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Les censures dans le monde

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Laurent Martin

Troisième partie. Les censures dans les régimes autoritaires et totalitaires xxe-xxie siècles

Rethinking Popular Music Censorship in Africa

Repenser la censure de la musique populaire en Afrique

Michael Drewett

Résumé

Over the past century popular musicians in Africa have not been free to sing about whatever they wish to, and in many countries they are still not free to do so. An analysis of popular music censorship in Africa is able to deepen our understanding of popular music censorship more broadly, especially, but not only, in terms of defining popular music censorship. It is also able to further our understanding of the mechanisms and social relations of popular music censorship and the importance of such studies for the development of society. With reference to examples taken from a necessarily very broad cross-section of musicians in pre and post-independent Africa this paper focuses on mechanisms employed to censor musicians and how these inform a working definition of popular music censorship.

Au cours du siècle passé, des musiciens populaires en Afrique n’ont pas été libres de chanter de ce qu’ils souhaitaient et dans beaucoup de pays ils ne sont toujours pas libres de le faire. Ce qui est suggéré et exploré dans cet article qui se concentre sur des mécanismes employés contre les musiciens par les censeurs est qu’une analyse de la censure exercée sur la musique populaire en Afrique peut approfondir notre compréhension de la censure de la musique populaire plus largement. Elle peut améliorer notre compréhension des mécanismes et des relations sociales liés à la censure de la musique populaire et montrer l’importance de telles études pour le développement de la société. Les cas étudiés sont nécessairement des échantillons dans un ensemble beaucoup plus vaste.

Entrées d'index

Texte intégral

Popular music censorship in pre and post independent Africa

1To begin with I want to briefly consider the central mechanisms of censorship of popular music in Africa in both pre and post-independent contexts. In recent times cases of state censorship of popular music in Africa have been well documented. It is both useful and necessary to begin by documenting the forms of popular music censorship that have most commonly been implemented in African countries over the past century.

  • 1 P. Mwangi, “Silencing musical expression in colonial and pos-colonial Kenya,” in M. Drewett and M.(...)

2On the most formal level some governments implemented legislative censorship carried out by censorship bodies according to which the police, customs officials or members of the public could submit music for examination and evaluation. The most sophisticated of these was probably that of the apartheid government in South Africa and a similar approach was adopted by the Rhodesian government in the decade and a half leading up to the independence in 1980. These laws enabled music to be banned for possession or import and distribution, depending on the decision of the censorship bodies in question. A few examples of central government censorship committee bans on music include the banning of most of Thomas Mapfumo’s music by the former Rhodesian government in the 1970s, the banning of political songs like Peter Tosh’s “Apartheid” by the apartheid government from the 1960s until the end of the’80s, and the banning of Joseph Kamaru’s song “Bewitching the nation” by Moi’s government in Kenya in 1990.1

  • 2 Censorship Act of 1968 (See R. Chirambo, “Traditional and popular music, hegemonic power and censo (...)
  • 3 G. Ewens, “Where the shoe pinches: The imprisonment of Franco Luambo Makiadi as a curios example o (...)

3Countries such as Malawi2 and Zaire3 had censorship acts on their statute books but did not always use the formal censorship process to ban music. Indeed, falling far short of these formalised censorship practices, some authoritarian governments and leaders simply passed decrees or declared certain musicians or songs illegal. Countries such as Nigeria (under a host of military dictators), Malawi (under Banda) and Zaire (under Mobutu) have all experienced censorship and imprisonment of musicians through decree or trumped up charges aimed at silencing counter-hegemonic music.

  • 4 M. Cloonan, “Popular music censorship in Africa: an overview,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.),(...)
  • 5 P. Mwangi, “Silencing musical expression in colonial and post-colonial Kenya,” op. cit., p. 166.
  • 6 D. Thram, “ZVAKWANA!–ENOUGH! Media control and unofficial censorship of music in Zimbabwe,” in M. (...)

4In addition to direct government action, many African governments and leaders have placed severe restrictions on what can be heard or seen on radio and television. As Martin Cloonan has noted, “The separation of public broadcasting and state policy is far more rare in Africa than in the west.”4 Governments have therefore often put pressure on or ordered broadcasters to censor according to government interests. In some instances broadcast censorship has taken place through formal broadcast censorship channels, such as the state-owned South African Broadcasting Corporation whose Central Record Acceptance Committee (CRAC) censored thousands of songs by refusing them airplay. Examples of broadcast bans of political songs in Africa include the banning in 1984 of John Owino’s “Baba Otonglo” by the Kenyan Broadcasting Corporation because it was deemed to be critical of the state5 and the South African Broadcasting Corporation’s ban on all music by Stevie Wonder after he dedicated his Oscar award to Nelson Mandela. More recently, in Zimbabwe, broadcast censorship has taken place in an unofficial way, where nobody in state broadcasting admits to censorship yet where music critical of Mugabe is simply not played.6 Worse still, are the instances in which government leadership decrees that certain music or musicians cannot be played on the radio, examples of this again include Banda in Malawi and Mobutu in Zaire.

  • 7 Ibid., p. 78.

5Until recently there have been very few independent broadcasters in Africa, and those that have been independent have often been subject to very constrictive broadcast laws or repressive government action. In apartheid South Africa independent Capital Radio was under pressure to avoid political music in order to keep its license, so that overtly anti-apartheid songs like Peter Gabriel’s “Biko” and the Special AKA’s “Free Nelson Mandela” were not broadcast. In Zimbabwe in 2000 another independent station, coincidently also called Capital Radio, was illegally closed down and its equipment confiscated by the Mugabe government.7

  • 8 M. Drewett, “Music in the Struggle to End Apartheid: South Africa,” in M. Cloonan and M. Garofalo (...)
  • 9 D. Brown, “Voice to the voiceless,” in Index on Censorship, 39/3, 2010, p. 122.

6Beyond central government censorship through legislation, decree or broadcasting, African states have notoriously also relied on direct coercion. This has most dramatically taken the form of attacks on protest musicians, including the imprisonment of Nigerian Fela Kuti and the brutal treatment of his mother during a police raid on his house, the apartheid police hand grenade attack on the house of South African poet and musician Mzwakhe Mbuli and teargas attack on a venue where Roger Lucey was performing,8 the imprisonment of Cameroonian singer Lapiro de Mbanga after he released a song which was particularly critical of Cameroonian president Biya, urging him to step down9 and the banning order placed on Maryam Mursal after she criticized Somalia’s ruling military government. She was not allowed to sing for two years (Real World website).

  • 10 P. Mwangi, “Silencing musical expression in colonial and post-colonial Kenya,” op. cit.
  • 11 M Mehdi, “For a song–Censure in Algerian Rai music,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular M (...)
  • 12 T. Fessy, “Blues for Mali as Ali Farka Toure’s music is banned,” BBC News Africa, 6 December 2012, (...)

7Alongside governments banning music and taking action against musicians for overtly political reasons, religious factors have also played an important part. Within the broad rubric of religious factors I include sexual music, whether lyrically, vocally or musically, given that in many instances the objections to overtly sexual songs are driven by religious groups. For example, the opposition to rai music in Algeria, the performance of music in general in Mali and sexually provocative songs in many countries, including the radio ban of Marvin Gaye’s “Sexual healing” in Kenya and South Africa and Daddy Lumba’s “Aben wo ha” in Ghana (SABC archives).10 Religious groups in South Africa successfully pressured the government to ban albums by Chris De Burgh and the Kalahari Surfers because they were deemed to be blasphemous towards Christianity while the Muslim Judicial Council pressured the government to ban Abdullah Ibrahim’s “Ishmael” because they argued it too was blasphemous. Various religious groups throughout Africa have acted against music and often musicians who have been regarded as blasphemous, often to devastating effect. In Algeria in the 1990s the Armed Islamic Groups (GIA) attacked rai musicians, killing producer Baba Ahmed and musician cheb Hasni and burning down Djenia’s house, acts which forced many more into exile.11 Most recently, in late 2011, Muslim extremists in northern Mali, having banned all music, broke into Khaira Arby’s house, broke her instruments, said she was a threat to Allah and told her neighbours that if they caught her they would cut her tongue out.12

  • 13 G. Ewens, “Where the shoe pinches: The imprisonment of Franco Luambo Makiadi as a curios example o (...)
  • 14 R. Chirambo, “Traditional and popular music, hegemonic power and censorship in Malawi: 1964-1994,” (...)

8This sort of extreme action taken against musicians becomes especially chilling when it is carried out in a partnership between the state and civilians. Graeme Ewans describes how a musician in Zaire under Mobutu’s dictatorial rule said that musicians feared members of their own community who might eavesdrop on behalf of Mobutu’s government, listening for contentious lyrics during band rehearsals.13 And in Malawi under the dictatorship of Banda, Jack Mapanje14 noted that friends, spouses and partners were recruited to act as spies for Banda. He wryly commented that:

“Perhaps the most outrageous legacy of censorship that our dictator and his sycophants invented for us is one where they censured without actually censoring; where they banned without invoking the banning order; where they censored us or our creativity by implication, by nuance, by suggestion; where they effectively let you ban yourself. Self-censorship is not an adequate concept to describe this kind of censure which was too subtle and too brutal for description.”

  • 15 M. Drewett, “‘Stop this Filth!’ The Censorship of Roger Lucey’s Music in Apartheid South Africa,” (...)
  • 16 J. Van Rooyen, Censorship in South Africa, Cape Town: Juta, 1987, p. 4.
  • 17 M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1975, p. 93.
  • 18 R. Arenas, in C. Ripoll, The Heresy of Words in Cuba, New York, Freedom House, 1985, p. 36.

9If state surveillance and censorship is able to infiltrate the very communities musicians live in, its powers of censorship increase dramatically. In these panoptical circumstances people begin to self-censor, paranoid about being caught and punished for uttering something unacceptable to the state. In cases where musicians’ lives were in danger, fear was obviously at it is greatest, but even when censorship simply led to broadcast or distribution bans, the economic costs could be severe. Without sales record companies could lose money and musicians could fail to make a living, lose contracts to record and perform, as was the case with Roger Lucey in South Africa after the police targeted his record company and venues where he performed.15 Musicians, often under pressure from record companies, begin to think carefully about what to write, record and perform. Thus self-censorship is often a likely outcome in contexts of severe censorship. For apartheid censor, Jacobus Van Rooyen: “Self-control [was], of course, the ideal form of control.”16 When this occurred, power exercised in favour of the dominant discourse was no longer centralised but, as Michel Foucault maintains,17 was everywhere, in this instance expressed through self-policing. Musicians and writers who censored themselves did so on behalf of the censor, avoiding the necessity for external discipline. The effect was to make the musician “not only a repressed person, but also a self-repressed one, not only a censored person, but a self-censored one, not only watched over, but one who watches over himself [sic].”18

10In this paper I want to focus on what these attempts to silence musicians mean for our understanding of popular music censorship and in particular on how we define censorship. In studies of censorship in western democratic societies, definitions of censorship have focused predominantly on legal frameworks put in place to prohibit the release or performance of popular music which is regarded as unacceptable to democratic values. In less democratic societies, such as most African societies over the past century, as has been discussed, attempts to silence musicians have regularly extended beyond the legislature, regardless of whether or not the governments have been democratically elected. In addition, as indicated above, attempts to silence musicians have not always been exercised by governments, but by other groups within society. Furthermore, I argue that in repressive contexts laws and actions do not need to specifically focus on music or musicians to have a censorial effect. For the remainder of this paper I consider the definition of popular music censorship, seeking a definition which allows us to be quite specific about what constitutes censorship as opposed to simply attempts to monitor or guide the audience’s access to music.

Towards an enhanced definition of popular music censorship

11Admittedly, defining popular music censorship is a delicate process because, as Martin Cloonan notes, the definition needs to be sufficiently narrow “to exclude apparently frivolous examples but broad enough to include incidents other than overt attempts by governments and other agencies to prevent musical expression.” Bearing in mind these parameters, Cloonan defines popular music censorship as a process which

  • 19 M. Cloonan, “Call That Censorship? Problems of Definition,” in M. Cloonan and R. Garofalo (ed.), P (...)

“significantly alters, and/or curtails, the freedom of expression of popular musicians ‘with a view to limiting the likely audience for that expression’.”19

12Gilbert Marcus provides a useful extension of this definition, viewing censorship (in general) as

  • 20 G. Marcus, “The Gagging Writs,” Reality 1987, vol. 19, no 3, p. 8.

“[a] wide variety of practices (both legal and extra-legal) [which] combine to ensure that articulation of certain facts and opinions are curtailed and prohibited.”20

  • 21 See for example D. Marsh, 50 Ways to Fight Censorship. New York, Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1991; K. N (...)

13This underlines, first, the decision to silence or significantly alter the musician’s intended expression and, secondly, it focuses on information contained within the music. Most popular music scholars who have addressed the issue of censorship agree that censorship affects freedom of expression by intentionally disrupting the passage between an intended message and its potential audience.21 However, I argue that the experience of African popular musicians shows that a comprehensive definition of popular music censorship needs to go beyond a narrow focus on freedom of expression and also needs to view the integral part that repressive policing plays in the censorship process (and emphasizing that censorship is a process and not solely a definitive, isolated act).

  • 22 M. Cloonan and R. Garofalo (ed.), Policing Pop, op. cit., p. 3.

14The focus on repressive policing emphasises the part played by harassment in the censorship process. Cloonan and Garofalo distinguish between “the narrower concept of censorship” and the broader concept of “policing,” which they believe conveys “the variety of ways in which popular music can be regulated, restricted, and repressed.”22 While Cloonan and Garofalo do not venture a clear definition of “policing,” the indications are that they would include police harassment under policing and not “the narrower concept of censorship.” Clearly harassment of musicians as an act in isolation is not, strictly speaking, censorship. Yet I argue that the African experience clearly reveals that policing, especially repressive policing, needs to be regarded as an integral component of the censorship process. The fact that harassment is regularly experienced by, and has been an on-going threat to many African musicians, has served as a part of the pressure to self-censor, and also, on occasion, led to the disruption of concerts, the damage of musical equipment and musicians’ vehicles and even the physical assault, torture, detention or death of musicians. As such, the musician’s attempts to sing unhindered are interfered with for the distinct purpose of curtailing, or significantly altering, that expression, as stated in Cloonan’s definition of censorship. In relation to apartheid South Africa, Christopher Merrett definitely believes that it was necessary to define censorship in this broad manner. He argues that censorship needs to cover

  • 23 C. Merrett, A Culture of Censorship: Secrecy and Intellectual Repression in South Africa, Cape Tow (...)

“government interference with a wide range of political and social rights which govern the communication of ideas and information: to publish, to speak publicly, to organise collectively, to move freely around the country, and to gain access to official information.”23

  • 24 D. Kunene, “Holding the Lid Down: Censorship and the Writer in South Africa,” in W. Schäfer and R.(...)
  • 25 Ibid., p. 42.

15Certainly, as the earlier examples demonstrate, repressive acts carried out by or on behalf of governments and other forces formed an ongoing real and perceived presence in all areas of recording, broadcast and retail in various African contexts. For this reason, Daniel Kunene argues that it is crucial for repressive acts in authoritarian contexts to be included in a definition of censorship.24 He argues that censorship is “any curtailment or total denial of an individual’s freedom to utter his or her ideas either orally or in writing, for any audience, whether actual or potential.” However, in authoritarian contexts censorship can “be further defined as a monopoly of propaganda enjoyed by a regime and upheld by force.”25 The use of force is an integral component of Kunene’s definition of censorship, not a separate act that the police also happen to engage in. In repressive regimes the world over, artists have refrained from certain artistic expression not simply because of censorship laws or the presence of censors, but because of the repressive repercussions of failure to submit to government dictates or the rules of other powerful groups in society. It is certainly true of authoritarian states and other repressive fundamentalist groups that repressive policing gives censorship its teeth, enabling censorship to be far more daunting than it would otherwise be.

16Furthermore, I argue here that repressive laws need not be directed solely at artists for them to constitute censorship. Importantly, in agreement with Kunene, Brink located censorship within a wider context of repression. He argued that

  • 26 In G. Marcus, “The Gagging Writs,” op. cit.

“censorship represents all the repressive powers of society. If there is one fundamental aspect of censorship that has to be grasped… it is the fact that it never operates in isolation… censorship is an integral part of a much larger and more complicated phenomenon.”26

  • 27 D. Kunene, “Holding the Lid Down: Censorship and the Writer in South Africa,” op. cit., p. 43.

17Brink’s assertion is based on the realization that “the distinction between artist as artist and artist as person is untenable.”27 A wide range of repressive legislation in most African societies impedes and has impeded performing artists’freedom of expression, association and movement, not only legislation aimed specifically at restricting publications.

  • 28 Interview with author 1998.

18Restrictive laws fundamentally contain musicians through preventing them from freely participating in core aspects of musical creation and performance. In particular, restrictive laws regularly interfere with three basic freedoms central to the work of any musician: freedom of association, freedom of expression and freedom of movement. Indeed, South African musician Johnny Clegg, speaking about South African musicians during apartheid, emphasised that “those three freedoms were critical for the daily livelihood of musicians because they had to move around, they had to be able to sing about what they wanted to sing, and they had to be able to associate with people of other races and other ethnic groups to do their work.”28

19Clegg was specifically referring to the situation in apartheid South Africa in which, for a long time, white and black musicians could not perform on stage together, perform in front of a non-segregated audience and could not move freely to each other’s houses or neighbourhoods to collaborate. This lack of freedom effectively served as a form of censorship, revealing that a holistic definition of censorship also needs to include instances in which general laws in society prevent musicians from collaborating with other musicians and from recording or performing in certain areas. Musicians from South Africa, Zimbabwe, Uganda, Mali, Algeria and many other countries have been forced into exile in order to avoid imprisonment torture and even death.

20In summary, a more detailed definition of the censorship of popular music which takes into consideration the experience of musicians in Africa and the ideas of those cited, and working with definitions put forward by Cloonan and Marcus is formulated here. The censorship of popular music is hereby defined as a process which includes a wide variety of inter-related practices (both legal and extra-legal) which combine to explicitly interfere with the freedom of expression, association and movement of popular musicians (whether as popular musicians or as persons more generally) to ensure that the articulation of certain facts, opinions or means of expression are stifled, altered and/or prohibited.

Concluding comments

  • 29 J. McGuigan, Cultural Populism, London, Routledge, 1992.

21In conclusion, taking into consideration the African experience of censorship allows us to consider different dynamics to those typically at play in western democracies, especially edging towards the more extreme level of control and penalties for straying from the dictates of government and civil pressure groups. I think it has been especially useful in considering the relationship between censorship and repression, and how censorship is most often a process, not a simple act in its own right. It is also important to realize that censorship does not only affect freedom of speech but, especially in relation to musicians, the freedom of association and movement as well. There are other experiences from African censorship which can usefully inform ongoing censorship debates, for example, whether or not cultural boycotts are a form of censorship, and if so, whether or not they should be encouraged (this is especially useful in relation to the current call for a cultural boycott of Israel). The experience in South Africa and Rwanda, of using a form of what McGuigan refers to as “defensible censorship” to discourage animosity and violence between previously hostile groups is also a paper in its own right.29 It therefore seems clear to me that the African experience needs to impact on popular music studies globally. Failure to take cognisance of lessons from Africa not only places other societies at risk of making unnecessary errors, but it also deprives popular music studies of important debates taking place on this continent. We therefore need to ensure that our writing on popular music takes cognisance of African musical experiences and intellectual debates about those experiences. In this way we will ensure that not only will African musicians and intellectuals be heard, but their contributions to global culture and our understanding thereof will be recognised.

Bibliographie

REFERENCES LIST

Blecha P., Taboo Tunes: A History of Banned Bands and Censored Songs, San Francisco, Backbeat Books, 2004.

Brown D., “Voice to the voiceless,” in Index on Censorship, 39/3, 2010, p. 123-130.

Chirambo R., “Traditional and popular music, hegemonic power and censorship in Malawi: 1964-1994,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, London, Ashgate, 2006, p. 109-126.

Cloonan M. and Garofalo M. (ed.), Policing Pop, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2003.

Cloonan M., “Call That Censorship? Problems of Definition,” in M. Cloonan and R. Garofalo (ed.), Policing Pop, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2003, p. 13-29.

D’entremont, “The Devil’s Disciples,” Index on Censorship, 27/6, 1998, p. 32-39.

Drewett M., “Music in the Struggle to End Apartheid: South Africa,” in M. Cloonan and R. Garofalo (ed.), Policing Pop, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2003, p. 153-165.

Drewett M., “‘Stop this Filth!’ The Censorship of Roger Lucey’s Music in Apartheid South Africa,” South African Journal of Musicology, vol. 25, 2005, p. 53-70.

Ewens G., “Where the shoe pinches: The imprisonment of Franco Luambo Makiadi as a curios example of music censorship in Zaire,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, London, Ashgate, 2006, p. 187-197.

Fessy T., “Blues for Mali as Ali Farka Toure’s music is banned,” BBC News Africa, 6 December 2012, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-20624236], site accessed on 17 January 2014.

Fore L., “Rolling Stone’s Response to Attempted Censorship of Rock ‘n’ Roll,” in B. H. Winfield and S. Davidson (ed.), Bleep! Censoring Rock and Rap Music, London, Greenwood Press, 1999, p. 95-102.

Foucault M., Discipline and Punish, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1975.

Hartley M., “We are in a struggle against all the musicians of the world,” 3 December, 2012, [http://mickhartley.typepad.com/blog/2012/12/we-are-in-a-struggle-against-allthe-musicians-of-the-world.html], site accessed on 17 January 2014.

Kunene D., “Holding the Lid Down: Censorship and the Writer in South Africa,” in W. Schäfer and R. Kriger (ed.), South African literature: Liberation and the Art of Writing, Bad Boll, Evangelische Akademie, 1986, p. 41-59.

Marcus G., “The Gagging Writs,” Reality, vol. 19, no 3, 1987.

Marsh D., 50 Ways to Fight Censorship, New York, Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1991.

Mcguigan J., Cultural Populism, London, Routledge, 1992.

Mwangi P., “Silencing musical expression in colonial and post-colonial Kenya,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, London, Ashgate, 2006, p. 157-169.

Mehdid M., “For a song–Censure in Algerian Rai music,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, London, Ashgate, 2006, p. 199-214.

Merrett C., A Culture of Censorship: Secrecy and Intellectual Repression in South Africa, Cape Town, David Phillip, 1994.

Negus K., Popular Music in Theory, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1996.

RealWorld, “Maryam Mursal: Somalia,” [https://realworldrecords.com/artist/ 444/maryam-mursal/], site accessed on 17 January 2014.

Ripoll C., The Heresy of Words in Cuba, New York, Freedom House, 1985.

Shuker R., Key Concepts in Popular Music, London, Routledge, 1998.

Thram D., “ZVAKWANA!–ENOUGH! Media control and unofficial censorship of music in Zimbabwe,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, London, Ashgate, 2006, p. 71-89.

Van Rooyen J., Censorship in South Africa, Cape Town, Juta, 1987.

Notes

1 P. Mwangi, “Silencing musical expression in colonial and pos-colonial Kenya,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, London, Ashgate, 2006, p. 168.

2 Censorship Act of 1968 (See R. Chirambo, “Traditional and popular music, hegemonic power and censorship in Malawi: 1964-1994,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan [ed.], Popular Music Censorship in Africa, London, Ashgate, 2006, p. 109-126).

3 G. Ewens, “Where the shoe pinches: The imprisonment of Franco Luambo Makiadi as a curios example of music censorship in Zaire,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), op. cit., p. 187-197.

4 M. Cloonan, “Popular music censorship in Africa: an overview,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, op. cit., p. 14.

5 P. Mwangi, “Silencing musical expression in colonial and post-colonial Kenya,” op. cit., p. 166.

6 D. Thram, “ZVAKWANA!–ENOUGH! Media control and unofficial censorship of music in Zimbabwe,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, op. cit., p. 71-89.

7 Ibid., p. 78.

8 M. Drewett, “Music in the Struggle to End Apartheid: South Africa,” in M. Cloonan and M. Garofalo (ed.), Policing Pop, Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 2003, p. 153-165; M. Drewett, “‘Stop this Filth!’ The Censorship of Roger Lucey’s Music in Apartheid South Africa,” South African Journal of Musicology, 2005, vol. 25, p. 53-70.

9 D. Brown, “Voice to the voiceless,” in Index on Censorship, 39/3, 2010, p. 122.

10 P. Mwangi, “Silencing musical expression in colonial and post-colonial Kenya,” op. cit.

11 M Mehdi, “For a song–Censure in Algerian Rai music,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, op. cit., p. 211.

12 T. Fessy, “Blues for Mali as Ali Farka Toure’s music is banned,” BBC News Africa, 6 December 2012, [http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-africa-20624236], site accessed on 17 January 2014; M. Hartley, “We are in a struggle against all the musicians of the world,” 3 December 2012, [http://mickhartley.typepad.com/blog/2012/12/we-are-in-a-struggle-against-all-the-musicians-of-the-world.html], site accessed on 17 January 2014.

13 G. Ewens, “Where the shoe pinches: The imprisonment of Franco Luambo Makiadi as a curios example of music censorship in Zaire,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, op. cit., p. 189.

14 R. Chirambo, “Traditional and popular music, hegemonic power and censorship in Malawi: 1964-1994,” in M. Drewett and M. Cloonan (ed.), Popular Music Censorship in Africa, op. cit., p. 111.

15 M. Drewett, “‘Stop this Filth!’ The Censorship of Roger Lucey’s Music in Apartheid South Africa,” op. cit.

16 J. Van Rooyen, Censorship in South Africa, Cape Town: Juta, 1987, p. 4.

17 M. Foucault, Discipline and Punish, Harmondsworth, Penguin, 1975, p. 93.

18 R. Arenas, in C. Ripoll, The Heresy of Words in Cuba, New York, Freedom House, 1985, p. 36.

19 M. Cloonan, “Call That Censorship? Problems of Definition,” in M. Cloonan and R. Garofalo (ed.), Policing Pop, op. cit., 2003, p. 15.

20 G. Marcus, “The Gagging Writs,” Reality 1987, vol. 19, no 3, p. 8.

21 See for example D. Marsh, 50 Ways to Fight Censorship. New York, Thunder’s Mouth Press, 1991; K. Negus, Popular Music in Theory, Cambridge, Polity Press, 1996; R. Shuker, Key Concepts in Popular Music, London, Routledge, 1998; L. Fore, “Rolling Stone’s Response to Attempted Censorship of Rock ‘n’ Roll,” in B. H. Winfield and S. Davidson (ed.), Bleep! Censoring Rock and Rap Music, London, Greenwood Press, 1999, p. 95-102.

22 M. Cloonan and R. Garofalo (ed.), Policing Pop, op. cit., p. 3.

23 C. Merrett, A Culture of Censorship: Secrecy and Intellectual Repression in South Africa, Cape Town, David Phillip, 1994, p. 2.

24 D. Kunene, “Holding the Lid Down: Censorship and the Writer in South Africa,” in W. Schäfer and R. Kriger (ed.), South African literature: Liberation and the Art of Writing, Bad Boll, Evangelische Akademie, 1986, p. 41.

25 Ibid., p. 42.

26 In G. Marcus, “The Gagging Writs,” op. cit.

27 D. Kunene, “Holding the Lid Down: Censorship and the Writer in South Africa,” op. cit., p. 43.

28 Interview with author 1998.

29 J. McGuigan, Cultural Populism, London, Routledge, 1992.

Auteur

Department of Sociology, Rhodes University, South Africa

© Presses universitaires de Rennes, 2016

Conditions d’utilisation : http://www.openedition.org/6540