Abstracts
p. 251-255
Texte intégral
1
“The downfall of the French ambassador Jacques Savary de Lancosme in Constantinople (1588-1593)”
Amélie
Balayre
2Henry IV’s accession to the throne, in 1589, causes an upheaval of political forces in France. This arrival of a Huguenot has direct repercussions on the representation of the crown in foreign courts. In Constantinople the French Ambassador, Jacques Savary de Lancosme a fervent League’s supporter, refuses to recognize the new king but also to give up his position. For four years, this case will require the intervention of an English agent in order to eliminate the threat that Savary de Lancosme brings about to Henry IV.
3
“‘Monsieur l’Ambassadeur le sçait si dextrement manier, qu’il impetre de luy, une bonne partie de ce qu’il desire’: representing the King of France in Rome, between brilliant demonstration and implicit manoeuvres (Charles de Neufville, 1605-1608)”
Marie-Cécile
Pineau
4Representing the King of France in Rome is a function that an ambassador must perform with the most brilliance possible. From 1605 to 1608, this is the charge which amounts to Charles de Neufville, Lord of Halincourt. The representation of King of France Henri IV goes through different aspects which are analysed in this article from selected examples. For example, there is an importance given to the palace, seat of the embassy and living place of the ambassador and his family. Charles de Neufville has a sumptuous and important suite, pageantry necessary to correspond to the Roman milieu which was accustomed to dazzling displays of power. But the ambassador must also be irreproachable, to be able to negotiate at best and impose itself on the Roman scene, a true “world theatre”.
5
“The adaptability of papal representation at the Congress of Münster (1644-1648)”
Julien
Régibeau
6Since Leopold von Ranke, historiography generally considers the official protest of the Holy See against the Peace of Westphalia (1648) as a sign of the weakening of papal influence in Europe. However, in recent years, several scholars have demonstrated the quality of the practices of Nuncio Fabio Chigi during his peace mediation in Münster. Based on these recent insights, this paper aims to revisit Chigi’s protest policy, analysing it as a contextualised legal-diplomatic practice developed to address the difficulties of the Westphalian negotiations. First of all, it will recall the Papacy’s conception of peace at the beginning of the congress and the peacemaking role that Rome assigned itself. Then, it will study Fabio Chigi’s shift towards protest. Thus, it will be shown that the papal protest is not an unprecedented moment of political invention, but rather that it is part of the same project as peace mediation. Indeed, both positions are part of the doctrine of the padre comune. This paper highlights the adaptability of pontifical representation in the mid-seventeenth century in order to challenge modern diplomacy, in an interstate and interfaith context that puts the ideal of Christianity in tension.
7
“Among stigmas and infringements: Eirik Labonne’s accreditation visit to the Spanish President Manuel Azaña (December 1937)”
Nathan
Rousselot
8In October 1937, the Quai d’Orsay decided to call back its former Ambassador in Spain, Jean Herbette, who was residing in Saint-Jean-de-Luz (France) since the beginning of the Spanish Civil War (1936-1939). In his stead, it appointed Eirik Labonne who took up his position in Barcelona, where the Spanish Government had just established itself. The return of a French Ambassador in Spain was welcomed with great hopes and satisfactions by the Republican Authorities that were facing international isolation due to the Non-Intervention Agreement. With a new Ambassador in the Catalan capital, they hoped for a reorientation of French foreign policy. However, by appointing Labonne, France sought to limit its reengagement by favouring the search of an international mediation. Those diverging expectations and objectives came to light during the Labonne’s accreditation visit to President Manuel Azaña. Based on Erving Goffman’s Sociology of Interaction, this study aims to underline the importance of the rules and the rituals that take place during this ceremony: far from being a mere vestigial practice, the accreditation visit retains a decisive symbolic and political significance in the legitimization of the involved actors and institutions.
9
“Representing the crown of France in the 16th century in an unworthy manner. The «reverye» of Pierre de Grantrye, ambassador to the Grisons”
Damien
Fontvieille
10Pierre de Grantrye, ambassador to the Three Leagues between 1566 and 1573, faced a difficult task. He had to ensure the success of the levies of Swiss mercenaries, to pay the pensions which were the basis of the alliance treaty between the french crown and the Confederates, and to oppose to the practices of other europeans powers who also wanted to recruit mercenaries. This embassy and its delicate tasks required a skilled negociator and a man which embodied the perfect ambassador. However Grantrye is not this ideal figure: condescending to his interlocutors, showing contempt to the Swiss and their country he gains rapidly a bad reputation. Grantrye had nonetheless several assets to help him in performing his tasks. In Swiss he could rely on the pro-french networks, on the emerging diplomatic personnel and at the french court he had the support of his friends and kins who gave him counsels and maintained him in good credit to the sovereign. This ambassador shows how the resident embassy has become, during the sixteenth century, a way of testing the young servitors of the king: those who succeed could hope to pursue good careers; those who failed were put aside. Grantrye is of the last ones: after his return in France he took part in the conjuration of La Mole and Coconas in 1574 and was therefore put aside from the clan of power to which he belonged.
11
“Sports and gambling diplomacy under the later Stuarts”
Emmanuel
Lemée
12Entertainment was, in early modern European courts, not only meant to please but also played a strong political and diplomatic role. Card games and horse races served, in late17th century England, as informal meeting grounds where people practiced a form of diplomacy parallel to the official representation embodied by the ambassadors. During these meetings, the requirements of official representation were lifted, which created new opportunities for diplomatic representation. Most importantly, it enabled the diplomatic actors to stage publicly, through personal gestures, the official stance of their government, without committing or incriminating themselves. These specific diplomatic gestures, which were used in private occasions but with the intent of conveying an official message, gave rise to a new set of diplomatic actors. These new actors complemented the official representatives and, while they were not meant to replace them, played nonetheless a pivotal role in international relations by helping to maintain stable relations between England and its neighbours, most notably Louis XIV’s France.
13
“Diplomatic representation at the risk of local friendships: the case of Jean-François Ogier, Ambassador of Louis XV to Denmark (1753-1766)”
Matthieu
Thermed
14Everyday diplomacy is based on interpersonal relationships and the ability of ambassadors to build and consolidate a network. What place is given to friendship in this relational framework? Throughout the experience of Jean-François Ogier, representative of Louis XV in Denmark from 1753 to 1766, we can observe the existence of a real rhetoric of friendship, shown in gestures and words, whereby the ambassador seeks to acquire the esteem and confidence of those he engages with in order to strengthen the diplomatic link between the two States concerned. The exercise of diplomatic friendship was also for Ogier to forge a solid network of court and government figures who were culturally and politically attached to France. However, such a practice remains a double-edged sword: sources show us that Ogier tried to strike a delicate balance between fidelity to his mission and championing the cause of the Danish court and he had to face a real dichotomy between artifice and sincerity, loyalty and duplicity, public life and private life. Furthermore, the friendship strategy is conditioned by the intentions of the chanceries and geopolitical circumstances, which determine the diplomat’s flexibility in the context of his negotiations: this tangible reality puts its effectiveness into perspective, as Ogier’s experience showed. Nevertheless the charisma of the negotiator and his exercise of friendship remain important elements of diplomatic skills: they are indeed a captatio benevolentiæ capable of allowing potential success in the complex art of negotiation, such as Jean-François Ogier’s political practice was able to illustrate.
15
“Wladimir d’Ormesson and the daily life of an ambassador (Rome, 1948-1956)”
Sophie
Hennet
16Wladimir d’Ormesson (1888-1973) is a French journalist, ambassador, and academician. Called up late in his diplomatic career, in 1940, he was sent twice to the Holy See (1940, 1948-1956), and once to Argentina (1945-1948) to represent his gouvernment. From 1919 until the eve of his death, Wladimir d’Ormesson kept a daily diary in which he confided about all the events of his life, important or not, and set down on paper his political and religious ideas as well as his more banal daily reflections. This very rich and dense document reveals the realities of daily diplomacy, the personality of a senior French civil servant, and the way in which the intimacy and exercise of a public function can interact. During his time in Rome, Wladimir d’Ormesson tried to ensure a place of choice for France in the Vatican, and he was the ambassador who moved the embassy to the Villa Bonaparte, the perfect place to host the numerous receptions he organized with his wife, Concepción d’Ormesson, whose role in the works of her husband is also highlighted by the diary. In a profession where representation and socializing play an essential role and have a direct influence on the ability to act, Wladimir d’Ormesson is served by his origins and his education. The son of a diplomate and a member of the aristocracy, he is a part of the high society. When he arrives in Rome in 1948, he joins the social circles of the Italian capital and frequents the Roman patriciat, in receptions and golf games. In favour of a rather traditional vision of the world, Wladimir d’Ormesson also witnesses, somewhat skeptic, the emergence of a new world.
17
“From the Wicquefort handbook to practice: clothing, fineries and identities in European embassies in the Grand Siècle”
Chloé
Rivière
18 L’ambassadeur et ses fonctions by Abraham de Wicquefort, was first published circa 1680. It is a handbook for ambassadors, aiming to standardize the diplomatic practice through multiple examples. De Wicquefort was one of the first authors to study the clothes and fineries of diplomats in an extensive way, and he wrote an entire chapter about this topic. Court’s language, meaningful objects, clothing and finery are indeed diplomatic tools for princes and convey multiple messages. The sovereigns and their ambassadors put themselves on display to express their own identity, adjusting to public and private contexts through avoidance and adjustment strategies. However, comparative studies of this handbook and other contemporary sources reveals discrepancies between the idealized norms dreamt by the author and the actual practices.
19
“The framework of French representation in the United States: building the French embassy in Washington at the beginning of the 20th century”
Corentin
Morinière
20Despite the legation’s promotion to the rank of embassy in 1893, the French diplomatic mission in Washington remained a secondary concern to the Quai d’Orsay at the beginning of the twentieth century. This attitude of marginalization is illustrated by the complications faced by diplomats in the construction an established chancery building. Even so, Jean-Jules Jusserand, the French ambassador to the United States between 1902-1924, tried to find a solution to anchor French representation in Washington. A study of the French embassy’s attempts to build a chancery can help to develop an understanding surrounding the role and vision diplomats have when considering their workspace. Further, the analysis of the construction of a chancery invites us to study various important aspects of diplomatic life, the evolution of diplomatic relations and persons, and the practices of diplomats. Finally, it is important to explore the evolution of diplomatic practices through the study of the construction, and subsequent intervention by the ambassador of the Washington Embassy.
21
“‘His residence is surrounded by exultation and protected by Mahomat’s sayings’: the Monegasque villa of an Iranian diplomat at the beginning of the twentieth century”
Leila
Koochakzadeh
22Through his gestures, his costumes, as well as his lyrical speeches during the Hague Conferences (1899 and 1907) and the sessions of the assembly of the League of Nations, Prince Arfa‘ ol-Dowleh (1846-1938), the representative of Iran, particularly attracted attention. He always assumed his duties as Iranian representative by putting himself on stage in a “theatrical performance”, to put it in Erving Goffman’s words, in order to serve the best interests of his country. This article looks at one of the aspects of this materiality of diplomatic representation, through the case of the villa Dāneshgāh, Arfa’s personal residence, which he had built in Monaco. The construction of this Monegasque residence, which was one of the theaters in which the prince staged his diplomatic representations, was an opportunity to mobilize, through its architecture, a repertoire familiar to the European elites, combining references to both ancient Iran and the orientalism then in vogue. It was also one of the privileged frameworks for the promotion of the pacifist commitment of Arfa‘ which, through the promotion of Peace, sought to defend Iran against imperialistic appetites. This case shows how cultural diplomacy and pacifism were weapons exploited by Arfa‘ to serve Iran’s interests.
23
“Diplomatic visits to warring Algeria (1954-1960)”
Majid
Embarech
24Between 1954 and 1962, the Algerian War of Independence was a major event in international politics. Diplomacy then becomes an essential stake, the nationalists of the FLN realizing the necessary extension of their struggle at the international level. In reaction to the construction by the FLN of an effective diplomatic apparatus, the French authorities used the diplomatic visit to put in place a “protocol policy”, intended above all to influence foreign governments. Their goal is to root the reality of French Algeria, then, from 1958 and especially 1959, to promote the Algerian policy of General de Gaulle. The different actors (diplomatic and non-diplomatic) who make up the French colonial power then adopt the rituals of the diplomatic visit. The arrival of these diplomats in Algeria illustrates the way in which France, engaged in a murderous war of decolonization, promotes its presence through the staging of a diplomatic “normalcy”.
25
“Diplomatic norms and practices serving the Franco-Cambodian postcolonial relationship (1953-1961)”
Magali
Bigaud
26At the end of a negotiated decolonization process, Cambodia officially becomes an independent state in November 1953. Relations with the former colonial tutelage, France, are then evolving, according to different stakes for each country: while Cambodia seeks reciprocity, France, for its part, wishes to maintain its influence in Cambodia and more generally in South East Asia. This paper focuses on diplomatic standards and practices used by the actors of the transition from the High Commission of the Republic to the French Embassy as central elements in the redefinition of the relationship between the two countries and on how these actors have made use of these practices to meet the challenges of this postcolonial situation. The High Commissioner of the Republic, then French ambassador to Cambodia, Pierre Gorce, will be studied here more particularly, as a central figure in this process of transformation.
27
“‘Pomp and circumstance(s)’: a protocol history of reestablishment of formal diplomatic relations between London and Tehran after the Islamic Revolution”
Sylvain
Gaillaud
28In the late 1970s, with the fall of the Persian empire and the emergence of an Islamic Republic in Iran comes a reassessment of conventional diplomatic practices. Islamic diplomacy begins using a confrontational rhetoric, especially against the United States and the United Kingdom, blamed for their support to the former shah’s rule. British expatriates and interests suffer many attacks showing the growing breach of the rules of representation. The British Government is compelled to deal with the new regime to save important commercial contacts pending because of the Revolution. This accommodation process shows how important a part is given to ritual in an effort to restore confidence. It appears that both partners do not use protocol matters on a same basis in the following negotiations. The process of building a new bond of trust suffers regular and sometimes deliberate setbacks that obstruct through the 1980s the resuming of a peaceful relationship. Protocol matters turn out to be instrumental following circumstances. The way both partners use them show how willing or unwilling they are to go beyond a distrustful diplomacy inherited from the past.
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