Ezechiel Carré, New England’s Forgotten Minister
Ezechiel Carré, ministre oublié de la Nouvelle-Angleterre
p. 83-92
Résumés
Ce chapitre examine la vie d’Ezéchiel Carré, un ministre huguenot qui a servi en Nouvelle-Angleterre dans les années 1680 et 1690. Originaire de l’île de Ré, Carré est devenu un dirigeant de la communauté française de Narragansett, à la frontière du Massachusetts et du Rhode Island, en 1686, puis il a déménagé à Boston en 1690, où il a servi pendant plusieurs années. Il s’est distingué comme auteur, en écrivant deux ouvrages – l’un en français et l’autre en anglais – qui placent les expériences des huguenots dans un contexte mondial. Malgré son importance, Carré est vite oublié. Il a quitté la Nouvelle-Angleterre en 1696 et s’est rapidement évanoui dans l’obscurité, et il n’a laissé aucune famille en Amérique. Son histoire démontre ainsi l’importance de la généalogie pour la commémoration des huguenots d’Amérique du Nord.
This chapter examines the nearly forgotten life of Ezechiel Carré, a Huguenot minister who served in New England during the 1680s and 1690s. A native of the Île de Ré, Carré became a leader of the French community in Narragansett, on the border of Massachusetts and Rhode Island, in 1686, and then moved on to Boston in 1690, where he served for several more years. He distinguished himself in publishing, writing two works--one in French and one in English--that placed the Huguenots’experiences in a global context. Despite his importance, Carré was quickly forgotten. He left New England in 1696 and soon faded into obscurity, and he left no family in America. His story thus demonstrates the importance of genealogy to the memorialization of the North American Huguenots.
Texte intégral
1The Reverend Ezechiel Carré loved memorials. In particular, he noticed a prominent gravestone in the choir of St. Martin’s Church on the island of Jersey, where by that time Carré had taken up a position as a country minister. The grave memorialized an “old priest” named Jean Effar who, sometime in the middle of the fifteenth century, must have held the same position as Carré. In a letter to his patron Lord Hatton, Carré described the gravestone in some detail. Etched somewhat inexpertly by a local sculptor, the relic included details of what would later be standard language in last wills and testaments. He arranged for the distribution of his small amount of wealth (eight ecus) and for his body to be “ecclesiastically interred”. Carré contrasted Effar’s humble life to what he considered the dissolute lifestyles of Catholic priests in his own century, and he also noted that Effar was “much less superstitious” than his modern counterparts as he gave himself only to Jesus Christ without mentioning the saints. Carré did not quite say it, but he seemed to see some of himself in the old priest, memorialized in a small plaque in the corner of a country church. Carré also considered himself one of the Lord’s humble servants, and his voyage in search of religious freedom had taken him from France to North America and finally back to the Channel Islands, where he prepared, like his predecessor, to face his final journey. Carré had little money, but a wealth of experiences.1
2What a sad irony then, that Carré himself never received nearly as much memorialization. He is nearly forgotten, without any monument or plaque recognizing his travels and accomplishments. Just for his voyages alone, he deserves recognition. He was the practical leader of a Huguenot community in Narragansett, on the border of the English colonies of Rhode Island and Massachusetts, and for a time the minister of Boston’s sizable French Protestant church. What distinguished him from other Huguenot pastors, however, was his vocation as a writer. Among the small cadre of ministers who traveled to North America, he was the most prolific publisher, issuing several in English and French that offer key insights into life in what Bertrand Van Ruymbeke has called “the Atlantic Refuge”. The most important of these tracts, Echantillon, de la Doctrine que les Jésuites ensegnent aus sauvages du nouveau monde, was the first French language publication in all of North America, and a key text in the history of missions to Native Americans.2
3Carré’s Huguenot neighbors in North America are perhaps the best remembered of all the refugees. Only perhaps 2000 French Protestants went to Britain’s American colonies in the late-1600s, and within two generations they had all but disappeared as a coherent ethnic group, but they left a strong imprint on the North American landscape. From Jacksonville, Florida, to Oxford, Massachusetts, one finds imposing stone monuments memorializing any number of Huguenot ventures.3 Even Gabriel Bernon, Carré’s neighbor and possible relative, has a large memorial in his adopted hometown of Providence, Rhode Island, a curious stone that most tourists pass without reading. In short, the American Huguenots live on in popular memory, or at least in the physical landscape, while one of their key leaders is forgotten. This chapter will reconstruct the minister’s forgotten life, while explaining, perhaps, why such an important character has been forgotten.
A transatlantic life
4The details of Ezechiel Carré’s life are difficult to recover. A native of the Île de Ré, he began studying at the Académie of Geneva in 1670 and afterward served as minister in two Protestant churches in western France, the second being in the village of La Roche-Chalais in Guyenne. We know nothing of the circumstances of his departure from France, but they probably resembled the passages of other ministers. The Edict of Fontainebleau allowed them to leave the kingdom (unlike ordinary Protestants who had to stay), and he almost definitely fled his homeland around the time of the Revocation in October 1685. In any case, by 1686 he found himself in London, which was crowded with refugees of all sorts. For many of the Huguenots, American colonies provided tempting alternatives to the crowded poverty of London, and schemes for settlement proliferated in the heady years of 1686 and 1687, with refugees heading to such diverse places as Ireland, South Carolina, New York, or even the East Indies. Carré soon became involved in one of these designs, this one focused on a very different colony, Narragansett in New England4.
5Narragansett was both distinct and typical among colonial Huguenot settlements. As in most of them, the settlers considered their migration a spiritual one. Carré wrote as much in the very first entry in the church’s record book, sometime in the later months of 1687. “The king of France, Louis XIV has exercised such horrible persecution in his kingdom against the Protestant religion”, Carré began, “that one ought not to be surprised to see french people withdrawn into these wilds ; we have come here to seek freedom for our Religion, that is the only reason that has brought us to this place, and the only condition under which we have accepted this new settlement”.5
6Despite this characteristic bluntness, there was more to Narragansett than just a simple search for freedom of conscience. As in most Huguenot overseas settlements, a combination of religious and economic motives brought these settlers to Rhode Island. They came at the invitation of a group called the Atherton proprietors, a team of New England investors who received land that had been seized from the Narragansett Indians in the aftermath of King Philip’s War, a deadly conflict between the English and Native Americans that ended in 1676. Like many proprietors of vacant lands in the empire, the Atherton men looked to French refugees as perfect settlers. They were reliably Protestant and had relevant skills, and were suitably desperate that they would move almost anywhere they could receive land, tax relief, and freedom of worship. Compared to some possible retreats, Narragansett was not a bad option. It was well situated on Narragansett Bay, with decent land and easy connections to other Atlantic ports. The only problem was that not everyone believed that the Atherton Proprietors had a valid claim. In fact, the Huguenots landed in a contested borderland between the colonies of Rhode Island and Massachusetts. Life on that frontier would not prove easy for the several hundred French newcomers who took up claims in 1687.6
7The problem of Narragansett was one of the key problems of the Refuge : how could the refugees get along with their hosts ? At first it seemed that it would be an easy task. As early as 1682, when the persecution of the Huguenots was increasing, Boston minister Increase Mather gave a thundering fast day sermon about the French persecution, urging his Puritan brethren to give aid to the poor Huguenots.7 Carré and his flock seemed as if they would fit well in the Calvinist colony, and indeed the French minister soon became a close ally of Increase’s son Cotton Mather, who along with his father was one of the region’s key political operators. The problem, however, was that ethnic prejudice sometimes overrode religious affinity. Some New Englanders suspected that the Huguenots could be Catholics in disguise, and their neighbors in the Rhode Island town of East Greenwich also resented the colonists for intruding on land they believed to be theirs. On several occasions English neighbors cut the grass from French land in order to make hay, a dispute that required the governor’s arbitration.8
8As the community’s leader, Ezechiel Carré set out to defend his people in the court of New England public opinion. He did so in a tract, his first publication, a sermon entitled The Charitable Samaritan. The sermon itself was a fairly conventional statement on a treasured issue among the Huguenots : the subject of charity. Carré urged his flock to follow the example of the biblical Samaritan and give liberal aid to members of the community who needed it. What made the tract interesting, however, was not in the sermon itself but in its format. First of all, it appeared not in the original French but in English translation, showing that Carré’s intended audience was not his fellow Huguenots but his English neighbors. Second, it included two critical prefaces : one by Carré himself and another by Cotton Mather that marked Carré’s first collaboration with the famous Boston divine. It was in these supporting materials that the larger purpose of the tract became clear.9
9Carré and Mather intended above all to make a case for the Huguenots as Protestant heroes. If the minister wanted Huguenots to be charitable to each other, he was more interested in making sure that the English were charitable to the French. As the “Advertisement” at the beginning of the tract noted, the sermon showed “the Uniformity of the doctrine of Protestants from the most distant places of the World”. The dedication, to a Huguenot merchant named Jean Pastre, went even farther, adding “that those who maintain such Doctrine, and have exposed themselves to so many dangers and miseries on account of it, cannot reasonably pass for Papists, and that it is uncharitable and uncompassionate to accuse them as such”. In short, Carré insisted that Huguenots be accepted as full members in New England’s religious landscape, and the endorsement by Mather, who gave a full accounting of the sufferings of France’s Protestants, only added more evidence on that account.10
10The two ministers were not entirely successful in their design to promote the Huguenots as full New Englanders. The start of war between England and France in 1689, the same year as the tract’s publication, led to an increase in anti-French prejudice in the region. The Massachusetts legislature, the General Court, made matters worse by essentially endorsing anti-Huguenot sentiment, calling for the examination of French refugees who could be Catholic spies in disguise.11 That prejudice led, by 1691, to the abandonment of Narragansett. Aside from a few who stayed in the area, most of the settlers scattered between New York and Boston, with Carré choosing the latter town. Given his connections with the Puritan elite, it made sense that the minister ended up in Boston. He had been giving occasional sermons at the Boston French church since at least 1689, where he went in part because his parishioners in Narragansett could not pay him a sufficient salary, and by 1691 he had been called to the ministry there. Rather than living in an all-French settlement on a frontier, he took his place as the nominal leader of the French minority in a diversifying Anglo-American port city.12
11The French church that Carré took over had existed since 1685, when the first boatloads of refugees began arriving in Boston. It had not had a tranquil history. Its first minister, a Walloon named Laurent van den Bosch, had scandalized Puritan consciences by performing a marriage using the Anglican rite, while other Huguenots shocked their neighbors when they celebrated Christmas. Troubles also appeared within the Huguenot community itself. As happened in many Anglo-Huguenot communities, those with more Anglican sensibilities, like Van den Bosch, feuded with the more Calvinist elements. The beleaguered minister soon fled Boston for the more tolerant quarters of the Hudson Valley, where he got into more trouble, eventually ending up in Maryland. In his absence, the French church got by with temporary ministers – David de Bonrepos took over briefly, and after 1690 Carré shared the duties with Nehemiah Walter, a New England Puritan minister who was fluent in French.13 Once Carré was settled in Boston he again worked to integrate himself into the city’s religious establishment. Unlike his predecessor, Carré did nothing to anger the Puritans, and instead set out on another project with Cotton Mather, this one that would see the two ministers take on their common enemy, the Society of Jesus.
12Carré’s second publication was the end product of a remarkable set of circumstances. In 1691 a New York merchant named Robert Livingston arrived in Boston with a set of documents he had acquired through his contacts with the Iroquois Indians. The documents were Jesuit catechisms from their Indian missions along with a few letters, and Livingston knew that they would be very interesting to Boston ministers who hated the Jesuits even as they admired their rivals’ success in converting the natives. Livingston gave the documents to Cotton Mather who in turn shared them with Carré. As a reader of French and Latin Mather did not need a translator. He did, however, need the French minister’s expertise. After all, Carré was an expert on Jesuit perfidy from his time in France, and he could use his experience to interpret these materials and thus provide something of an inside look at the Jesuit mentality. Carré and Mather set out to transcribe sections of the materials, providing commentary on how they demonstrated both the theological errors and earthly corruption of the perfidious Society. The French minister produced a lengthy manuscript that examined the catechism, “cases of conscience”, and a few letters in the materials, focusing particularly on doctrines that he considered “unknown in all the Christian world”.14
13The resulting publication, Echantillon, de la Doctrine que les Jésuites ensegnent, aus sauvages du nouveau monde, was very different from Carré’s first tract. Most obviously, it appeared in French rather than English – the first publication in that language to appear in North America. The linguistic choice is somewhat mysterious. English readers, after all, would have been interested to see the Jesuit materials, and Carré could have burnished his anti-Catholic credentials with his neighbors by serving as the resident expert on French Catholic perfidy. Publishing the tract in French served the needs not of Carré and the Huguenots but of Mather and the Puritans. For the Boston minister, the cache of Jesuit materials provided an opportunity to promote New England as a key part of the greater Protestant world. This was important to Puritans like Mather who considered their homeland to be a “city upon a hill”, but who occupied a marginal place in the world. By keeping the tract in French, it could serve as a reminder to continental Protestants that true religion lived on both sides of the Atlantic.15
14By any measure, Echantillon was a significant tract. For one thing, it presented one of the most well developed Protestant critiques of the Jesuit Indian mission. According to Carré, who commented on the “set of poisonous principles” in the Jesuit catechism, the priests used artifice to gain converts, such as their assertion that heaven was a place where one experienced a series of earthly delights that appeared nowhere in the bible, but did happen to closely resemble Iroquois ideas of abundance, right to the inclusion of pumpkins and corn. Much of the tract fit nicely into the robust tradition of anti-Jesuit polemic in Europe — Carré identified the priests as the locusts from the ninth chapter of Revelation and hoped God would “soon deliver Christianity from these locusts, and swiftly raise a wind from the East to make them disappear”. Echoing the apocalyptic language of his fellow minister Pierre Jurieu, Carré worked to integrate America into the global battle between Protestantism and “popery”.16
15If the tract was fascinating, it did not seem to make much of a difference. No record exists of its distribution in Europe, and the only surviving copy ended up in a library in Massachusetts, probably from the collection of a Puritan minister. As it happened, Carré did not stay in Boston long after the tract appeared. He had fallen into a dispute with his church, and by 1693 they had dismissed him for unspecified reasons.17 Carré made another transatlantic crossing, this time in the other direction, until he ended up at the Church of St. Martin in Jersey. Once again, Carré found himself ministering to French villagers in a strange corner of the English empire, though this one was nearly within sight of his French homeland. The Channel Islands were constantly welcoming French refugees throughout this period, and it is tempting to imagine the elderly minister welcoming his countrymen and telling them about his adventures in the New World. Or maybe he stayed silent. In his two surviving letters to Lord Hatton he talked about Roman coins and his hatred of the Jesuits, but he wrote nothing about his American adventures.18
16During the late-1690s Carré did return to the world of publishing. Using contacts in London, he authored two publications in the later part of the decade. One was a one page “cantique spirituel” that he recommended for morning worship services. Another was a sermon, La morte des justes, delivered on the occasion of a shipwreck near the neighboring island of Guernsey that killed a number of people. A typical meditation on mortality, the sermon urged Christians to remember that they could be called to God at any time.19 Carré must have been thinking about death himself at this moment, since soon after he dropped out of the written record. We do not know the time or circumstances of his passing. Perhaps Carré ended up in the St. Martin’s churchyard near Jean Effor, the medieval priest who so fascinated him.
The forgotten minister
17After leaving Boston Ezechiel Carré was quickly forgotten. A new minister, Pierre Daillé, arrived by around 1696, and his tenure was far less rocky than any of his predecessors. The French church occupied a place in a changing city, and its ministers — first Daillé and then Andrew Lemercier — earned the respect of French and English neighbors alike. Lemercier even published a history of his hometown of Geneva, which was the first publication by a Huguenot in Boston after Carré’s departure.20 Even so, the Huguenot church, and community, was slowly fading in importance. Many of Boston’s prominent refugee families, like the Faneuils, decamped for the Anglican King’s Chapel, leaving the French church with a diminishing financial base. When Lemercier retired in 1743 the church declined to replace him. By the end of the century, in a circumstance that would have horrified Ezechiel Carré, the church had become Roman Catholic, providing space for another new generation of European migrants to Boston.21
18As New England’s Huguenots faded in influence their minister Carré became increasingly obscure. The primary nineteenth-century historian of the Huguenot migration to America barely mentioned him, and seemed to miss his two publications22. While Huguenot descendants founded societies, erected monuments, and sponsored publications around the eastern United States in the middle and later years of the 1800s, they almost completely ignored not just the first French author in North America, but the communities he inhabited as well. There is no plaque commemorating their settlement, and most locals in East Greenwich know about the region’s Huguenot past only because the town’s main artery is still called Frenchtown Road. Up north in Boston, meanwhile, the site of the old French Protestant church sits on a busy downtown street. A small display notes that the Huguenots worshiped there, but the largest part of the plaque concerns the first public Catholic mass that was performed there in 1788 — a key moment in Boston’s transformation from Puritan bastion to center of Catholicism.23
19Huguenot memory in the United States has always been tied to genealogy. It was descendants of the refugees who kept their memory alive, and since Carré had no living children who stayed in North America his memory faded. Being a published author was not enough to keep him in the public’s recollection, especially as his books spoke to issues that were highly relevant in the 1680s and 1690s but less so in subsequent decades. Nonetheless, he deserves to be remembered. His global peregrinations demonstrated the lengths refugees would go for freedom of conscience, and his intellectual endeavors illustrated, more than anyone else could, a Huguenot vision of America. Carré attempted to integrate his people into New England’s religious fabric, while some of his counterparts, like Cotton Mather, agreed that the French refugees could be important members of a more diverse (but still militantly Protestant) society. The fact that this vision failed does not make it any less noteworthy.
20There is one reminder of the minister in his former New England homeland. In East Greenwich, which is now a tony suburb south of Providence, developers built a number of new subdivisions in the 1980s, some of them with names that gestured back to the region’s past. Near Frenchtown Road one finds Ezechiel Carre Road, a short street tucked in the woods only a few miles from the place where the minister once lived, where he tried and failed to build a Huguenot colony. It is a cryptic memorial to a complicated and fascinating figure.
Illustration 1. La Ezechiel Carre Road à East Greenwich, baptisée ainsi en sa mémoire

Coll. Owen Stanwood.
Illustration 2. La Huguenot Road à East Greenwich, rappelant l’installation de huguenots dans la région

Coll. Owen Stanwood.
Notes de bas de page
1British Library, Add. Mss. 29567, f. 82-3, Ezechiel Carré to Lord Hatton, 23 June 1698.
2Bertrand Van Ruymbeke, “Un refuge atlantique : les réfugiés huguenots et l’Atlantique anglo-américain”, in Guy Martinière, Didier Poton et François Souty (ed.), D’un Rivage à l’Autre : Villes et Protestantisme dans l’Aire Atlantique (xvie-xviie siècles), Paris, Imprimérie Nationale, 1999, p. 195-204.
3On the memory and memorialization of the American Huguenots see Geneviève and Philippe Joutard, “L’Amérique huguenote est-elle un paradoxe ?”, Bulletin de la Société de l’histoire du protestantisme français, 151, 2005, p. 65-90 ; Mickaël Augeron, “Mémoire huguenote et construction patrimoniale : le rôle des associations (Afrique du Sud, États-Unis, France)”, in Mickaël Augeron, Didier Poton et Bertrand Van Ruymbeke (ed.), Les Huguenots et l’Atlantique, vol. 2 : Fidélités, Racines et Mémoires, Paris, Les Indes savantes, 2012, p. 345-382.
4For the details of Carré’s life see Worthington Ford, “Ezekiel Carré and the French Church in Boston”, Proceedings of the Massachusetts Historical Society, 52, 1919, p. 121-132 ; Jon Butler, The Huguenots in America : A Refugee People in New World Society, Cambridge, Mass., Harvard University Press, 1983, p. 60-63, 74-77.
5L. Effingham de Forest (ed.), Records of the French Church at Narragansett, 1686-1691, New York, Huguenot Society of America, 1940, p. 2.
6Elisha R. Potter, Memoir Concerning the French Settlements and French Settlers in the Colony of Rhode Island, Providence, Sidney S. Rider, 1879. For a broader look at Huguenot settlements around the Atlantic see Owen Stanwood, “The Huguenot Refuge and European Imperialism”, in Raymond A. Mentzer and Bertrand Van Ruymbeke (ed.), The Companion to the Huguenots, Leiden, Brill Press, 2016, p. 394-421.
7Increase Mather, A Sermon Wherein is shewed that the Church of God is sometimes a Subject of Great Persecution ; Preached on a Publick Fast At Boston in New England : Occassioned by the Tidings of a Great Persecution Raised against the Protestants in France, Boston, Printed for Samuel Sewall, 1682.
8John Russell Bartlett (ed.), Records of the Colony of Rhode Island and Providence Plantations in New England, Providence, A.C. Greene and brother, state printers, 1858, vol. 3, p. 227-228.
9Ezechiel Carré, The Charitable Samaritan, Boston, Printed by Samuel Green, 1689. The best interpretation of the tract is Adrian Chastain Weimer, “Huguenot Refugees and the Meaning of Charity in Early New England”, Church History, vol. 86, 2017, p. 365-397.
10Ezechiel Carré, The Charitable Samaritan, Advertisement and Dedication, op. cit.
11Massachusetts Archives 11:65, Boston, “Note of Representatives relative to French people, pretending to be Protestants, but suspected of being Papists”, October 1692; Robert Earle Moody and Richard Clive Simmons (ed.), The Glorious Revolution in Massachusetts: Selected Documents, 1689-1692, Boston, Colonial Society of Massachusetts, 1988, p. 343-344; The Acts and Resolves, Public and Private, of the Province of the Massachusetts Bay, Boston, Wright & Potter, printers to the State, 1869, vol. 1, p. 90.
12Records of the French Church at Narragansett, op. cit., p. 18-19; Jon Butler, Huguenots in America, op. cit., p. 62-63.
13Percival Merritt, “The French Protestant Church in Boston”, Publications of the Colonial Society of Massachusetts, vol. 26, 1926, p. 323-348. On Van den Bosch see Evan Haefeli, “Laurentius van den Bosch (c. 1660?-1696)”, in Leon van den Broeke, Hans Krabbendam and Dirk Mouw (ed.), Transatlantic Pieties: Dutch Clergy in Colonial America, Grand Rapids, Eerdmans, 2012, p. 217-235.
14Livingston Papers, Misc. Mss., New York Historical Society, “Inventaire de certains papiers trouvés dans une maison particulière vers Albanie depuis ces derniers troubles”. For a complete account of how the materials ended up in Carré’s hands see Evan Haefeli and Owen Stanwood, “Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse: The Origins of America’s First French Book”, Proceedings of the American Antiquarian Society, vol. 116, 2006, p. 71-74.
15Ezechiel Carré, Echantillon, de la doctrine que les Jésuites ensegnent aus sauvauges du nouveau monde, Boston, Samuel Green, 1690; Haefeli and Stanwood, “Jesuits, Huguenots and the Apocalypse”, art. cit., p. 79-88.
16Evan Haefeli and Owen Stanwood, “Jesuits, Huguenots, and the Apocalypse”, art. cit., p. 119; Pierre Jurieu, L’Accomplissement des prophéties, ed. Jean Delumeau, Paris, Imprimerie nationale, 1994.
17Robin Gwynn (ed.), Minutes of the Consistory of the French Church of London, Threadneedle Street, 1679-1692, London, Huguenot Society of Great Britain and Ireland, 1994, p. 335.
18In addition to the letter cited above see Carré to Hatton, 27 June 1697, Add. Mss. 29566, BL, in which he enclosed a copy of his latest printed sermon. See also Jon Butler, The Huguenots in America, op. cit., p. 76-77.
19Ezechiel Carré, Le Te-Deum Laudamus, ou Cantique Spirituel pour Etre Chanté, quelquefois au Service du Matin, London, par C. Lucas, 1697; Ezechiel Carré, La mort des justes, London, par C. Lucas, 1697.
20Andrew Lemercier, The Church History of Geneva, in Five Books: As also a Political and Geographical Account of that Republick, Boston, Printed by B. Green, 1732.
21Paula Wheeler Carlo, “Huguenot Identity and Protestant Unity in Colonial Massachusetts: The Reverend André Le Mercier and the ‘Sociable Spirit’”, Historical Journal of Massachusetts, vol. 40, 2012, p. 123-147; Charles W. Baird, The Huguenot Emigration to America, New York, Dodd, Mead & Co, 1885, vol. 2, p. 245.
22Charles W. Baird, The Huguenot Emigration to America, op. cit., vol. 1, p. 303-304; vol. 2, p. 226, 303, 310.
23Paula Wheeler Carlo, “Huguenot Identity and Protestant Unity”, art. cit., p. 128.
Auteur
-
Owen Stanwood
Professeur, Boston College, États-Unis.
Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence Creative Commons - Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International - CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.
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