersbourgeois”, in Grell C., de Fortanier A. R. (ed.), L’éducation des jeunes filles nobles en Europe xviie-xviiie siècles, Paris, Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2004, p. 147-149.

    23 On Genlis, see: Plagnol-Diéval M.-E., Mme de Genlis et le théâtre d’éducation au xviiie siècle, Oxford, Voltaire Foundation, “Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century”, 1997.

    24 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, 24 August O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    25 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 23 October O.S. 1796, BCUL, IS 4172.

    26 Landesarchiv Thüringen-Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar (hereafter LTHW), Großherzogliches Hausarchiv A XXV, 542, f. 34-38.

    27 Cherrad S., Le discours pédagogique féminin au temps des Lumières, Oxford, Voltaire Foundation, “Studies in Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century”, 2015. Mazelet emphasised this in a letter: “Il est absolument nécessaire pour nous d’avoir l’estime des enfans; et pour moi j’aurais été bien malheureuse si elle n’eût pas eu cette confiance ou si indifferemment, elle se fut adressée à toute autre”, 18 October O.S. 1791, BCUL, IS 4172.

    28 LTHW, Großherzogliches Hausarchiv A XXV, 542, “Brouillards de lettres 1794”, f. 27.

    29 Esther Monod to Elena Pavlovna, undated, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    30 De Moissy A.-G., Les jeux de la petite Thalie, ou nouveaux petits drames dialogués sur des proverbes, propres à former les mœurs des enfans & des jeunes personnes depuis l'âge de cinq ans jusqu'à vingt, Paris, Bailly, 1769.

    31 Maria Pavlovna to Jeanne Huc-Mazelet, 24 March O.S. 1794, BCUL, IS 4172.

    32 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, 5 April O.S. 1794, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    33 This exercise was recommended for young noblemen by, among others, de Caraccioli L.-A., Le véritable mentor ou l’éducation de la noblesse, Avignon, Bassompierre, 1758.

    34 Journal de voyage d’Hélène Pavlovna, 13-14 March O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Ogb2.

    35 On the continuation of the very close relationship between Mazelet and Maria, see: Moret Petrini S., “Une relation pour la vie”, in Huc-Mazelet J., Je suis moi, ils sont eux. Lettres et journal d’une gouvernante à la Cour de Russie (1790-1804), op. cit., p. 245-249. Elena died prematurely in 1803.

    36 Esther Monod to Elena Pavlovna, 27 August O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    37 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 19 March O.S. 1799, BCUL, IS 4172.

    Auteur

    • Danièle Tosato-Rigo

      University of Lausanne

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    1 Fajnštejn M., Göpfert F. (ed.), Katharina-Lesebuch. Literarisches aus der Feder der russischen Zarin Katharina II, Wilhelmshorst, Verlag F. K. Göpfert, 1996; Stroev A., “L’art d’être grand-mère: les écrits pédagogiques de Catherine II”, in Plagnol-Diéval M.-E., Brouard-Arends I. (ed.), Femmes éducatrices au siècle des Lumières, Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2007, p. 299-318.

    2 Halévy R. (ed.), Le savoir du prince: du Moyen Âge aux Lumières, Paris, Fayard, 2002, p. vii.

    3 An example of the adoption of bourgeois values at a German court is provided by: Kollbach C., Aufwachsen bei Hof. Aufklärung und fürstliche Erziehung in Hessen und Baden, Frankfurt, Campus Verlag, 2009.

    4 This instruction was published in: Sbornik Imperatorskogo Rossijskogo Istoričeskogo Obščestva, op. cit., vol. 10, 1872, p. 301-330. For further discussion, see: Plavinskaia N., “Catherine II et le grand-duc Alexandre Pavlovitch: l’institution du prince russe au siècle des Lumières”, in Luciani G., Volpilhac-Auger C. (ed.), L’institution du prince au xviiie siècle, Lyon, Charvet Imprimeurs, 2003, p. 175-180.

    5 “Čto že bylo dlja razvitija našego uma i vospitanija serdca? Ničego” [“What was there for the development of our intelligence and the education of our heart? Nothing”], in Daškova E. R., Zapiski knjagini Daškovoj [The Memoirs of Princess Dashkova], Moscow, Sovetskaja Rossija, 1991, p. 41, as quoted in Solodjankina O., Inostrannye guvernantki v Rossii (vtoraja polovina xviii i pervaja polovina xix veka) [Foreign Governesses in Russia (Second Half of the Eighteenth – First Half of the Nineteenth Century)], Moscow, Akademija, 2007, p. 470.

    6 Solodjankina O., Inostrannye guvernantki v Rossii (vtoraja polovina xviii i pervaja polovina xix veka) [Foreign Governesses in Russia (Second Half of the Eighteenth – First Half of the Nineteenth Century)], op. cit., chapter 3.7: “Bonny, guvernantki i guvernery v imperatorskoj semi” [“Maids, Governesses and Tutors in the Imperial Family”].

    7 Russkie portrety xviii i xix stoletij – Portraits russes des xviiie et xixe siècles, 5 vol., Saint Petersburg, Èkspedicija zagotovlenija gosudarstvennyx bumag, Izd. Velikogo knjazja Nikolaja Mixajloviča, vol. 2, 1906, p. 104.

    8 This research takes place within the project “Educating Russia’s Princes: Swiss Tutors at the Russian Court (1780-1820)”, funded by the Swiss National Science Foundation. Most of the quoted documents are held in the Bibliothèque cantonale et universitaire in Lausanne (hereafter BCUL). Tosato-Rigo D., Moret Petrini S., L’Appel de l’Est. Précepteurs et gouvernantes suisses à la Cour de Russie (1780-1820), Lausanne, Unil, 2017; Huc-Mazelet J., Je suis moi, ils sont eux. Lettres et journal d’une gouvernante à la Cour de Russie (1790-1804), ed. Tosato-Rigo D., Heller G., Francillon D., Lausanne, Éditions d’en-bas, “Ethno-doc”, 2018. The Landesarchiv Thüringen-Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar also holds interesting documents about Jeanne Huc-Mazelet and her pupil Maria Pavlovna. I would like to extend my warmest thanks to Ms. Katja Deinhardt, curator, for helping me access these documents.

    9 Frédéric-César de La Harpe to Henri Monod, 12 May O.S. 1789, BCUL, IS 1918 H33.

    10 Jeanne’s grand-father Jacques Huc-Mazelet left the Cévennes in the 1730s to escape the repression that followed the protestant insurrection known as the War of the Camisards (1702-1710).

    11 This is according to the diary of Dorothée Lienhardt, governess in the Černyšev family: Cart J., “Quelques pages d’un journal écrit à Saint-Pétersbourg et à Rome”, Revue historique vaudoise, vol. 10, 1902, p. 179.

    12 It is with this in mind that Catherine justified sending her young cousins from Holstein-Gottorp to Berne: Tosato-Rigo D., Moret Petrini S., L’Appel de l’Est. Précepteurs et gouvernantes suisses à la Cour de Russie (1780-1820), op. cit., p. 6.

    13 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 23 October O.S. 1796, BCUL, IS 4172.

    14 Esther Monod to Marie Eléonore Monod, 1796, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    15 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 28 May O.S. 1791, BCUL, IS 1472.

    16 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, undated, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    17 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, undated, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    18 Moret Petrini S., L’enfance sous la plume. La diffusion de l’écriture éducative en Suisse romande (1750-1820), Rennes, Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2022, p. 149-172.

    19 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her brother Jean-David, 10 March O.S. 1793, BCUL, IS 4172.

    20 Esther Monod to Elena Pavlovna, 27 August O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    21 Lovis B., La vie théâtrale à Lausanne et dans ses environs dans la seconde moitié du xviiie siècle (1757-1798), unpublished PhD thesis, University of Lausanne, 2019.

    22 Forycki M., “Denis Diderot et le Saint-Cyr pétersbourgeois”, in Grell C., de Fortanier A. R. (ed.), L’éducation des jeunes filles nobles en Europe xviie-xviiie siècles, Paris, Presses de l’Université Paris-Sorbonne, 2004, p. 147-149.

    23 On Genlis, see: Plagnol-Diéval M.-E., Mme de Genlis et le théâtre d’éducation au xviiie siècle, Oxford, Voltaire Foundation, “Studies on Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century”, 1997.

    24 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, 24 August O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    25 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 23 October O.S. 1796, BCUL, IS 4172.

    26 Landesarchiv Thüringen-Hauptstaatsarchiv Weimar (hereafter LTHW), Großherzogliches Hausarchiv A XXV, 542, f. 34-38.

    27 Cherrad S., Le discours pédagogique féminin au temps des Lumières, Oxford, Voltaire Foundation, “Studies in Voltaire and the Eighteenth Century”, 2015. Mazelet emphasised this in a letter: “Il est absolument nécessaire pour nous d’avoir l’estime des enfans; et pour moi j’aurais été bien malheureuse si elle n’eût pas eu cette confiance ou si indifferemment, elle se fut adressée à toute autre”, 18 October O.S. 1791, BCUL, IS 4172.

    28 LTHW, Großherzogliches Hausarchiv A XXV, 542, “Brouillards de lettres 1794”, f. 27.

    29 Esther Monod to Elena Pavlovna, undated, BCUL, IS 1920 Oe7.

    30 De Moissy A.-G., Les jeux de la petite Thalie, ou nouveaux petits drames dialogués sur des proverbes, propres à former les mœurs des enfans & des jeunes personnes depuis l'âge de cinq ans jusqu'à vingt, Paris, Bailly, 1769.

    31 Maria Pavlovna to Jeanne Huc-Mazelet, 24 March O.S. 1794, BCUL, IS 4172.

    32 Elena Pavlovna to Esther Monod, 5 April O.S. 1794, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    33 This exercise was recommended for young noblemen by, among others, de Caraccioli L.-A., Le véritable mentor ou l’éducation de la noblesse, Avignon, Bassompierre, 1758.

    34 Journal de voyage d’Hélène Pavlovna, 13-14 March O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Ogb2.

    35 On the continuation of the very close relationship between Mazelet and Maria, see: Moret Petrini S., “Une relation pour la vie”, in Huc-Mazelet J., Je suis moi, ils sont eux. Lettres et journal d’une gouvernante à la Cour de Russie (1790-1804), op. cit., p. 245-249. Elena died prematurely in 1803.

    36 Esther Monod to Elena Pavlovna, 27 August O.S. 1797, BCUL, IS 1920 Of2.

    37 Jeanne Huc-Mazelet to her parents, 19 March O.S. 1799, BCUL, IS 4172.

    Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century

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    Tosato-Rigo, D. (2023). Enlightened Education at the Russian Court: The Swiss Governesses at Work. In R. Baudin, A. Evstratov, P. Keenan, & V. Réjoutski (éds.), Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century (1‑). Presses universitaires de Strasbourg. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pus.36456
    Tosato-Rigo, Danièle. « Enlightened Education at the Russian Court: The Swiss Governesses at Work ». In Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century, édité par Rodolphe Baudin, Alexeï Evstratov, Paul Keenan, et Vladislav Réjoutski. Strasbourg: Presses universitaires de Strasbourg, 2023. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pus.36456.
    Tosato-Rigo, Danièle. « Enlightened Education at the Russian Court: The Swiss Governesses at Work ». Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century, édité par Rodolphe Baudin et al., Presses universitaires de Strasbourg, 2023, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pus.36456.

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    Baudin, R., Evstratov, A., Keenan, P., & Réjoutski, V. (éds.). (2023). Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century (1‑). Presses universitaires de Strasbourg. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pus.36296
    Baudin, Rodolphe, Alexeï Evstratov, Paul Keenan, et Vladislav Réjoutski, éd. Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century. Strasbourg: Presses universitaires de Strasbourg, 2023. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pus.36296.
    Baudin, Rodolphe, et al., éditeurs. Russia, Europe and the World in the Long Eighteenth Century. Presses universitaires de Strasbourg, 2023, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pus.36296.
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