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    Plan

    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Introduction Multi-level Politics : Human Rights from the Federation down to the City The auto-Ethnographical Method and its Benefits The City Plan for the street Population, 2013-2016 The Transition to the Right in São Paulo : 2017 Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud

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    São Paulo City Plan for Street Population : Informational Gaps, Mediation and Instability of Public Policies on Homelessness

    Monique Figueira

    p. 219-233

    Texte intégral Introduction Multi-level Politics : Human Rights from the Federation down to the City The auto-Ethnographical Method and its Benefits The City Plan for the street Population, 2013-2016 The Transition to the Right in São Paulo : 2017 Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    Introduction

    1SÃo Paulo City offers a local portrait of a global paradox : a city with one of the world’s largest GDPs but with the highest concentration of homeless citizens in Brazil.1 Economic power is not translated into human development, to the point that a poor inhabitant may live on average twenty-five years less than a wealthy neighbour.2 Here and abroad, living on the streets expresses the inherent contradictions of both capitalism (financial growth versus social equality) and the so-called information society (vast potential for virtual connection versus spatial disconnection). Homelessness is indeed a consequence of capitalism in both developed and developing countries. In this context, in 2016 São Paulo City issued a policy document entitled the São Paulo City Plan for Street Population.3

    2The chapter analyses the context that gave birth to this plan. In 2013, Mayor Fernando Haddad of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), the centre/ left-wing Workers’Party, launched the Human Rights City Office. The new agency instituted thirteen departments4, including one dedicated to the city’s street population, implementing the 2009 National Policy for the Street Population at the municipal level. The Human Rights Office resorted to innovative methodologies in order to understand and cope with every day urban life and to minimize obstacles for mediation within public authorities and opening up their structures to citizens who have been historically neglected. The city hired street people and engaged with them in a project of auto-ethnographic research, in order to produce knowledge in the context of insufficient information about their social reality. After all, Brazil has carried out national censuses solely based on housing data, thus ignoring the so-called homeless. The particularities of mobile populations, that is, people without a fixed address, remain unknown not only due to logistical obstacles but also because of insufficient awareness, as well as lack of synergy between state agencies and civil society. Interventions aimed at homelessness are frequently based on stereotypes, and one of the objectives of this Plan was to expose some of them.

    3The Plan brings together different city offices in an “intersectoral” collaboration : a joint effort by several disciplines and practices, such as human rights, housing, education, employment, social services, health, urban safety, sports and culture, to confront a multidimensional issue : street people are deprived not only of housing, but also of health, education, employment, security, culture and information. Access to information and communication may not be considered essential but they constitute human rights, acting transversally as “meta-rights”, enabling people to understand their own basic social demands more effectively.

    4Only one week after the Plan was launched, the new mayor João Doria of the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira (PSDB) which, despite its name, is an openly right wing party, dismantled it. Seven months earlier, in 2016, Haddad’s 57.069 Decree on Urban Cleaning5 challenged the typical attitude towards “urban cleansing” by instructing civil servants on the correct and courteous treatment of homeless citizens. However, in January 2017 the new administration altered the decree without consulting the parties involved, thus ignoring the principle of “mediation” which is the proper procedure when dealing with conflict. Later in May, the municipality violated constitutional rights during a disproportionate police operation in a district derogatorily known as “Crackland”. The raid was allegedly to combat drug trafficking and to encourage the hospitalisation of drug dependents, but its real goal was to gentrify a central urban area. The police force normally targets different social realities in an indistinct manner, treating homeless people, drug dependents and the mentally ill in the same manner, as if a single approach could fit them all.

    5Based on this case study, the chapter supports/promotes the importance, within increasingly polarised societies in the neoliberal era, of crafting public policies that take into account the voice of the homeless. It also demonstrates the fragility of the current instruments to do this, henceforth the difficulty of supporting the right to the city of the homeless population within an established information regime, i.e. systems of relations that allow scholars, policymakers and civil society to identify practices, discourses and policies that tend to become hegemonic.

    Multi-level Politics : Human Rights from the Federation down to the City

    6In Brazil homelessness represents a technical and epistemological gap in the State information regime. Despite the importance and urgency of the matter, the street population is neglected by the State’s production of public knowledge and also by civil society in general. Brazil has carried out national censuses since 1872, but they have always been based on housing data. Mobile populations do not fit the typical census methodology and logistics which require a fixed territorial base. As a result, the particularities of homelessness are managed either through stereotypes or through repression. Taking into account this lack of data, Decree 7.0536 indicated the need to generate information on the topic, and to “institute the official count of the street population ; produce and disseminate social, economic and cultural data on the existing network of public services to the street population”.

    7As a consequence, homeless people receive special attention from the State when it comes to its repressive apparatus at which point they become visible. Begging is still largely criminalised in many Brazilian cities. For example, since 2015 in Rio de Janeiro, Fecomércio, the Commerce Federation of the state of Rio, finances the “Security Present” police operation, which represses mostly black citizens or those who live on the street, especially in tourist neighbourhoods. Such neighbourhoods were allegedly targeted on the basis of a public security study, but they did not have the highest rates of violence, indicating clearly that the goal of the operation was to encourage the tourist industry. The Secretary of the State Government admitted that Fecomércio had used commercial and economic criteria to select the sites : “Like anywhere in the world, whoever finances chooses.”7 This was the first time in Rio de Janeiro that a security project was completely financed by a private institution. Similarly, in Santa Catarina state, in 2017, the city of Balneário Camboriú approved a bill that makes provision for high fines for beggars, peddlers and street artists. The bill project describes these activities as “dangerous or [representing an] obstacle to traffic”8, reflecting another attempt to “sanitise” tourist areas.

    8In a country with abundant natural resources, a history of violence and deep inequalities, Brazil’s resources have been monopolised by five centuries of colonialism, monarchy, imperialism, dictatorship and short-lived periods of democratic progress. The illiterate were only given the right to vote in 1985, at the end of the business-military dictatorship. Similarly, vagrancy has been prohibited ever since the promulgation of the now archaic Criminal Code of 1890. In recent decades, progressive governments have timidly started showing accountability for marginalised citizens. The article banning mendicancy under the 1890 criminal code was abolished in 2009 and, in the same year, the National Policy for the Street Population, Decree 7.053, was passed. This decree is a federal milestone towards the recognition of the rights of homeless people. It condenses two decades of intense political debate on this issue since the democratic turn of the late 1980s. It constitutes an essential legislative framework in a highly urbanised country (84 % of the population live in urban areas) that still lacks basic knowledge about one of its most vulnerable population groups. The decree gives prominence to intersectoral collaboration and participatory approaches, recognising street people as political actors whose demands must be heard. However, ten years after this decree was passed, no national policy has been implemented yet throughout Brazil. One of the reasons frequently mentioned to explain this state of things is that implementation was left to the discretion of each municipality (a total of 5,570 administrative divisions). In Brazil’s multilevel federation, the city is considered the proper level at which to apply territorialised policies. However, adequate synergy demands more than a decree.

    9São Paulo City offers a singular case study of the actual implementation of this policy and the way it was translated from the federal level down to the municipal scale. In São Paulo, the decree was implemented in 2013, under the mandate of Mayor Fernando Haddad, a member of the then presidential party. His election opened a window of opportunity. The newly created Human Rights Office organized eight city departments into an interdisciplinary Street Population Committee. This committee has been elected every two years and its members came from different departments of the municipality (Housing, Social Services, Health, Education, Employment, Security, Services, District Coordination City Office), from the Street Population National Movement, universities, and religious institutions. The Human Rights Office has eighteen members, respecting gender parity, nine members come from civil society and nine are city officials.

    10The committee’s first resolution was to collectively formulate the City Plan together with the homeless population and related activists. The launching of the Plan required in-depth investigation on the social reality at stake. A quantitative and qualitative research protocol was designed for this purpose : the local homeless census, carried out in 2000, 2009, 2011 and 2015,9 was linked to an auto-ethnographic survey. In 2015, FIPE, Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas, counted 15,905 citizens living on the street in São Paulo City. Most of them were non-white men, aged around 40 years, with a low level of education, mainly living downtown and around the commercial districts (52 % in Sé, 11 % in Mooca and 5 % in Lapa). While this census focused on quantitative data, such as how many people actually live on the streets and where, the auto-ethnography approach complemented the picture with qualitative data. The auto-ethnographic method aimed at investigating the habits, expectations and desires of street people to achieve autonomy. The project expressed a momentary break from the dominant conceptualisation of citizenship in Brazil, whereby the right to contribute to knowledge production and to collaborate with public institutions is usually granted exclusively to people with a formal education. In contrast, this auto-ethnographic research enabled homeless citizens to claim the right to be part of political processes and to be considered as stakeholders, no longer passive in the construction of their own memories and political articulation. While in previous municipal surveys, the street population was merely an object of study, in the auto-ethnography survey, those same people were active subjects. In the following sections, I draw on some of the survey report’s final conclusions10 on mediation and knowledge production for the right to the city that were reached in São Paulo during this process.

    The auto-Ethnographical Method and its Benefits

    11After widespread publicity, the committee convened a series of open informational meetings which took place in 2015, over a period of three months. Twelve researchers living, or who had lived on the streets, were elected to be part of this process of knowledge production. It was a way to acknowledge the fact that some spaces and situations can only be explained by people who have experienced them and who can approach the topic armed with this background. These citizens who are usually voiceless became spokespeople of the homeless and witnesses of the marginalisation processes, offering unprecedented agency to the street population.

    12Over a period of a year, these twelve researchers received psychological, journalistic and anthropological training three times a week in order to conduct field work. They then made 252 interviews with homeless people on the streets, and 38 interviews in shelters. Besides this material gathered from the interviews, weekly appointments with supervisors produced 200 additional chronicles, i.e. written records by psychologists on the researchers’ behaviour and impressions. Indeed, all the meetings were attended by psychologists who recorded them. They never intervened but focused on understanding the emotion expressed by the homeless throughout the research. Based on discourse analysis and psychoanalysis technics, those people helped to record remarkably detailed and comprehensive qualitative data, as opposed to the results of quantitative methods, which may reduce subjectivities to numbers or fixed categories.

    13As a result, this project helped to identify a number of difficulties and shortcomings in terms of the public approach to the homelessness issue in São Paulo :

    14Firstly, the report starts with bringing a fundamental problem : the definition of the targeted population, as simplistic proposals and classifications prove unfeasible when dealing with such a heterogeneous group. This difficulty had already been raised in several official documents, such as the Technical Guidelines for Street Population Centres.11 As a result, instead of trying to describe the heterogeneous profiles of this plural and mobile segment of the urban population, the study focused on the similarities and on the shared features that helped to capture their vulnerability, in terms of social conditions, housing, psychological, physical and economic criteria.

    15Secondly, the report stressed the importance of the migration component of homelessness, an element that has not been taken into account sufficiently at the national level. Indeed, the study revealed an increase in the flow of immigrants and refugees, especially Haitians, Bolivians, Congolese and Angolans within the homeless population. There has also been a significant growth of squatters, living in abandoned buildings or occupying vacant land, a social segment of the homeless population that had not been officially targeted by public policies and that emerged from the research process. Despite the fact that squatters cannot be directly captured as homeless people, these population groups face common aspects of social vulnerability, linked to the same housing deficit. They must also be considered by welfare programmes of urban reform. This problem of definition and categorisation hinders the adoption of adequate criteria to decide on who is eligible for benefits or not. As a result, policies for the homeless do not cover the actual demand, as welfare programmes end up assisting other pauperised segments of the population. For example, State-run canteens serve the low-income population with a fixed address, people from favelas, as well as homeless citizens from other neighbouring cities.

    16Thirdly, a special focus was placed on the spatial dimension of homelessness, a recommendation that was already present in the federal decree, since within Brazil’s federal structure, each region operates under its own particular jurisdiction. As far as the spatial distribution of people within the urban space is concerned, the final report highlights the need to identify three types of space : areas of circulation and places of permanence that should receive specific forms of treatment ; places that host informal employment and places used for drug trade and consumption ; neighbourhoods with high concentrations of non-Portuguese speaking refugees with higher levels of education.

    17Another important aspect is that 40 % of the homeless population is made up of former prisoners (25 % of the population in shelters), a social segment of the population that suffers from the lack of rehabilitation and transition programmes. Citizens with a prison experience often unconsciously repeat the behaviour linked to a traumatic life history when facing new interlocutors. In these contexts, they tend to treat social service staff as jailers, and shelters might end up emulating certain rules from prisons. Welfare professionals and social workers, a function that is frequently outsourced, are not qualified to face this challenge. As a result, the final report furthermore underlines the importance of “caring for the caretaker”.

    18The survey also indicates the contradictions of intersectoral policies. It points out how street citizens report high rates of respiratory diseases, linked to their marginalisation. Nevertheless, shelters refuse access to people presenting tuberculosis symptoms, on the grounds of public health standards, but they do not work hand in hand with the Health Department in order to find adequate solutions. As a result, the constitutional right to access the universal health system is persistently denied to homeless people, due to hygienist motivations. Similarly, the city promotes specific campaigns to issue identity documents to street citizens, an action which is well overdue, but which is crucial for their reintegration into society. However, police forces often arbitrarily clean up entire areas and seize people’s few belongings (documents, medicine, work tools or blankets), regardless of their importance for basic survival on the street.

    19Lastly, the auto-ethnographical survey report rated the information flow and articulation within the State as unsatisfactory. Despite the intersectoral framework, homelessness is still seen as a social service issue, and very little is offered by other policy sectors. For instance, key programmes from Housing or Employment offices set eligibility criteria that do not reach homeless citizens. This sort of contradiction had not been raised by quantitative surveys and became an important element supporting the drawing-up of the City Plan for Street Population.

    The City Plan for the street Population, 2013-2016

    20Prepared and drafted by the Street Population Committee between 2013 and 2016, the plan was based on multiple devices, i.e. the auto-ethnographic research, FIPE 2015 Homeless Census and public hearings, such as the Seminar on Access to Justice for the Street Population, carried out by public defenders from the level of the State of São Paulo and the level of the federation of Brazil. These initiatives led to an intense dialogue with city officials and members of civil society, including homeless citizens, working to consolidate their collaboration and to participate in framing public policy.

    21The Plan states that it is the responsibility of the State to provide minimum standards of living for homeless people, as well as spaces of mediation with the State. It serves as an instrument to discuss and enact public policies at the local level, by stimulating an interdisciplinary approach. The Plan is based on ethical standards of dignity and on the principles of collective action and non-coercion. Its overarching formulation establishes guidelines for future government performance, in order to avoid arbitrary administrative practices, and to foresee resource allocation. It is organised along the following four lines :

    1. Housing and the right to a decent habitation. This point includes : a Social Leasing Programme, subsidies to secure permanent housing for low-income families in gentrified areas ; shelters and transitional services, intermediate steps between emergency protection and permanent housing ; the provision of collective forms of accommodation, co-managed by the residents themselves ; special attention for street people suffering from a loss of mental or physical autonomy ; a comprehensive care programme for homeless citizens with severe mental disorders.
    2. Culture, knowledge and work. The first section of this part of the Plan covers issues of economic solidarity and the need for initiatives geared to generating income ; education and professional qualifications and access to job revenue through a Work Operation Programme. The second section prioritises the access to basic education. School programmes should adopt
      a methodology that is attractive for children and adults in street situation and should address the issue of human rights and public policies within the city. The Plan also advocates for the continuous provision of inclusive cultural programmes, especially in districts with a high concentration of street people.
    3. Humanised care. The first section of this part of the Plan deals with the expansion of shelters, emphasising the respect of human dignity in terms of citizens’ profiles, sexual orientation and gender identity. It makes provision for the creation of Specialised Centres for the Street Population, facilitating the transition away from the streets. It caters for a policy of rehabilitation aimed at those who are psychologically and sociologically vulnerable, and/or drug dependent. They must be helped through healthcare, housing measures, harm reduction, professional training, and job policies. The itinerant Street Clinics must be reinforced in order to offer “longitudinal” attention, by expanding healthcare access and by disseminating information about rights to public services. Dignified treatment of the street population is compulsory during urban cleaning interventions, reinforcing Decree 57.069. The second section of this part of the Plan deals with the creation of a Mobile Dental Unit, the installation of water fountains, storage facilities and public toilets/restrooms, as well as the opening up of new State-run canteens, which will also serve as professional training opportunities. The humanised care section also mentions the need for awareness campaigns and actions in schools.
    4. Management, in order to improve government strategies and mediation with the street population. This part of the Plan works to strengthen the Street Population Committee, the Human Rights Office collaboration with the concerned City Councils - social services, health, housing, food safety and children’s rights. It mentions the need to expand the institutional channel to report violations of these rights, the need for further training of public servants/civil servants, the hiring of homeless citizens for state services, the creation of an Emergency Services hotline with a 24/7 communications centre dealing with shelter vacancies, and the improvement of government information tools.

    22During the drafting process, the production and circulation of information became central to the Plan. Building a network that respects the specificities of this population is only possible if we engage the target audience as actors, along with accurately articulating qualitative and quantitative data, promoting intersectoral work within the city offices and improving the qualification and professional sensibility of public servants. Such a network should be able to identify the potential of these citizens for autonomy, and not just their vulnerabilities. Despite its contradictions, this process is already emblematic in terms of systematising rights and promoting the participation of historically segregated sectors of the population in government decision-making.

    The Transition to the Right in São Paulo : 2017

    23São Paulo City’s Plan for the Street Population was launched in the last week of Haddad’s term of office. The João Doria administration which followed in 2017, lead to several controversies on the intersectoral and participatory methodologies of homelessness in use for years. For example, Decree 57.069 had been framed together with representatives of civil society, defence lawyers and prosecutors, and it insisted on dignified treatment of homeless citizens. Yet as soon as he was elected, João Doria issued new legislation (Decree 57.581),12 which erased a section in the previous decree that prevented coercive police practices. Decree 57.581 also extended legal hours for police interventions, allowing homeless citizens to be disturbed during the night and arbitrarily removed. Moreover, it allowed the police treating the belongings of homeless people as useless goods that could be confiscated, without the need to consult the owner, paradoxically challenging the sanctity of private property.

    24The main change however concerns Article 3 (item 4) : the word “mediation”, considered as the adequate method to resolve conflicts in Decree 57.069, was excluded altogether from this article. Overnight, all the efforts made by the precedent local government to collectively build a legal apparatus that would be protective of homeless people were discarded. Alessandro Baratta13 recognises the selective character inherent to the social contract, actually accomplished only among a minority of equals, usually wealthy white men, and based on legal coercion for the rest of the population.

    25With a local government no longer guided by the idea of mediation, in May 2017, the municipality, in partnership with the State, carried out a mega police operation : allegedly in order to combat drug traffic, 900 agents were sent to clear the “Crackland” (Cracolândia) and forcibly hospitalized the drug dependent people as well as street people, violating several of their legal rights in the process. “Crackland” does not refer to a specific neighbourhood of the city but is a generic term that refers to an ethos of citizenship, emblematic of capitalist segregation. São Paulo does not have a widespread crack abuse problem. This term serves to carry a pejorative connotation and to dehumanise the social groups thus targeted. It is worth noting that no major traffickers were arrested during the operation. The police made massive arrests of drug dependent who were carrying out petty transactions in order to sustain their dependence. Drug barons were not exposed as they do not live in ghettos. They travel by helicopter14 and are not contested by the State, since they are part of the State apparatus, or linked to it.

    26The Brazilian Council of Psychology defined the operation as barbaric, an insult to international human rights principles and a denial of decades of struggle against the discrimination of patients with mental illness. Even the Human Rights City Commissioner, Patrícia Bezerra, was taken by surprise and decided to resign the following day, calling the intervention disastrous. In an attempt to deflect criticism, the psychologist affiliated to the Partido da Social Democracia Brasileira exalted João Doria’s resourcefulness towards marketing, in contrast to his lack of knowledge on political processes and sense of timing.

    27There are now 22 “Cracklands” in São Paulo, scattered across seven districts.15 This obstructs social services registration and does not help to connect the state services to the people in need. Nonetheless, after the intervention João Doria announced the end of “Crackland”. It is this ignorance of the reality that brings out a preference for management-based approaches to political problems, emblematic of post-truth politics. Liberal in appearance but acting in an authoritarian manner, right- wing populism is less concerned about welfare, security or public health than about eradicating visible forms of poverty in the city centre, where real estate speculation has been booming. Such hygienist policies meet the interests of Nova Luz (New Light), a private project of urban “revitalisation”, in defiance of the fact that people have already been living there.

    Conclusion

    28Homelessness articulates multiple violations of the right to the city. This chapter has discussed the need for public interventions through open debate among contrasting segments of society and stakeholders. However, State behaviour toward this issue wavers between negligence, coercion and inclusiveness, which hinders the chance to develop a coherent political approach in the long run. Participatory policies work towards conflict resolution and recognise the right to communication of marginalised citizens, seeking interventions that consider their own narratives of homeless. The participation process also assumes a pedagogical character by encouraging these citizens to organise themselves in order to contribute to shaping public policy. Mediation is a key aspect of Brazil’s national policy on homelessness and was translated into the São Paulo City Plan for the Street Population. It is a way to grant fundamental rights to vulnerable groups. From a participatory perspective, homelessness can be seen as a complex issue that requires cross-disciplinary action at several levels of government together with the active inclusion of a plurality of social groups. Without a clear understanding of these stakes, public policies will remain reactive and drawn-out compared to the urgency of the matter at hand, and limited to a superficial level, unable to adjust/resolve structural problems. Making this convergence of views and interests happen is not easy at the scale of the federation and in the manifold social institutions concerned by the matter, as demonstrated by the case of Brazil’s National Policy : it took seven years to implement it in São Paulo, as a City Plan, and it is still very unstable. This is due to the instability of public policies, linked to rapid changes of government.16 That is the overall reason why information and knowledge sharing are considered crucial in the national policy as well as the City Plan, seeking to raise the awareness of civil society and of politicians on the issue of homelessness. As seen in this case study, mediation is the key to extending the right to the city since only the dialectics of dialogue will overcome “the utopia of non-conflict”.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 According to IPEA, Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada, São Paulo has 1.34 people living on the street per 1,000 inhabitants. Natalino Marco Antônio Carvalho. Estimativa da População em Situação de Rua no Brasil, Brasília, Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada, 2016, p. 12.

    2 http://sao-paulo.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,morador-de-pinheiros-vive-25-anos-mais-que-o-de-cidade-tiradentes,10000073357 (the hyperlinks were available in March 2019).

    3 São Paulo, Decreto Intersecretarial Nº 5. Plano Municipal de Políticas para a População em Situação de Rua, 2016.

    4 Right to the City ; Education on Human Rights ; Youth ; Racial Equality ; Migrants ; Women ; Children and Adolescents ; the Right to Memory and Truth ; the Elderly ; LGBT ; Drug Policy ; Labor.

    5 Brasil, Decreto Nº 57.069, de 17 de junho de 2016b. Dispõe sobre o tratamento à população em situação de rua na zeladoria urbana.

    6 Brasil, Decreto Nº 7.053, de 23 de dezembro de 2009. Institui a Política Nacional para a População em Situação de Rua.

    7 https://apublica.org/2016/02/operacao-policial-financiada-por-empresarios-cariocas-mira-moradores-de-rua/.

    8 https://www.nsctotal.com.br/colunistas/dagmara-spautz/vereadores-de-balneario-camboriu-aprovam-multa-para-pedintes-que.

    9 São Paulo, Relatório do censo da população de rua na cidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas, 2015.

    10 São Paulo, Relatório Final da Pesquisa Social Participativa Pop Rua, São Paulo, Secretaria Municipal de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania, 2016.

    11 Brasil, Orientações Técnicas : Centro Especializado para População em Situação de Rua, Brasília, Secretaria de Assistência Social, 2011.

    12 São Paulo, Decreto Nº 57.581, de 20 de janeiro de 2017. Altera o Decreto nº 57.069.

    13 Baratta Alessandro, Ética na Comunicação, Organizadores : Ester Kosovski ; Alessandro Baratta et al., Rio de Janeiro, Mauad, 1995, p. 124.

    14 In 2013 a helicopter of Senator Aécio Neves was seized by the police with 445 kilograms of cocaine on board. The pilot was arrested but he was subsequently released. Aécio Neves, also from the PSDB, was the main spokesman for the coup d’Etat against President Dilma Rousseff (PT). Despite accusations of corruption and bribery against him, the Senate has recently overturned the Supreme Court’s decision to dismiss Aécio Neves from office.

    15 http://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/geral/noticia/2017-05/apos-operacao-policial-capital-paulista-tem-22-locais-com-usuarios-de-crack.

    16 Interestingly, Doria resigned only one year after having been elected Mayor, in order to run for the 2018 political election and was elected governor of the state of São Paulo for the 2019-2022 term.

    Auteur

    • Monique Figueira


      Doctorante en sciences de l’information, Instituto Brasileiro de Informação em Ciência e Tecnologia, en partenariat avec l’Université Fédérale de Rio de Janeiro

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    1 According to IPEA, Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada, São Paulo has 1.34 people living on the street per 1,000 inhabitants. Natalino Marco Antônio Carvalho. Estimativa da População em Situação de Rua no Brasil, Brasília, Instituto de Pesquisa Econômica Aplicada, 2016, p. 12.

    2 http://sao-paulo.estadao.com.br/noticias/geral,morador-de-pinheiros-vive-25-anos-mais-que-o-de-cidade-tiradentes,10000073357 (the hyperlinks were available in March 2019).

    3 São Paulo, Decreto Intersecretarial Nº 5. Plano Municipal de Políticas para a População em Situação de Rua, 2016.

    4 Right to the City ; Education on Human Rights ; Youth ; Racial Equality ; Migrants ; Women ; Children and Adolescents ; the Right to Memory and Truth ; the Elderly ; LGBT ; Drug Policy ; Labor.

    5 Brasil, Decreto Nº 57.069, de 17 de junho de 2016b. Dispõe sobre o tratamento à população em situação de rua na zeladoria urbana.

    6 Brasil, Decreto Nº 7.053, de 23 de dezembro de 2009. Institui a Política Nacional para a População em Situação de Rua.

    7 https://apublica.org/2016/02/operacao-policial-financiada-por-empresarios-cariocas-mira-moradores-de-rua/.

    8 https://www.nsctotal.com.br/colunistas/dagmara-spautz/vereadores-de-balneario-camboriu-aprovam-multa-para-pedintes-que.

    9 São Paulo, Relatório do censo da população de rua na cidade de São Paulo, São Paulo, Fundação Instituto de Pesquisas Econômicas, 2015.

    10 São Paulo, Relatório Final da Pesquisa Social Participativa Pop Rua, São Paulo, Secretaria Municipal de Direitos Humanos e Cidadania, 2016.

    11 Brasil, Orientações Técnicas : Centro Especializado para População em Situação de Rua, Brasília, Secretaria de Assistência Social, 2011.

    12 São Paulo, Decreto Nº 57.581, de 20 de janeiro de 2017. Altera o Decreto nº 57.069.

    13 Baratta Alessandro, Ética na Comunicação, Organizadores : Ester Kosovski ; Alessandro Baratta et al., Rio de Janeiro, Mauad, 1995, p. 124.

    14 In 2013 a helicopter of Senator Aécio Neves was seized by the police with 445 kilograms of cocaine on board. The pilot was arrested but he was subsequently released. Aécio Neves, also from the PSDB, was the main spokesman for the coup d’Etat against President Dilma Rousseff (PT). Despite accusations of corruption and bribery against him, the Senate has recently overturned the Supreme Court’s decision to dismiss Aécio Neves from office.

    15 http://agenciabrasil.ebc.com.br/geral/noticia/2017-05/apos-operacao-policial-capital-paulista-tem-22-locais-com-usuarios-de-crack.

    16 Interestingly, Doria resigned only one year after having been elected Mayor, in order to run for the 2018 political election and was elected governor of the state of São Paulo for the 2019-2022 term.

    Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud

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    Référence numérique du chapitre

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    Figueira, M. (2020). São Paulo City Plan for Street Population : Informational Gaps, Mediation and Instability of Public Policies on Homelessness. In A. Spire & M. Morange (éds.), Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19965
    Figueira, Monique. « São Paulo City Plan for Street Population : Informational Gaps, Mediation and Instability of Public Policies on Homelessness ». In Vivre Et Construire Le Droit à La ville : Expériences Au Sud, édité par Amandine Spire et Marianne Morange. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020. doi:10.4000/books.pupo.19965.
    Figueira, Monique. « São Paulo City Plan for Street Population : Informational Gaps, Mediation and Instability of Public Policies on Homelessness ». Vivre Et Construire Le Droit à La ville : Expériences Au Sud, édité par Amandine Spire et Marianne Morange, Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19965.

    Référence numérique du livre

    Format

    Spire, A., & Morange, M. (éds.). (2020). Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19735
    Spire, Amandine, et Marianne Morange, éd. Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020. doi:10.4000/books.pupo.19735.
    Spire, Amandine, et Marianne Morange, éditeurs. Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19735.
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