URL originale : https://books.openedition.org/pur/50870

Cars as a threat to civilization. A look at 1960s Counterculture, Policy Makers and Movie Directors
p. 153-163
Note de l’éditeur
This essay is a result of an FP7 Marie Curie fellowship conducted at the T.U. Berlin. The research leading to these results has received funding from the People Programme (Marie Curie Actions) of the European Union’s Seventh Framework Programme (FP7/2007-2013) under REA grant agreement no 252489.
Texte intégral
“We are nourishing at immense cost a monster of great potential destructiveness... Regarded in its collective aspect as ‘the traffic problem’ the motor car is clearly a menace which can spoil our civilisation.”
(Buchanan 1963, Report of the Steering Group).
1In 1971, a visionary (and sometimes rather slow) Jacques Tati movie displayed and celebrated the crisis of “western” mobility. The title of the movie itself, Trafic2, critiques a way of life in contemporary European cities, a statement that Tati was building on his previous 1967 Playtime3. In Playtime, the momentum climaxes with the closing clip, focused on a roundabout, where cars drive in circles, without any discernible sense. Tati’s movies were just some of the numerous representations of the car congestion crisis. Godard’s Weekend4 (1967), The Italian Job5 directed by Peter Collinson (1969) and Fellini’s Roma6 (1972) are other iconic films in which the directors showed car congestion, the automobile’s invasion of urban spaces and people’s increasing divorce from everyday sociability. The city emerges as a space empty of people and full of cars, deprived of social life and fit just for transport. The car utopia, e. g. anyone moving quickly anywhere at any time, upon reaching the critical point of mass motorisation, is deformed into a dystopia, presenting a life constructed of immobility, isolation and neurosis.
2The topic was not just a fashion among some intellectual milieus, but somehow emerged as a consequence of automobile failure, which largely concerned the most sensitive experts and stakeholders. The 1963 Buchanan Report7 (officially titled Traffic in Towns), nowadays a milestone in traffic engineering history, was the iceberg tip of a wider crisis of urban planning, wondering how to fit a bigger amount of cars into cities and roads. Buchanan’s account and criticism of traffic in the UK was therefore the outcome of a significant cultural shift in the perception of automobilism among planners and urban policy-makers.
3In other words, those robust and bitter comments on worse quality of life due to mass motorization were not just a Nouvelle vague, because behind them there was a shift in the value placed on the private transport system. Not surprisingly, during the 1960s the city crisis emerged as a cultural topic, and the main focus was on “alienated” urban spaces and the destruction of community relations, predicting a future of isolation and neurosis. This topic was discussed in three different ways:
- in books, reports, pamphlets8,
- by counter-movement actions, like sit-ins, protests (and riots) against urban motorway constructions9, or public provocative political actions, like the “white bicycle” by the Dutch Provo.
- by artists, both in novels10 and in movies11.
4These powerful criticisms gained momentum and aimed to open a wider debate on the use of the city and urban arena. Those publications, actions and mass media outcomes focused on mobility behaviours emphasised 1) the “post-war urban transport model’s [e. g. car culture] failure to deliver its promises”12 and 2) traffic infrastructure “as the main culprit of the urban space reorganisation, destroying all the social and communitarian uses13.”
5The roots of such automobile disapproval lay not just in one area, but sprung up on both sides of the Atlantic, touching mainly the USA, West Germany, the UK and France. Also the cultural backgrounds of the intellectuals who spoke out were far from being homogeneous: Jane Jacobs was a Canadian architectural correspondent, Alexander Mitscherlich a German psychologist, Alfred Sauvy a French economist, Colin Buchanan an English engineer. On the movie director side, Jacques Tati offered a bitter anti-modern clownish critique of technology in western society, Jean-Luc Godard on his own displayed the traffic topic in an engaged way, Federico Fellini explored Italian car congestion in an imaginative and dreamy way, while Peter Collinson approached the theme apparently in a pure-fun attitude.
6As Brian Ladd investigated in his book, offering additional book titles moving in that direction, in different ways and with diverse fortunes, all those outcomes (essays, novels, movies) reached a broad audience and were often internationally renowned; they left a legacy that was not just for the stakeholders.
7In this vein, I believe that those critiques focused on car mobility as flooding the urban spaces and therefore accused them of disrupting urban sociability: this was made under the assumption that the obvious and “natural” place where democracy was born and could flourish was the public space. The disruption of a shared public space thus led to a disruption of sociability in its fundamental points.
8So, while the current concerns about motor-vehicles are mainly linked to their pollution and their energy greediness, in the 1960s “western” counterculture, the main concerns were social and cultural. In a more apocalyptic way, as in the Buchanan report, the car was menacing more than sociability, threatening the very core concept of western civilisation. This essay aims to present a report of the automobile crisis as depicted by experts, policy makers, protesters and artists before energy and pollution issues reached the cultural, social and, eventually, political agenda. It intends to explore the car crisis as it emerged in the 1960s, showing how that decade witnessed a “cultural turn” in urban space, social interaction and mobility, and how much (or how little) those critiques influence today’s mobility policies.
Density, mobility and sociability
9At a closer look, car culture has always experienced strong criticism and faced many opponents, with a great array of critiques. Such issues are as old as the car device itself14. If nowadays the motor vehicle is an object of daily use for many city inhabitants, in the beginning, the car with its mass, speed and related risks provoked a long and stubborn outcry. Despite such opposition, it became in the long run the dominant object of cities, generating a revolution in public space use.
10After the Great War, the automobile was lauded as a groundbreaking tool of modernization, embodying many values recognized by the contemporaries as up to date; from its technological attributes to its speed, from economic efficiency to personal independence. The car was no longer a toy for a few super-rich, with a chauffeur managing the mechanical apparatus: instead cars were convenient and efficient mobility tools, making life easy, guaranteeing independence and freedom, and maintaining consensus in the political system15.
11Automobile diffusion thus embodied social expectations and soon became a pillar of economic development, leading the way to transportation enhancements. After WW2, the USA, Canada, Australia and New Zealand witnessed ever wider waves of mass motorisation, reaching any class and social layer. Western European development soon followed this trend.
12This huge increase in the number and uses of motor vehicles in turn increased traffic flows. Confronting this issue, in the late 1910s USA cities were the first grounds of traffic engineering experiments, with one-way streets, no left-hand-turns, banned parking along urban roads, etc16. Those first attempts soon became more sophisticated and widely developed, but shortly city planners again faced congestion troubles, and favoured new driving arenas, specially built for automobile purposes, such as suburbs (based on sprawl and low-density buildings), and freeways. Nevertheless, even while shaping a new form for the city, car diffusion generated further contradictions. From that moment, far from being a convenient transport means, travelling by automobile offered queues, congestions, no parking facilities, and therefore no more fast and door-to-door journeys. Increasingly time consuming, trips by car shifted in the mass motorization era from individual mobility to collective immobility. In other words, congestion was the first, and self-perpetuating, negative effect of mass motorization. The contradiction shortly became visible, and the (western) cities, at that point facing a wide crisis, were the battlefield of this challenge.
13The urban sprawl itself was initially claimed as a solution for urban overcrowding and to recover city slums, but the garden city utopia also showed its dark side as soon as the main transport system shifted from mass transit to mass motorization17: in the 1960s it seemed that urban sprawl created isolation, car dependence, social exclusion and lack of interactions. Behind those points there lay the idea of the dense city, and its intense diversity and personal face-to-face contacts, as the best place in which to develop a proper vibrant sociability.
Which city do we want? 1963 Buchanan Report
14The Buchanan Report was presented in 1963 as an official UK Transport Ministry enquiry about the problem of car diffusion in British cities.
15The report denounces, in an alarming way, the increased problems caused by mass motorisation in England. What stands out from the reading of this report is its duality. Far from blaming cars, the essay persuasively describes the automobile’s charm and general fascination, understanding how motor vehicles were highly desired and requested. General congestion, slowed down traffic and parking hell created by mass motorisation, says Buchanan, would not therefore stop people’s desire to buy, as soon as families had the means, a car18. Attitudes toward automobiles should not be recognized through classical rational behaviours, but were largely influenced by social attitudes. It was thus suggested that even if it was inconvenient in terms of facilities and use, the car’s fate was far from over. Although the report seemed rather outmoded in its division into “essential and optional traffic”, as well as in its benevolent attitude to mass motorisation, 50 years after its writing it appears to be correct in its claim that to remove the car would have been not possible, both for its symbolic value and for its everyday use
16In 1963, English society was already stuck in a strong dependency on motor vehicles.
“The motor vehicle of course cannot simply be ‘disinvented’. Events have passed far beyond the point at which it would have been possible to revert to railway, though doubtless some loads could even now be transferred with advantages from road to rail. The fact is that a vast amount of development has been disposed around the country – including great suburban estates round the cities–based on the motor vehicle as the form of transport, and life in these areas could not continue to thrive except with a substitute offering the same range of services as the motor [vehicle]19.”
17English cities were consequently facing impressive troubles.
“There is some measure of agreement about the broad nature of the urban traffic problem – jams, frustrations, parking difficulties, confusion, noise and accidents20.”
18With more than just a psychological touch, the report analyses how cars presence interferes with the urban road in everyday life and how it has huge consequences on personal and social attitudes. In addition to social inefficiency, the report focuses its attention on the consequences of cars in the urban environment, conceiving environment in a broad way.
19Here a “deterioration of environment” is depicted, which involves “safety” (accidents tolling thousands of people – largely children – killed or injured every year), noise pollution, “fumes and smell” contamination, but also aesthetic outcomes which transformed, for the worse, the urban atmosphere. The intrusion of cars generated visual pollution and deteriorated the urban landscape.
20The remarkable and effective photograph captions present in the volume similarly show “the crowding out of every available square yard of space with vehicles”, where “cars have been allowed to take complete possession of the footpaths”, and “buildings seem to rise from a plinth of cars”. Traffic signs and indications have strong visual results: “The paraphernalia deemed necessary to help traffic flow” is a visual intrusion on the everyday visual experience. Besides, car infrastructure produces repulsive urban panoramas. Roads are “dreary, formless car parks”, and urban “highway works [are] violently out of scale with the more modest dimension of the towns through which they pass”. There is even “little hesitation in using cathedral closes for parking”, while “derelict cars are allowed to stay” on the roads and, as a general statement, “indifference to visual intrusion leads eventually to a slovenly disregard for the quality of the surroundings21.”
21This is the core of Buchanan’s criticisms, that is, city form and urban atmosphere. Regarding city form, as both a cause and an effect of car diffusion, English cities were also becoming sprawled and losing their traditional compactness. As Buchanan opined, UK was facing the “dangers of sprawl and the virtues of compactness”.
22Here it is the central concept: density as the winning point of a less car-dependant, more social and thus better city.
“In a compact area, journey distances, including the all-important journeys to work and school, are kept to the minimum. The concentration of people makes it possible to provide a diversity of services, interests and contacts. There is wider choice of housing, employment, school, shops and recreational and cultural pursuits22.”
23In other words, “the issue is not starkly between high-density flats and low density suburbs – it is desirable that towns should have some of both – but whether to maintain or abandon the degree of compactness and proximity which seems to contribute so much to the variety and richness of urban life23.”
24So, although largely justified with transport efficiency, his report moved mobility issues forward greatly, claiming that a dense urban area was the basis for a better social environment. In Buchanan’s view, due to their critical mass, only compact cities can offer a variegated and fruitful array of social interactions. As Mees24 energetically pointed out, density as a benefit for mobility management was claimed in se, while the urban and transport planning debate started in the 1950s to contain mainly self-confirmation of that thesis.
25Anticipating Richard Florida’s (controversial) work on “creative class25” and the wide discussion on “creative cities26”, Buchanan explicitly evokes a vibrant urban cultural environment and satisfying urban landscapes as the only way to keep social life meaningful. In his report, the main call is not therefore to rediscover an “authentic” archetypal lifestyle, but to work for a proper “civilised” environment, one shaped by social needs and not car based: “The freedom with which a person can walk about and look around is a useful guide to the civilised quality of an urban area27.”
26Additionally,
“The overriding context in which the problems of urban traffic have to be considered is the need to create or re-create towns which in the broadest sense of the term are worth living in, and this means much more than the freedom to use motor vehicles; it is a mixture of all manner of things – convenience, variety of choice, contrast, architecture, history visible in the buildings – all more or less subtle qualities. Life in towns could no doubt be lived without any of them, but it would be a poorer and emptier life as a result28.”
27Life and social enlightenment are therefore the outcome of an intense, variegated and cosy space, which can be easily enriched in a compact city with fewer cars, than in a dispersed urban jam.
“The Italian Job” Movie (1969): Car Culture Apotheosis or Decline?
28Also produced in England, but with definitely different purposes and goals, The Italian Job movie, filmed by Peter Collinson in 1969 and set in Turin, Italy (home to Fiat’s headquarters), is an iconic representation of car culture.
29The main topic is the car congestion of the city, a topic that – as seen above – was already presented in novels and movies, and was used again in the following years. In Tati’s, Godard’s, Fellini’s and Collinson’s movies, mass motorisation is both cause and effect of a new lifestyle which leads to alienation, hostility, and resentment. In Tati’s Trafic the car is a metallic cocoon embedding all house facilities, designed to be displayed in an artificially-created countryside environment. The congestion created by cars themselves impeded the camper-car from reaching the car exhibition, giving us the hope of the car-system failure, as well as its “triumph” in making our cities unfriendly and aggressive. Fellini’s Roma and, even more so, Godard’s Weekend show the aggression carried by motor-vehicles. According to his style, Fellini presented the arrival to Rome made by train before WW2, contrasting it with the arrival to the eternal city made by car in 1972. While the train station is a chaotic but colourful environment, full of people and experiences, the 1972 traffic queue in the Roman motorway has a gloomy atmosphere, leaking violence and aggression. The old days of restaurant tables sitting out on the Roman streets, while harmless streetcars use the urban space, are gone; the car is a serious threat that makes sociability impossible. Godard’s Weekend is more radical. Mobility is a difficult task and car use and possession leads to open violence, gun shots and death. Motor-vehicles are the core of (capitalist) un-civilisation; people are addressed according to their car models, while the ownership of an automobile easily leads to violence, rape and death, eventually culminating in cannibalism.
30Here we have an inner representation of car development. While motor-vehicles are the most evident outcome of modernisation, leading to the end of sociability as experienced so far, there is something missing in Jacob’s book or in Buchanan’s report: that is, the car as a microcosm which shelters human beings on board. Therefore, motor-vehicles not only destroy sociability in the more blatant way of stealing space where sociability can be experienced: they also re-allocate sociability inside their metallic bodies, shaping new ways of sociability,
31 The Italian Job addresses this issue in a pure-fun attitude, which contains a more ambiguous representation of the topic: the movie deserves, in my eyes, a further investigation. The plot of the 1969 The Italian Job is simple: an English thief’s gang – despite Italian Mafia opposition – steals gold bars (coming from China!) from an escorted truck and escapes into a traffic jam caused by the gang itself manipulating the city’s traffic light system. Michael Caine is the main character, as the gang’s boss. The movie is nowadays a must, a pop icon, although this film is a good point of view to analyze a wide social construction and representation of car culture. The Italian Job takes advantage of the first car culture crisis and transforms this defeat into a proper collective representation. In a more thoughtful interpretation, Collinson’s film seems to have a strong ideological background: I would even say that The Italian Job in its assertions is definitely more ideological than (anti-modernist) Tati’s or (politically engaged) Godard’s outcomes.
32 The Italian Job creates a social and acceptable awareness of urban congestion, perpetuating the idea of traffic (and traffic jams) as a consequence of the lack of good organization. The traffic engineering system (e. g. a traffic light computerized device) is here depicted as indispensable to coordinating the city, a panoptical piece of equipment by which some experts (with technological tools’ assistance) are able to coordinate and drive the mass of cars running in the urban streets. The congestion resulting in the city is therefore not the effect of mass motorization itself, but the intentional jamming of the (technical) system. In this way, The Italian Job depicts the traffic jam as a deliberate action, not as the dark side of automobilism. The modernity of the movie lies in its representation of immobility: traffic jams are not a nightmare, but are instead time out, in which the drivers create a new social space, where people play cards and dice, flirt, eat, smoke, etc. We see that mobility is highly time consuming, and a traffic jam is frustrating and inefficient at best, but users are by nature multi-taskers, and the sociability lost through the use of vehicles (that is, walking and gazing around) is still contained in the people. The Italian Job is also reassuring about sociability. While a huge traffic jam paralyzes Turin, and some members of the gang use the not-conventional paths of escape, others follow different hidden frames of the city. For them, freedom of movement is enabled by using the backyards, gardens, street markets. The film shows a different city, one with artisan activity, children, people chatting, flowers. This means there is an untouched, parallel and hidden urban side, silent, appealing and free of cars.
33However, one of the outcomes of The Italian Job is its cathartic conclusion. Here mass motorisation is a reflection of transport democratization, which leads to bad outcomes, e. g. congested space, and the push to new frontiers. While it shows the failure of car culture to keep its promises, it also softens the effects of congestion and goes on to show the apotheosis of “motordom”, where the car is present in every interstice. The movie rescues the car’s fate (and charm) by promising the audience new spaces for vehicles to drive in, reaching any urban interstice. The heroes’ cars, three iconic Mini Minors, drive down baroque palace stair-cases, along pedestrian walkways, in the city sewers and on the roofs of buildings, showing us the deepest (subjugating) dreams of the car culture. In this vein, Collinson’s film favourably presents an invasive (and nowadays disturbing) conquest of space by motor vehicles, but nevertheless confronts the main critical point, that is, overcrowding of cities by hundreds of thousands of vehicles. The only possible solution, not only to escape police but to avoid the modern nightmare of mass motorisation (which only criminal and artists can do), is therefore the car’s need to subjugate even the most remote niches of the urban arena.
Finale
34It is tempting to reduce these 1960s critics to an overreaction to car development, as experienced in that decade. There is no doubt that those particular outputs mentioned emphasised the spectacular diffusion car in urban streets. While stressing the need to re-create sociability in the cities and thus to tie citizens together, the cultural backgrounds of those outputs were also largely ambiguously embedded in an idyllic past, made up of compact (or crowded if you prefer) cities, with their aesthetic and social values, a lost heritage of “sincere” social interactions, face to face contacts and a broad sense of being part of mankind. In those nostalgic viewpoints, a dreary description of a present made of daily nightmares suddenly leaves room for the encouraging hope to recreate a sociability in the urban space through a technical step back: abolishing (or reducing) cars in the city. To some extent there is a kind of car fetishism, in which the automobile is more or less the reason for all the disruptive effects of modernisation. In the above books, novels and movies, it was mobility itself, more than new social values and attitudes, that was the leading factor of social transformation, forging a new urban world made of people sat in self-propelled steel-made vehicles.
35There is therefore, both in the causes and in the salvation, a kind of technological determinism. If individual transport technology killed traditional (and in se better) forms of sociability, removing automobiles should recreate a more interactive and close social environment. While focusing on transport as the main culprit, no investigation was made about new social behaviours in public and private spaces: as Buchanan’s report (too) briefly claims, “many people are discovering possibilities in the interior design of buildings – sheer convenience, colour, relationship of space and levels – of which they had no previous inkling29.” It was, in other words, the discovery of privacy, a general trend in western countries30: the shape of the city and the reduction of public, traditional, face-to-face interactions were therefore a “push and pull” phenomenon, a spiral path in which larger and more comfortable houses, the “invention” of free time, the social innovations carried by radio, telephone and domestic appliances pulled people to stay home longer, while the disruption of social space by car traffic pushed people away from the streets.
36In this vein, movie directors understood in a creative way the rebound effect of mass motorization: sociability was (maybe) reduced in the open, public space, but motor-vehicles reproduced (any sort of) social interaction inside their bodies, to the point that eating, watching a movie or shopping was made possible while seated in a car. As everyday anecdotal evidence shows (and The Italian Job convincingly confirms) sociability was possible and practised inside cars, a reassuring cocoon. This doesn’t reduce the main point of 1960s criticisms: the cities were (and are) flooded by motor vehicles and that “invasion” reduced the room available for other activities, like walking, chatting and wandering in the city as we have seen above, e. g. making a city alive. But were those criticisms overestimation the role of technology in shifting social life?
Notes de bas de page
2 Tati J., Trafic, movie, France-Italy, 1971, 96 min.
3 Tati J., Playtime, movie, France, 1967, 108 min.
4 Godard J.-L., Weekend, movie, France, 1967, 105 min.
5 Collinson P., The Italian Job, movie, United Kingdom, 1969, 95 min.
6 Fellini F., Roma, movie, Italy, 1972, 128 min.
7 Buchanan C., Traffic in Towns. A Study of the Long Term Problems of Traffic in Urban Areas. Reports of the Steering Group and Working Group Appointed by the Minister of Transport, London, Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1963.
8 Keats J., The Insolent Chariot, Philadelphia, Lippincott, 1958, Jacobs, J., The Death and Life of Great American Cities, New York, Vintage books, 1961, Buchanan C., Traffic in Towns, op. cit., Mitscherlich A. Die Unwirklichkeit unserer Stadte. Anstiftung zum Unfrieden, Frankfurt am Main, Suhrkamp, 1965, Mumford L., The Highway and the City, London, Secker & Warburg, 1964 and Sauvy A., Les Quatre Roues de la fortune, essai sur l’automobile, Paris, Flammarion, 1968.
9 Mohl R., “Stop the Road: Freeway Revolts in American Cities”, Journal of Urban History, vol. 30, no 5, 2004, p. 674-706 and Ladd B., Autophobia. Love and Hate in the Automotive Age, Chigaco, Chicago University Press, 2008.
10 Cortazar J., “La autopista del sur” in Todos los fuegos el fuego, Buenos Aires, Editorial Sudamericana, 1966.
11 Tati J., Playtime, op. cit.,Tati J., Trafic, op. cit., Collinson P., The Italian Job, op. cit.,Godard J.-L., Weekend, op. cit., Fellini F., Roma, op. cit.
12 Scheurer, J. Newman, P. Kenworthy, J. Gallengher, T., Can Rail Pay? Light Rail Transit and Urban Development with Value Capture Funding and Joint Development Mechanisms, Perth, ISTP, 2000.
13 Capuzzo, P., “Dalla città all’automobile e ritorno: un percorso del Novecento”, Parolechiave, no 32, 2004, p. 88.
14 Ladd B., Autophobia, op. cit.
15 Seiler C., 2009, Republic of Drivers. A Cultural History of Automobility in America, Chicago, University of Chicago Press.
16 Norton P., Fighting Traffic. The Dawn of the Motor Age in the American City, Cambridge, Mass, MIT Press, 2008 and Flink J., The Automobile Age, Cambridge, Mass., MIT Press, 1988.
17 Mees, P., Transport for Suburbia, op. cit.
18 See also Buchanan C., Mixed blessing. The motor in Britain, London, L. Hill, 1958.
19 Buchanan C., Traffic in Towns, op. cit., p. 24.
20 Ibid., p. 9.
21 Ibid., p. 19.
22 Ibid., p. 31.
23 Idem.
24 Mees, P., Transport for Suburbia: Beyond the Automobile Age, London and Washington DC, Earthscan Press, 2010.
25 Florida, R. The Rise of the Creative Class. And How it’s Transforming Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life, New York, Perseus Book Group, 2002.
26 Landry C., The Art of City Making, Sterling, VA, Earthscan, 2006.
27 Buchanan C., Traffic in Towns, op. cit., p. 39.
28 Ibid., p. 32.
29 Idem.
30 Aries Ph., Duby G., History of Private Life, Cambridge, Mass., Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, vol. 5.
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