The Pisidians: From Their Origin to Their Western Expansion

Cristiana Doni

p. 213-227


Texte intégral

1The terms ‘Pisidians’ and ‘Pisidia’ can be regarded as Greek creations: they are classical definitions coined to insert a vague geographical space of Asia Minor into the Greek imagery of the known world. In this way, Pisidia became a highland region of southern Anatolia with uncertain boundaries, which approximately extended northwards from the coast of Pamphylia as far as lakes Burdur, Eğridir and Beyşehir: it was famous first and foremost for the reputation of its stubborn inhabitants, the Pisidians, always inclined to rebellion and brigandage.

2In this paper I will try to briefly outline what I have called ‘the formative period’ of the history of the Pisidians, namely the pre-Hellenistic stage, focusing primarily on the few literary sources mentioning Pisidians before Alexander the Great and considering the even scarcer material evidence from the period.

3The earliest history of the Pisidians is indeed woefully hazy. On onomastic and religious grounds, however, they decidedly belong to an Anatolian context and appear particularly related with the Luwian-speaking tribes who settled in south-west Anatolia during the second millennium B.C., Luwian being an Indo-European language connected to Hittite. The persistency of indigenous personal names and native cults on inscriptions and coins well into Roman times strongly proves the Anatolian descent of the Pisidian people.

4Xenophon is the first Greek writer known to us who used the term ‘Pisidians’ in the early fourth century B.C. : these people, whose ethnic is apparently unknown until then, seem unhappily familiar to the Persians because of their repeated raids on the royal territory. Xenophon does not give any information about them or he does not link them to any specific area of Anatolia. From his narrative, we only learn that they used to overrun the royal properties, often in combination with the more northern Mysians, but we do not know where their incursions originated from1. They rather appear as gangs of bandits and brigands prone to plunder adjoining areas and reluctant to any form of control. In one occasion, however, Xenophon refers to the Pisidians as inhabiting «many large and prosperous cities in the King’s territory»2: this reference indeed suggests some degree of civilisation if not for the entire population, at least for some groups, well far from a picture of barbarian and unscrupulous marauders. Strabo himself writes of urbanised and civilised, albeit warlike, Pisidians inhabiting proper cities: he even provides a list of thirteen Pisidian cities that he had taken from Artemidorus of Ephesus (100 B.C.). However, he also knows of piracytrained Pisidians who retained their tribal organisation, lived up in the mountains and were ruled by tyrants3. This picture seems to well match the information given by Xenophon.

5In 334-333 B.C., when Alexander the Great was campaigning in southern Anatolia, Termessos, Selge and Sagalassos were already Pisidian cities of considerable size, well-fortified and capable of forging coalitions and alliances if need be4.

6The exact nature of these communities is still a thorny question and we may rightly wonder about the meaning of the term «póliv» in such an early and isolated context.

7The identification of an archaic mountain-top site known as Panemoteichos, in central Pisidia, might be enlightening in this respect. The pottery there unearthed can approximately be dated from the eighth to the sixth century B.C. and shows similarities with Phrygian wares. The site has been interpreted as a large, permanent and fortified tribal centre functioning as headquarters of a tribal chief and his entourage rather than a civic community, albeit primitive. Occupation at Panemoteichos seems to have continued into the Classical period: fifth or fourth-century pottery has been found on the site. Sometime in the post-classical age the inhabitants moved the settlement from the higher hill-top above the main spring to a lower hill, about half a kilometre to the west: this is the Hellenistic and Roman Panemoteichos. Actually, human presence at Panemoteichos goes back to prehistoric times: settlers were drawn to one of the few sources of water available in the area and presumably occupied a rock shelter near the spring5.

8Another Early Iron site has been located a little south-west of Lake Burdur, on a peninsula protruding into Lake Yarışlı: it is locally known as Ada Tepesi. It presumably was the seat of local princes who were strongly influenced by Phrygian culture. Some material also shows considerable external influence, especially from the Aegean area, certainly through the Maeander valley route; later, Lydian fashion seems to have become prominent. Hellenistic and Roman pottery prove that the settlement continued to be occupied to a much later date: it might correspond with the city of Darsa mentioned by Livy in the context of the march of Cn. Manlius Vulso in 189 B.C. and with the small city of Palaiopolis mentioned in the sixth century A.D. by Hierokles6. The name ‘Palaiopolis’ would perfectly fit such an ancient settlement. The site may have been occupied even during the Early Bronze Age by the people buried in a nearby Bronze Age necropolis facing the peninsula on the northern end of Lake Yarışlı. Mycenaean material, likely imported along the Maeander valley, and local imitations were found in the cemetery: this fact proves the regional importance of the settlement at Ada Tepesi, which clearly had contacts with outlying districts perhaps already in the Early Bronze Age7.

9Archaic pottery of the same type can be seen further south, at Kozluca; Phrygian, Hellenistic and Roman wares were found on the site. The mound thus represents an Early Iron Age settlement which remained inhabited right into Roman times. It probably corresponds with the city of Kormasa mentioned, like Darsa, by Livy during the journey of Cn. Manlius Vulso through Cistauric Asia8.

10It is not a surprise to find Phrygian fashion in this sector of Asia Minor, since in the eighth and seventh centuries B.C. the Phrygians are known to have extended their influence as far as the Elmalı plain, in northern Lycia. After the demise of Phrygia, the Lydians began to expand their supremacy over western and southern Asia Minor9.

11Sagalassos itself seems to have already existed in the Late Bronze Age, although no archaeological evidence has thus far been recorded: it is most likely mentioned in Hittite sources of the fourteenth and thirteenth centuries respectively with the name of Sallawassa and Sallusa. The same can be said for its southern neighbour, the classical city of Kolbasa, probably identifiable with the Hittite Kuwalapassa10.

12All in all, this evidence points to the existence of important settlements in what was to become Pisidia already during the Late Bronze Age: they supposedly functioned as strategic sites within larger territorial units. Several places may have been continuously occupied right into the historical period, so that a process of cultural superposition would account for the lack of surface material for the earlier periods11.

13It might thus be supposed that some strategic centres of the second and first millennium B.C. had evolved into urban nuclei by the fifth and fourth centuries and certainly had contacts with the Greek world. Undoubtedly, the formation of cities inspired by Greek models in Asia Minor had its origin in the archaic colonisation between about 1200 and 1000 B.C. : this migration primarily affected the Aegean coast and the maritime areas of south-west Anatolia, where the name ‘Pamphylia’ is clearly an allusion to the heterogeneous provenance of the settlers. Here personal and place names suggest that, before the Greek colonisation, the Luwians constituted the dominant population: they controlled the mountain inland areas as well as the coastal belt below and continued to do so for many centuries after the original period of migration and settlement, influencing the Greek newcomers to a not negligible degree. Since the fourth century B.C., the phenomenon was reversed and the indigenous population underwent a rapid Hellenisation: this process came to its climax after the passage of Alexander the Great through Asia Minor, when the culture of the Greeks became absolutely overwhelming12, thanks to centuries of acculturation and interaction that had paved the way for the phenomenon.

14The unification of Asia Minor under the Phrygian, Lydian and, later, Persian domination presumably played a role in the spreading of Hellenic influences, eventually providing a typically Greek model of urban development also for the indigenous centres in the interior of Turkey13: unfortunately, our knowledge of Pisidia and Anatolia during the Dark Ages is too poor to allow any precise statement, but it is easy to envisage that the existence of a central power produced a climate of stability and security that certainly had positive effects on trade and, in general, promoted contacts among people.

15What is then the relationship between the Persians and the Pisidian people? Going back to Xenophon, his references to the Pisidians date all back to a specific period of Persian history, the reign of king Artaxerxes II. Later narratives of Cornelius Nepos and Diodorus Siculus seem to confirm this chronological setting. The historian Theopompus, quoted by the Byzantine scholar and patriarch of Constantinople Photius, reports that the Egyptian king Achoris, who reigned between 393-382 B.C., pursued an active anti-Persian policy in the Mediterranean area, entering into alliances among others with Evagoras of Cyprus and the people of Pisidia14. It can thus be supposed that, when the Persians attacked Egypt and its ally Cyprus, between 385-380 B.C., the Egyptians could rely on the military support of Pisidian warriors enrolled in virtue of some previous agreements, besides a large number of Greek mercenaries15. In the affirmative, this was certainly a good occasion for contact between the Pisidians and the Greek world.

16Apparently, there is no evidence that the Pisidians were active in Asia Minor before Artaxerxes II, but if one looks more carefully, this turns out to be imprecise.

17Plutarch informs us that Themistocles, during his exile in Asia Minor (ca. 468-462 B.C.), was the victim of an ambush laid by the then satrap of Greater Phrygia, a Persian named Ἐπιξύης, who had procured the service of some Pisidians with patent orders to kill the Athenian when he had reached Leontocephalae, a village in Greater Phrygia. According to the narrative, Themistocles managed to escape death thanks to the epiphany of the Mother of the Gods he had in a dream: the plot failed and the Pisidians hired for the assassination were arrested by Themistocles’guards16. Unfortunately, it is impossible to identify the source on which Plutarch drew for this anecdote, but certainly it must have been a wellinformed and reliable one, almost a chronicle of local events perhaps based on some regional archives, probably earlier Greek sources.

18From Xenophon we also learn that in 399 B.C. Pharnabazus, satrap of Daskyleion, in Hellespontine Phrygia, had to take military initiatives against the Mysians and Pisidians who were infesting his satrapy17. This evidence combined together suggests the mobility of some Pisidian groups who were capable of operating well beyond the borders of what was to become Pisidia on their own initiative or at others’ request18.

19Diodorus Siculus in turn relates that during the battle of the Eurymedon, in or about 466 B.C., when the Greeks of Kimon pounced upon the Persian troops, the latter believed for a while that the Pisidians «ὄντας ὁ μόρους καὶ τὰ πρòς αὐτοὺς ἀλλοτρίως ἔχοντας» were attacking them19. We cannot be sure whether Diodorus is here reporting the Persian perspective or he is anachronistically attributing the fear of the Pisidians, well-known to everybody by the first century B.C., to the Persian army. In any case, this battle was certainly one of the earliest opportunities for contact between the native population of southern Anatolia, Pisidians included, and the Greek world.

20In 480 B.C., Xerxes launched an immense expedition to invade Greece. Herodotus provides us with a list of peoples who were included in the Persian army: many of them came from Asia Minor and some were neighbours of Hellenistic and Roman Pisidians. Our attention focuses mainly on obscure tribes such as the Milyans and Kabalians, whose destiny was to become closely related with that of the Pisidians: they featured in Xerxes’ army under the command of Badrēs, son of Hystanēs20. Unfortunately, some tribal name is missing at the beginning of the previous paragraph. It has been suggested that the similarity between the name «Πισίδαι» and the word «ἀσπίδας» had caused the omission of the ethnic from the text21, so that precisely the Pisidians would here be described as members of the Persian troops22. The reference to an oracle of Ares corroborates this conjecture: cults of Ares are not common in the Greek world and concentrate in Asia Minor, especially Pisidia, where they are likely to have developed from cults of pre-Greek warrior-gods23. All in all, however, any name could fit the blank24. However, if Pisidian contingents really took part in the expedition against Greece, this would certainly have been a good opportunity of interaction between them and the Greek world.

21Describing the new organisation of the Persian Empire under Darius I, namely the establishment of twenty satrapies and the imposition of an annual tribute, Herodotus compiles a list of subject peoples with their financial obligations25. The Pisidians are amazingly absent and this silence is somewhat significant, especially because most of the mentioned peoples acted within their same orbit: our attention focuses again on some minor tribes or communities later connected to the Pisidians such as the Milyans and Kabalians, already known as members of Xerxes’ army. If Herodotus mentions them, but does not report the presence of the Pisidians within the administrative and political landscape of the Persian Empire, it may not be a pure coincidence: it may well be that they were never part of that system, on account of their stubborn nature and remote position. Not all the peoples who owed allegiance to the king or were subject to his authority were consequently included into the network of the new imperial organisation, especially in the interior of Asia Minor. There existed other ways of being subject to or involved in imperial affairs and acknowledging Achaemenid supremacy, first and foremost by providing troops and ships in time of major conflict: mercenaries were enlisted by royal officers and satraps in every region which had come more or less effectively under Persian control. It is not thus a surprise to find Pisidians, famous for their fighting skills, enrolled at the service of the Persians in more than one occasion26.

22This explanation seems to corroborate the above suggested restoration «Πισίδαι» in Herodotus’ passage on the Persian army: the Pisidians would not have been included in any satrapy, if not nominally, considering their reluctant nature, but their ability to fight did not escape Persians’ notice: they were therefore employed as mercenaries in virtue of some sort of imperial obligations.

23Nevertheless, more numerous are the examples of Pisidians acting against the Persian authority: this unfriendly attitude is well-known since the battle of the Eurymedon, as mentioned above.

24To recapitulate, Xenophon remains the first Greek author to mention Pisidians, recording the troubles these people caused to the Persians between the late fifth and early fourth century B.C., unless the restoration of the term «Πισίδαι» in Herodotus can be proved as correct. Later sources such as Plutarch and Diodorus Siculus, however, relate events of Persian history in which Pisidian people were involved, either at Persians’ service or against them, in the first half of the fifth century B.C. At any rate, their name never appears in Achaemenid sources.

25The picture emerging from the few Greek narratives available for the pre-Hellenistic period thus portrayed the Pisidians as a disunited people within which different orientations operated, some in accordance with the Persian authority, some others in opposition to it: this dichotomy will be a constant in Pisidian history, with some unidentified groups taking hostile initiatives against a foreign power and some more ‘diligent’ groups willing to co-operate with an external rule.

26Greek propaganda always tended to stress the negative and barbarian aspects of the Pisidians to explain the failed attempts of various monarchs to establish a more firm control over them27: even Alexander the Great experienced difficulties when he happened to deal with them.

27Modern interpretation of the cultural history of the Pisidians has inevitably been affected by this Helleno-centric approach, but recent archaeological and epigraphic discoveries have finally overturned the characterisation of these people as isolated and uncivilised barbarians, revealing an utterly different picture.

28The Pisidians were indeed a non Greek, therefore ‘barbarian’, people of Anatolian descent, perhaps simply one of the numerous independent and warlike tribes within the galaxy of communities living along the southern coast of Anatolia: however, adjectives such as ‘barbarian’, ‘independent’ and ‘warlike’ are not at all synonyms for uncivilised attitudes.

29Conversely, literary and material evidence suggest good levels of civilisation and organisation among the Pisidians at a very early stage: they proved to be particularly receptive to external influences and revealed a natural propensity for adopting and adapting foreign cultures with excellent results.

30Their Luwian forebears are known to have established contacts with contemporary civilisations, the Hittites, the Mycenaeans, the Phrygians, the Lydians, and to have inevitably been influenced by them28. Likewise, after the Greeks settled along the south-west coast of Asia Minor, they began to absorb Hellenic influences: the vicinity of the ‘land of all the tribes’ certainly promoted interaction between the native population and the Greeks there settled, the relation between the plateau and the coastal plain below having always been a close one.

31After centuries of contacts, their descendants, the Pisidians of classical times, were eventually able to develop civic communities constitutionally and architecturally inspired by Greek models, easily conforming to the rules and trappings of a foreign culture which perfectly met their tribal aspirations of autonomy and liberty: tribal structure and city-state undoubtedly have common features29. One may even suppose that a background of long-established, but not strictly Greek, civic culture facilitated the formation of citystates in Pisidia, a land whose geographical conformation definitely called for city-states. It was not simply a fashion, but a completely new way of defining themselves and their political, economic and social space in the eyes of the world: Hellenisation was a choice made by the local population in order to keep afloat in the Mediterranean basin. The same spontaneous choice was repeated centuries later towards Romanisation30. By means of internalising the new imported culture, the local tradition could thus survive.

32To conclude, the Pisidians were secure from attack and hardly reachable rather than isolated and remote: on the contrary, they were a dynamic people who could easily move through a mountainous territory that had no secrets for them. The literary sources above mentioned indeed show a people in constant movement for the most disparate reasons: to plunder neighbouring territories, to serve a Persian representative or, more often, to fight Persian authority. In virtue of their social dynamism, the Pisidians happened to take part in some important or marginal episodes of fifth and fourth centuries history which brought them into closer and closer contact with the Greek world: the military context was certainly one of the most fertile ground for interactions.

33This scenario is confirmed for the Hellenistic period. On account of their movements, the Pisidians inevitably encroached on adjoining communities and thanks to their organisation into city-states eventually incorporated their more loosely organised neighbours. This happened with particular evidence in the West, where some Pisidian groups took control of the land known as Milyas, originally inhabited by the Milyans, while some others moved even beyond the Milyas establishing themselves in the ancient land of the Kabalians, the Kibyratis, in northern Lycia. Here, Termessos at Oinoanda was patently a colony of Pisidian Termessos and the site of Kibyra, originally a Lydian foundation, was re-founded by the Pisidians who transferred it to a stronger position, as it was in their style; the cities of Balboura and Boubon themselves had links with the Pisidians. Pisidian was one of the languages once spoken in the Kibyratis31.

34The hypothesis of a westward Pisidian expansion is nowadays scholarly accepted, although these movements cannot be given a precise date: they took place sometime during the Hellenistic age, but we must be satisfied with a generic period between 225 and 175 B.C.32.

35Some Pisidians moved so far to the west that they became neighbours of the Carians and Lydians: there were Pisidian communities even beyond the Kabalis, north and north-east of Kibyra, around Eriza, Themisonion, Tabai and Kidrama33.

36Eastwards, the Pisidian presence seems to have been less incisive: several tribes inhabited the territories around lakes Beyşehir and Suğla and were perhaps characterised by a mixture of Pisidian, Pamphylian, Phrygian, Lycaonian, Isaurian and Cilician elements, but the Pisidians were indeed very active over a broad zone stretching from Caria and Lycia round to Lycaonia, as a proof of their great mobility.

37In Hellenistic times, Pisidians are even attested outside Asia Minor, both as normal emigrants to Rhodes, Athens and some Aegean islands and as soldiers and mercenaries in the armed forces of the Hellenistic dynasties, especially Egypt34, where the Ptolemies seem to have continued the tradition begun by Achoris in the fourth century B.C. enlisting a large number of Pisidians in their military system. Historically, virtually nothing is known about Pisidian emigrants: the ancient literary sources do not tell anything about the epoch, the modalities and reasons why they decided or were forced to leave their home countries and move abroad. In this respect, our main source of information is the epigraphic record: funerary texts, ephebic lists and few other types of inscriptions commit to eternity the memory of ordinary people whose existence would otherwise be unknown.

Image

Figure 1.– Ancient Pisidia.
(Taken from the doctoral thesis of Peter Talloen, Cult in Pisidia. Religious Practice in Southwestern Asia Minor from the Hellenistic to the early Byzantine Period, still unpublished.)

Image

Figure 2.– Topographic plan of Panemoteichos sites.
(Taken from S. Aydal, S. Mitchell, T. Robinson et L. Vandeput, “The Pisidian Survey 1995: Panemoteichos and Ören Tepe”, Anatolian Studies, 47 [1997], p. 141-172.)

Image

Figure 3.– North-west Pisidia.
(Taken from G.E. Bean, “Notes and Inscriptions from Pisidia. Part 1”, Anatolian Studies, 9 [1959], p. 69.)

Image

Figure 4.– The westward Pisidian expansion.
(Taken from A.S. Hall, “R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies n. 9. The Milyadeis and their territory”, Anatolian Studies, 36 [1986], p. 138.)

Bibliographie

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Notes de bas de page

1 Xenophon, An., I, 1, 11; 2, 1; 2, 4; 9, 14; II, 5; III, 1, 9-10; 2, 23; Hell., III, 1, 13; Mem., III, 5, 26.

2 Xenophon, An., III, 2, 23.

3 Strabo, XII, 7, 2-3 (C 570).

4 Arrian, An., I, 27, 5 (on Termessos); I, 28, 1 (on Selge and Sagalassos).

5 On the site see S. Aydal, S. Mitchell, T. Robinson et L. Vandeput, “The Pisidian Survey 1995: Panemoteichos and Ören Tepe”, Anatolian Studies, 47 (1997), p. 141-172. Cf. also S. Mitchell, “Three cities in Pisidia”, Anatolian Studies, 44 (1994), p. 136-144.

6 Livy, XXXVIII, 15, 8; Hierokles, Synecd., 680, 11.

7 On Ada Tepesi (alias Yarımada or Düğer Ada) see M. Waelkens et al., “The 1996 and 1997 surveys in the Territory of Sagalassos”, dans M. Waelkens et L. Loots (éd.), Sagalassos V. Report on the Survey and Excavation Campaigns of 1996 and 1997, I, Leuven (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia, 11/A), 2000, p. 176-187 et 203 (abrégé Waelkens et al., “The 1996 and 1997 surveys”).

8 On the site of Kozluca: ibid., p. 191; Livy, XXXVIII, 15, 7.

9 A. Kuhrt, The Ancient Near East c. 3000-330 B.C., II, Londres-New York, 1995, p. 562-572. Strabo, XIII, 4, 17 (C 631) knows that «the Kibyratae are descendants of the Lydians who took possession of Kabalis».

10 On Sagalassos and Pisidia in the Protohistoric period see M. Waelkens, “Sagalassos and Pisidia during the Late Bronze Age” dans M. Waelkens et L. Loots (éd.), Sagalassos V. Report on the Survey and Excavation Campaigns of 1996 and 1997, II, Leuven (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia, 11/B), 2000, p. 473-485.

11 M. Waelkens et al., “The 1996 and 1997 surveys”, p. 203-208.

12 S. Mitchell, “The Hellenization of Pisidia”, Mediterranean Archaeology, 4 (1991), p. 119-121 (abrégé Mitchell, “Hellenization of Pisidia”); G.H.R. Horsley, “Homer in Pisidia: Aspects of the History of Greek Education in a remote Roman Province”, Antichthon, 34 (2000), p. 49-52.

13 M. Sartre, L’Anatolie hellénistique de l’Égée au Caucase, Paris, 2003, p. 10 acknowledges that «la longue domination achéménide, qui a laissé des traces dans le peuplement et les cultes, n’a pas abouti à un recul de l’hellénisme. Au contraire, l’hellénisation a progressé rapidement dès le IVe siècle vers l’intérieur, en Carie, en Phrygie, en Pisidie, en Cilicie Plane par exemple». He expressly asserts (p. 79-82) that «la réunification de l’Anatolie sous la domination achéménide a coïncidé (mais en est-elle la cause?) avec un élargissement rapide des bases géographiques de l’hellénisme».

14 Cornelius Nepos, Datames, IV, 4-5; VI, 1; VIII, 1-2. Diodorus Siculus, XV, 90, 3. Photius, Bibliotheca, 176. Theopompus.

15 M.A. Dandamaev, A Political History of the Achaemenid Empire, Leiden-New York-København-Köln, 1989, p. 297.

16 Plutarch, Them., 30.

17 Xenophon, Hell., III, 1, 13.

18 P. Debord, L’Asie Mineure au IVe siècle (412-323 a. C.), Bordeaux, 1999, p. 94.

19 Diodorus Siculus, XI, 61, 4.

20 Herodotus, VII, 76-77.

21 H. Stein, Herodotus, III, Berlin, 1882, p. 81.

22 The reading here suggested is: <Πισίδαι> δὲ ἀσπίδας ὠμοβοίνας εἶχον σμικράς... with a re-position of the particle δὲ between the restored name and ἀσπίδας, unless one thinks of a substantial lacuna, i. e. an entire sentence missing.

23 S. Mitchell, Anatolia. Land, Men, and Gods in Asia Minor, II, Oxford, 1993, p. 28; L. Robert, Hellenica, VII, Paris, 1949, p. 67-73; id., Hellenica, X, Paris, 1955, p. 72-78; id., Hellenica, XIII, Paris, 1965, p. 43-44; id., Documents d’Asie Mineure méridionale, Geneva-Paris, 1966, p. 91-100; id., “Documents d’Asie Mineure”, BCH, 107 (1983), p. 572, 578-583.

24 H. Stein, op. cit., p. 81; W. Arkwright, “The Cabalians of Herodotus”, JHS, 34 (1914), p. 64-65; M. Gonzales, “The Oracle and Cult of Ares in Asia Minor”, Greek, Roman, and Byzantine Studies, 45 (2005), p. 261-283.

25 Herodotus, III, 89-90.

26 P. Briant, From Cyrus to Alexander. A History of the Persian Empire, Winona Lake (Indiana), 2002, p. 793-796; T.C. Young, “The Persian Empire”, CAH 4², 1988, p. 87-93.

27 M. Waelkens, “Sagalassos. History and Archaeology”, dans M. Waelkens (éd.), Sagalassos I. First general Report on the Survey (1986-1989) and Excavations (1990-1991), Leuven (Acta Archaeologica Lovaniensia, 5), 1993, p. 42.

28 On the Luwians see the recent work of H.C. Melchert, The Luwians, Leiden-Boston, 2003.

29 In this regard see M.B. Rowton, “Urban autonomy in a nomadic environment”, Journal of Near East Studies, 32 (1973), p. 201-215; id., “Enclosed Nomadism”, Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient, 17, 1 (1979), p. 17.

30 Mitchell, “Hellenization of Pisidia”, p. 138-145; id., “Greek epigraphy and social change. A study of the Romanization of south-west Asia Minor in the third century A.D.”, dans XI Congresso internazionale di epigrafia greca e latina. Roma, 18-24 Settembre 1997, (Atti III), Rome, p. 420-421.

31 Strabo, XIII, 4, 17 (C 631).

32 On the movements of Pisidians see J.J. Coulton, “Termessians at Oinoanda”, Anatolian Studies, 32 (1982), p. 115-131; A.S. Hall, “R.E.C.A.M. Notes and Studies n. 9. The Milyadeis and their territory”, Anatolian Studies, 36 (1986), p. 137-157 (abrégé Hall, “Milyadeis”); A.S. Hall, J.J. Coulton, “A Hellenistic Allotment List from Balboura in the Kibyratis”, Chiron, 20 (1990), p. 109-157.

33 Hall, “Milyadeis”, 150. See also H. Oppermann, “Pisidike, Pisidikoi”, dans RE XX (1950), coll. 1797-1798; J. Strubbe (éd.), APAI ΕΠΙΤΨΜΒΙΟΙ. Imprecations against Desecrators of the Grave in the Greek Epitaphs of Asia Minor. A Catalogue, Bonn, (IGSK, 52), 1997, nn. 128-139 p. 95-99, 297. On the onomastics of the area cf. W.M. Ramsay, The Cities and Bishoprics of Phrygia. The Lycos Valley and south-western Phrygia, II, Oxford, 1895, n. 91-92-93 p. 269-270, n. 97-190-191-192-193-194 p. 272-273.

34 The bibliography concerning Pisidians abroad I have been able to collect is large and different. For reason of space I list here only a small part of it. On Pisidian emigrants see J. Nollé, Die Inschriften von Selge, Bonn (IGSK, 37), 1991, p. 54-55: he exclusively refers to the large number of Selgians epigraphically attested in Rhodes. On Pisidian employed as mercenaries and soldiers see M. Launey, Recherches sur les armées hellénistiques. Réimpression avec addenda et mise à jour, en postface par Y. Garlan, Ph. Gauthier, Cl. Orrieux, I, Paris (BEFAR, 169), 1987, p. 471-476; II, p. 1223-1225 et C.A. La’da, “Foreign ethnics in Hellenistic Egypt”, in W. Clarysse, H. Hauben, L. Mooren et K. Vandorpe (éd.), Prosopographia Ptolemaica, X, Leuven-Paris-Dudley (Ma), (Studia Hellenistica, 38), 2002, p. 74, 123, 271-272, 283.


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