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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Introduction The “Mendoza” case and the urban public policies for informal settlements The legal, institutional and social Productivity of the conflict The Symbolic and Territorial Effects : the Right to Housing and the Right to Urban Space Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud

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    Table des matières

    Social and Symbolic Effects in a Judicialized Urban Conflict : the Case of Argentina’s Matanza-Riachuelo River Basin

    Carla Fainstein

    p. 131-144

    Texte intégral Introduction The “Mendoza” case and the urban public policies for informal settlements The legal, institutional and social Productivity of the conflict The Symbolic and Territorial Effects : the Right to Housing and the Right to Urban Space Conclusion Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    Introduction

    1TheMatanza-RiachueloBasin (MRB) is the largest and most polluted river basin in Argentina. It passes through the most populated area in the country, the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires with its almost 5,300,000 inhabitants1, a large percentage of whom live in informal settlements (32.3 %) mainly along the riverbank, and who are deprived of some vital basic rights. For example, in 2010, 35 % of the river basin’s population had no access to clean drinking water and 55 % were without sewage disposal. In 2004, a group of inhabitants and organizations in this territory filed a lawsuit against the national, provincial and local governments and 44 industries for polluting the river basin. Two years later, the Supreme Court declared that it had legal jurisdiction to examine the “Mendoza” case2 and, in 2008, it published its ruling. The Court’s judgement was perceived as a landmark decision and acclaimed by environmental activists and environmental lawyers alike. During the trial the Matanza-Riachuelo River Basin Authority (ACUMAR) was created to coordinate the actions of the different jurisdictions dealing with the environmental damage, and to upgrade the living conditions of the population in the MRB in line with the Court’s ruling.

    2Thus, the ACUMAR created the Plan for the Integrated Cleanup for the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin (PISA), which took different lines of action to remedy the causes of pollution — mainly industrial plant and landfills — and the vulnerable situation of the population. Thereafter, a series of urban public policies addressed the goals of upgrading all the informal settlements in the area and the relocation of some of them, mostly to clear the riverbank and to create public spaces for recreation and transit. A total of 17,771 housing units3 were designed, together with a set of programs to improve public healthcare, urban services and environmental education in the territory.

    3In implementing these urban public policies conflicts of different characteristics emerged throughout the neighbourhoods, most of which predated, and were related to, the historical struggles for housing and land in this area. This chapter analyses the political and sociological productivity of conflicts within this framework in relation to two informal settlements affected by the public policies defined by the PISA. By exploring social and symbolic effects one can examine the ways in which collective actions were developed, considering the demands made by the neighbourhoods and the collective action repertoires used. Taking into account that the inhabitants mainly presented these claims as rights, I address the relevance of this phenomenon, paying particular attention to the presence or absence of “the right to the city” as a demand. Moreover, and irrespective of whether or not the actors present their demands in these terms, I argue that the right to the city is at stake in these conflicts, especially considering the struggle to participate in the transformation of the city that these processes entail.4

    4The analysis focusses on two informal settlements included in the PISA : Villa 21-24 in the district of Barracas, in the south of the City of Buenos Aires, and Campo Unamuno, within the metropolis of Buenos Aires, just outside the city limits, in the Lomas de Zamora district. Villa 21-24 has been building up on the banks the Matanza-Riachuelo River for almost eighty years and is the largest and most populated informal settlement in the City of Buenos Aires. The PISA calculated that 1,334 families had to be relocated from this neighbourhood, and that the rest would be integrally upgraded. On the other hand, Campo Unamuno is a group of nine informal settlements5 that grew up out of different land occupations in the 1980s. The programs created to respond to the Supreme Court’s decision stated that 505 housing units were needed, including relocations and the construction of new housing, the improvement of other existing housing together with the upgrading of the entire neighbourhood.

    5This chapter presents some of the effects of the conflicts that emerged when the urban public policies designed in the PISA, under the jurisdiction of the courts, were implemented in these territories. It builds on the perspective developed by Patrice Melé6 and Antonio Azuela de la Cueva7 on the multidimensional productivity of conflicts. These scholars suggest that during urban and environmental conflicts actors’ perspectives are exposed, and their strategies reveal a certain productivity that consolidates or transforms the existing power struggles, and, thus, the social structure. These conflicts have different dimensions and characteristics which generate social, territorial, symbolic, institutional and legal effects. I will consider some of them in this chapter.8

    6This first approach is based on the authors’PhD research.9 I use a qualitative methodological approach, combining different instruments of data recollection. First, I examined the institutional documents and academic studies dealing with the case. Then, between 2014 and 2018, I carried out a series of semi-structured interviews with members of the social organizations in both neighbourhoods, the attorneys acting for those neighbourhoods and other relevant social actors.

    7The chapter is structured in four sections. The first gives a brief description of the legal proceedings that led to the relocation and upgrading policies and their implementation. Second, I point out some of the institutional, legal and social effects of the conflict. The third section focusses on the symbolic effects of these urban public policies. Finally, I present some preliminary conclusions.

    The “Mendoza” case and the urban public policies for informal settlements

    8We have seen how the upgrading and relocation of informal settlements was a part of the remedial plan responding to the legal decision made by the Supreme Court in the “Mendoza” case. The main causes of the riverbank pollution are the spill-over of contaminating elements from industries and illegal landfills, making it one of the most polluted river basins in the world. An important part of the region’s industrial plant is concentrated here in the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires (AMBA), which is the largest and most populated urban area in the country. In 2010, 96.4 % of this population were affected by some kind of environmental risk.10 Furthermore, 35 % of the total slum population did not have access to clean drinking water, and 55 % of the dwellings were without sanitation.11 The percentage of households with unmet basic needs12 in the river basin territory was three times that of the territory outside it, and the indicator becomes more acute the closer one gets to the coast.

    9Legal proceedings were not the first approach used by the state in dealing with this issue, but it was the one that had the most significant consequences. To understand why, I indicate the broader trends framing this process.

    10The first is the implementation of the government’s Federal Housing Plans starting in 2003. These focused on three main lines of action : the construction of new housing, the enhancement of existing housing and upgrading neighborhood infrastructure and the processes of regularizing the informal settlements.13 The policies defined by the PISA were articulated in these urban programs. The latter constituted a significant innovation, both qualitatively and quantitatively, as they introduced a massive amount of resources into the metropolitan area of Buenos Aires (AMBA).

    11Secondly, since the 1980s the region and Argentina in general have been affected by the increasing the judicialisation of urban and environmental conflicts.14 The incorporation of the treaties on economic, social and cultural rights (DESC), of new legal figures of collective participation and litigation, in Argentina’s Constitution and the difficulties to negotiate with governments using traditional repertoires meant a growing number of social demand being submitted to the courts, the growing number of “legal activists” (the Public Defence, NGOs and social organizations), and the involvement of the law courts and judges in this type of conflict.15

    12It is important to note that these processes developed at the same time as, and were intertwined with, the incorporation of the notion of the “right to the city” into different types of treaties, legislation and resolutions, Mexico, Ecuador and some cities in Brazil being the most important cases. In these contexts, social organizations, NGOs and legal activists took the lefebvrian notion — albeit not literally in the way the author had conceived it — and made it a central demand in disputes. In Argentina, this process was different : the right to the city is not widespread in the local urban agenda, either as a demand made by social organizations or as a notion incorporated into key legislation.16 However, in the City of Buenos Aires the characteristics of local judicial power, which emerged alongside the constitutional amendment making it an autonomous city in 1994, and the proliferation of NGOs, attorneys and movements dedicated to defending economic, social and cultural rights, made the judicialisation of conflicts more significant, particularly as regards the appeals by slum organizations to legal activists in achieving their demands.17 Within this framework, and due to the relationships of these actors with regional and international actors in contact with the right to the city debate, one can find this concept in their studies and statements.

    13Thirdly, the “Mendoza” case developed in a context where environmental conflicts were strongly present on the national and regional public and political agenda.18 Even the president of Argentina, Cristina Fernandez de Kirchner, declared her support for the environmental movements and, two years before the start of the “Mendoza” case, the General Environmental Law had been passed, and the right to a healthy environment had been included in the 1994 amendment of the Constitution.

    14Within this framework, the upgrading and relocation of informal settlements defined in the PISA was only one of the possible lines of action, but it gained importance due to the many conflicts involved in implementing them, especially in those which simply evicted the population living along the riverbank. The commitment of the Federal Judge Luis Armella who was in charge of controlling the implementation of these policies, by means of numerous legal resolutions, gave it dynamism and visibility. The policies for the integral upgrading of these areas, on the other hand, made limited progress.

    15This policy implied significant transformations in the territorial structure of the river basin and could have led to important enhancements in access to housing, urban infrastructure, and a healthy environment. Nevertheless, the advances were meagre, and on many occasions the solutions generated simply produced new conflicts.19

    16Public policies stated that upgrading and relocation had to be made with the participation of the slum dwellers, yet in most cases actions were developed without their involvement. Moreover, the Supreme Court ruled that the inhabitants of the river basin could not be a party in the trial, which made the social dimension of the environmental problems virtually invisible from a legal perspective.20 The inhabitants were affected by the judicial sentence but could not participate in any way in its subsequent evolution.

    17In the case of Villa 21-24 in Barracas, the program stated that, out of a total of 1,334 families 220 had to be relocated to social housing several kilometres away from their neighbourhood, and no arrangements were made for the remaining families. The first phases of relocations turned out to be authoritarian and traumatic for the inhabitants due to the speed and brutality with which they were carried out. Subsequently, the neighbourhood organisations focused their actions in obtaining spaces for participation, and in transforming the way in which the relocations were developed, including the location of future housing. In Campo Unamuno, only twenty-five families were relocated. The list specifying which families would move in the future has not yet been made public, and the infrastructure projects for new housing have been halted due to the severe soil pollution discovered in the area. On the other hand, very few housing upgrades have been carried out, and, at a slow pace, but thanks to pressure from the residents of this area, running water and electricity infrastructure projects are being implemented for the settlements.

    The legal, institutional and social Productivity of the conflict

    18The violent and authoritarian way in which relocations were carried out encouraged the slum dwellers to get organized and gave rise to a series of conflicts in the area. In the following section, I focus on the legal, institutional and social productivity of these conflicts. Social productivity refers to the organizations or movements that emerge during conflicts.21 In Villa 21-24 Barracas, a specific organization was created within the neighbours when faced with relocation away from the riverbank. It was made up of representatives of the different parts of this area, elected democratically, and had weekly reunions to discuss matters concerning the state’s actions under the PISA. A neighbourhood council already existed, but the riverbank population decided to create their own to treat this issue specifically. In Campo Unamuno, the pre-existing organization, formed by political leaders, all of whom were part of the same political party, took charge of negotiating with the state actors over the upgrading and relocation policies.

    19Villa 21-24 Barracas had a very close relationship with the Buenos Aires’ state attorney’s public defence office, which took over the legal assistance and strategy of the delegates’ organization. This relation was pre-existent, as these lawyers had worked with the inhabitants of Villa 21-24 in earlier legal cases. By contrast, the inhabitants of the settlements of Campo Unamuno had never had contact with the Public Defence attorney or with NGOs or civil rights organizations. Members of the National Public Defence started a relationship with this neighbourhood, with the “Mendoza” case. Recently, a broader group of social organizations of informal settlements located throughout the river basin started to work towards sharing similar experiences and thinking through collective strategies in order to address their common problems. The role of the Public Defence attorneys was crucial. In some cases, it was the attorneys who made contact with the representatives of the different neighbourhoods, and who also organized some of the first meetings between them. They also helped the inhabitants understand how the different areas of the legal system worked and certain technical expertise that eased communication of this population with state interlocutors.

    20Thanks to pressure exerted by the social organizations, local governments in the Metropolitan City of Buenos Aires and in the Lomas de Zamora district organized monthly meetings with the delegates, with the participation of ACUMAR officials and members of other public agencies involved in the PISA. This was the main space for negotiation and debate. Although the local governments often discouraged this sort of meeting, they were still considered important by the slum dwellers, as they were the only place where they would have face-to-face contact with public officials.

    21Apart from this, the inclusion of new repertoires of collective action22 by local organizations can be seen as the social impact of the conflict. Actions in the public space often took the form of roadblocks, which were a traditional form of action for Argentinean social organizations and movements. In the case of Villa 21-24 Barracas, road blocks were not often used, whereas they were more frequent in the case of Campo Unamuno, alongside the use of legal strategies supported by their lawyers. These “legal repertoires” of action23 allowed the slum dwellers to act within the interstices of the judicial process. Nevertheless, it is important to point out that although this was relevant for the slum dwellers, most of the changes and negotiations where the local organizations were successful were a result of a combination of roadblocks, protest and negotiation with local governments.

    22Azuela de la Cueva24 referred to the existence of institutional effects linked to the changes in state actors and the creation of new state bodies in these contexts. In this case, on the national scale, the Public Defence created a special unit to address the different conflicts in the neighbourhoods where the PISA was being implemented. At the level of local government, the situation was different in each case. In the City of Buenos Aires, a special unit was created under the local Ministry for Housing (IVC). Moreover, in the city’s Public Defence office a team was also set up to deal specifically with this judicial case. In Campo Unamuno, however, the public policies were carried out by the public agencies. One can therefore assert that the conflict was somehow less productive institutionally in Campo Unamuno than in the City of Buenos Aires.

    23Finally, the implementation of urban public policies in the two settlements had legal effects, meaning that policies are related to laws and the ways in which these are implemented25. It is worth pointing out the creation, thanks to the efforts of the social organizations, of relocation protocols, both in the sphere of the housing institute of the City of Buenos Aires and in the ACUMAR. In Campo Unamuno, some specific laws were sanctioned by the local legislative body concerning, for example, access to running water in the settlements. The case of Villa 21-24 provided an example for the other districts in the river basin. As a consequence of the negative experience of the first relocations to social housing complexes, the delegates demanded legislation to prevent events repeating themselves. The social organization presented a bill — approved in November 2014 — that marked a number of plots where the rest of the inhabitants would be relocated. This land was inside an area close to Villa 21-24. It also stipulated the type and construction design of the new housing units.

    The Symbolic and Territorial Effects : the Right to Housing and the Right to Urban Space

    24The judicialisation of urban public policies had territorial and symbolic effects. I refer to the legitimation/stigmatization processes generated in such conflicts, the cognitive judicial frames acquired by those involved, and the invisibilisation of certain topics and actors26. In particularly, I wish to focus on the demands made by the social organizations and the forms they took. Moreover, territorial effects concern the symbolic appropriations of the territories by its population. This process changes the forms used by the actors to nominate problems, generating changes in their representations of the problem at stake.27

    25In these case studies one detect a new specific territory as an area of action and with its own specific characteristics. The space of identification and belonging is still the slum neighbourhood as a whole. The delegates of both settlements referred to these spaces as their “centre of life” or “universe of belonging” : their neighbourhoods are thus their territory of symbolic and cultural affiliation which is also crucial for the material and social development of the inhabitants.28 However, the new territories, after having been defined by public policies, also begin to have symbolic relevance for the population : the river basin, but specifically the riverbank, from which the population must be relocated. The inhabitants of these neighbourhoods now recognize themselves as inhabitants of this territory and are aware of their consequent common destiny of being relocated. It is at this point that we witness the first moves towards an organization representing all the neighbourhoods affected by the judicial sentence — the scaling up of the struggle already mentioned — is related to, and also fosters, this sense of belonging.

    26Regarding the symbolic effects of this conflict, as mentioned I place particular emphasis on the way in which the demands of the social organizations were presented and what these demands consisted of. We observed that in Villa 21-24, the demands of the organizations concerning the judicial cause were increasingly presented in terms of “rights”. This can be related to various factors, one of them being the context of growth of the judicialisation of conflicts described above. In addition, it could be due to the fact that these specific policies of relocation and upgrading were framed in legal proceedings. The representatives of these neighbourhoods, therefore, found that the use of this language of rights legitimated their discourse when addressing the officials of the judicial branch. Nevertheless, I also found differences between the two case studies due to the stronger process of judicialisation and presence of legal activists in the territories in the City of Buenos Aires, as opposed to Campo Unamuno.

    27The most important demands concerned the quality and design of the new housing units, the conditions of the relocations and upgrading and the access to public services. The right to the environment was left in a secondary place : on the one hand, because it was a demand that compared to the others listed and was not as rooted in the history of the organization of these territories in Argentina, in comparison to the struggles for housing and land. On the other hand, the actions of the public bodies involved did not take these issues into account, e.g. studies on the impact of pollution on the health of the population or a diagnosis of the contamination of the soil beneath these settlements were not made, hence diminishing the importance the affected population gave to these matters. The complete absence of information in the settlements on this subject reinforced this situation.

    28The central demand of both social organizations regarded two issues : participation in the decisions made regarding these policies and the location of the new housing units in the case of relocations. As already noted, neither the judicial case nor the local and national governments originally led to direct participation and debate for the slum dwellers who had no role in policymaking. Moreover, they often had an active role in discouraging it. However, the pressure and action of the slum dwellers generated the launching of some spaces of discussion.

    29Regarding the location of the housing units to which the inhabitants of the riverbank would be relocated, the governments of both districts first offered the affected population pieces of land that were far away from their original neighbourhoods. Moreover, they were remote from the city and the centre of the metropolis, making them lose their “locational capital”.29 Apart from being related to the location of the settlements, this loss would affect the material, social and symbolic networks in terms of what has been defined as the relevance of “neighbourhood space” for this population.

    Conclusion

    30The fights that surrounded the relocation and upgrading of Villa 21-24 Barracas and the settlements of Campo Unamuno in the Metropolitan Area of Buenos Aires show the potential of the judicialisation of urban conflicts dealt with as legal cases but, above all, its limits and the tensions that it generates. For example, in neighbourhoods affected by the public policies of upgrading and relocation, the claims for participating in policymaking, access to housing, public services and the right to choose their location were prioritized over the demand for a healthy environment. However, the state had “translated” this complex and multidimensional issue in the legal ambit30, prioritizing its environmental dimension, and leaving the acute housing, habitat and pollution-induced health deficit as less visible issues.

    31In the classic literature on the right to the city, litigation for rights is separated from the struggle for the right to the city. The expression cannot be understood in judicial terms of a dispute within the existing legal system.31 The individualistic way in which this field functions, based as it is on the notion of private property implies that legal battles do not challenge the liberal market logic or neoliberal actions of the state and are therefore not an arena where a revolutionary dispute can take place32.

    32On the contrary, the right to the city is related to the political aspiration of a more just and democratic urban system. Although the demands of both social organizations studied did not present their demands in such a systemic way, they did refer to a more democratic access to policymaking, information and urban space. The central claims were related to the importance of popular participation in the transformation triggered by the judicialized urban policies and, therefore, the territories affected by them.

    33This lack of a systemic perspective or reference to the importance of daily life and encounters in the centrality of the city, as proposed by Lefebvre,33 in the demands of social organizations makes it difficult to talk about a dispute for the right to the city in its classical sense. The concept of “the right to urban space” developed by the Argentine political scientist, Oscar Oszlak, gives us a way to specify the dimension of the right to the city that seems to be more visible in this case : the “right to the enjoyment of the social and economic opportunities associated with the location of the dwelling or activity”34. The conflicts involved in the implementation of judicialised urban public policies in the Matanza Riachuelo River Basin can therefore be categorized as disputes between public, private and social actors over their location in the city and their right to inhabit that location.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 Instituto nacional de estadísticas y censos, Censo Nacional de Población, Hogares y Vivienda, 2010, https://www.indec.gob.ar/nivel4_default.asp?id_tema_1=2&id_tema_2=41&id_tema_3=135 (the hyperlinks were available in March 2019)

    2 See Beatriz Silvia Mendoza et al. vs. the National State of Argentina (2008). This deals with the legal proceedings leading to the clean-up of the Matanza-Riachuelo River Basin after a sentence by the Supreme Court.

    3 ACUMAR, “Plan Integral de Saneamiento Ambiental de la Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo. Actualización marzo 2010”, Recuperado de : http://cdi.mecon.gov.ar/bases/docelec/va1036.pdf.

    4 Harvey D., Ciudades Rebeldes. Del derecho a la ciudad a la revolución urbana. Madrid, Akal, 2013 ; Lefebvre H., El derecho a la ciudad, Barcelona, Peninsula, 1969 ; Oszlak Oscar, Merecer la ciudad. Los pobres y el derecho al Espacio Urbano, Buenos Aires, Ed. Humanitas, 1991.

    5 I consider these nine settlements since this reflects the way in which they decided to organize themselves and to negotiate with the authorities, despite their different names, topographies and origins.

    6 Melé P., “Introduction : Conflits, territoires et action publique”, in Melé P., Larrue C., and Rosemberg M., Conflits et Territoires, Tours, Maison des Sciences de L’Homme Presses Universitaires François Rabelais, 2003, p. 13-32.

    7 Azuela de la Cueva A., “Visionarios y pragmáticos. Una aproximación sociológica al derecho ambiental”, UNAM - Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales. México D.F., Fontanamara, 2006.

    8 For earlier work on these subjects see Cravino M. C. and Fainstein C., “Disputas por el acceso al ambiente sano y la vivienda en la ribera del Riachuelo : derechos de los vecinos, acción de la Justicia y políticas públicas”, in Cravino Cristina (ed.), Detrás de los conflictos. Estudios sobre desigualdad urbana en la Región Metropolitana de Buenos Aires, ed. UNGS, Los Polvorines, 2017 ; Fainstein C., “La relocalización de población del camino de sirga de la Villa 21-24 ¿Erradicación o integración a la ciudad ? Representaciones y repertorios de la acción colectiva en torno al reasentamiento”, in Quid 16 : Revista de Estudios Urbanos del IIGG, n° 5, 2015, http://publicaciones.sociales.uba.ar/index.php/quid16/article/view/1359.

    9 “Social Organizations and Public Actors in the implementation of judicialised urban policies. Housing policies introduced by the ‘Mendoza’ case in two neighborhoods of the AMBA (2010-2018)”, to be defended in April 2019 at the Social Studies Faculty of the University of Buenos Aires.

    10 Merlinsky G., Política, derechos y justicia ambiental. El conflicto del Riachuelo. Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2013.

    11 ACUMAR (2010), op. cit.

    12 The indicator for structural poverty used by the national public statistics agency in Argentina (INDEC).

    13 Varela O. Fernández Wagner R., “Los Programas Federales de vivienda en el AMBA”, in Cravino, M. C. (org). Construyendo Barrios : Transformaciones socioterritoriales a partir de los Programas Federales de Vivienda en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires (2004-2009). Buenos Aires, Ciccus, (2012).

    14 Arqueros S., Calderón C., Jauri N., Ramos J., Vitale P and Yacovino P., “Territorios y expedientes. Cuatro casos de intervenciones judiciales en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires”, Ponencia presentada en las VI Jornadas de la carrera de Trabajo Social, Argentina, 2011 ; Cravino M.C., “Poder judicial y ocupaciones de suelo en Buenos Aires”, in Revista Direito & Praxis, Vol. 07, n° 14, Río de Janeiro, 2016 ; Smulovitz Catalina, “La política por otros medios. Judicialización y movilización legal en Argentina”, in Desarrollo Económico – Revista de Ciencias Sociales, vol. 48, n° 190-191 (julio-septiembre / octubre-diciembre 2008), Buenos Aires, p. 287-305.

    15 Azuela de la Cueva A. and Cancino M. A. (eds.), Jueces y conflictos urbanos en América Latina, México, PAOT, 2014 ; Delamata G., Sethman A. and Ricciardi M.V., “Más allá de los estrados… Activismo judicial y repertorios de acción villera en la ciudad de Buenos Aires”, in Pautassi L. (ed.), Marginaciones sociales en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Biblos, 2014, p. 397- 444 ; Nosseto L., “Reflexiones teóricas sobre la judicialización de la política argentina”, in DAAPGE 223, 2014, p. 93-123.

    16 Benitez J., Entre el derecho a la ciudad y la ciudad en un lenguaje de derechos. Acción colectiva contenciosa por la ciudad y estructura de oportunidades políticas en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (2007-2015), Tesis de Maestría, Universidad de General Sarmiento, Buenos Aires, 2018.

    17 Fainstein C., “Conflictos urbanos judicializados : relocalizaciones en la Villa 21-24”, in Revista Direito e Práxis, 9 (4), 2018, p. 2071-2099.

    18 Merlinsky G., Cartografías del conflicto ambiental en Argentina, Buenos Aires, Editorial CICCUS/CLACSO, 2014.

    19 Fainstein C., “La relocalización de población del camino de sirga de la villa 21-24 ¿Erradicación o integración a la ciudad ? Representaciones y repertorios de acción colectiva en torno al reasentamiento”, op. cit.

    20 Merlinsky, Política, derechos y justicia ambiental, op. cit.

    21 Azuela de la Cueva, “Visionarios y pragmáticos…”, op. cit.

    22 Tarrow S., El poder en movimiento. Los movimientos sociales, la acción colectiva y la política. Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 1994.

    23 Smulovitz, Catalina, “La política por otros medios…”, op. cit.

    24 Azuela de la Cueva, “Visionarios y pragmáticos…”, op. cit.

    25 Merlinsky, Política, derechos y justicia ambiental, op. cit.

    26 Ibid.

    27 azuela de la cueva and cancino (eds.), Jueces y conflictos urbanos en América Latina, op. cit.

    28 ferraudi curto M. C., Ni punteros ni piqueteros : urbanización y política en una villa del conurbano, Buenos Aires, Editorial Gorla, 2014.

    29 Abramo P., “A teoría económica da favela : quatro notas sobre la localização residencial dos pobres o mercado imobiliário informal”, in Abramo Pedro (ed.), A cidade da informalidade. O desafio das ciudades latino-americanas Rio de Janeiro, Sette Letras, 2003.

    30 Merlinsky, Política, derechos y justicia ambiental, op. cit.

    31 Benitez, Entre el derecho a la ciudad y la ciudad en un lenguaje de derechos, op. cit.

    32 Harvey, Ciudades Rebeldes, op. cit.

    33 Benitez, Entre el derecho a la ciudad y la ciudad en un lenguaje de derechos, op. cit.

    34 Oszlak, Merecer la ciudad, op. cit., p. 304.

    Auteur

    • Carla Fainstein


      Sociologue, doctorante, Universidad Nacional de General Sarmiento, Instituto del Conurbano, Buenos Aires, Argentine

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    1 Instituto nacional de estadísticas y censos, Censo Nacional de Población, Hogares y Vivienda, 2010, https://www.indec.gob.ar/nivel4_default.asp?id_tema_1=2&id_tema_2=41&id_tema_3=135 (the hyperlinks were available in March 2019)

    2 See Beatriz Silvia Mendoza et al. vs. the National State of Argentina (2008). This deals with the legal proceedings leading to the clean-up of the Matanza-Riachuelo River Basin after a sentence by the Supreme Court.

    3 ACUMAR, “Plan Integral de Saneamiento Ambiental de la Cuenca Matanza Riachuelo. Actualización marzo 2010”, Recuperado de : http://cdi.mecon.gov.ar/bases/docelec/va1036.pdf.

    4 Harvey D., Ciudades Rebeldes. Del derecho a la ciudad a la revolución urbana. Madrid, Akal, 2013 ; Lefebvre H., El derecho a la ciudad, Barcelona, Peninsula, 1969 ; Oszlak Oscar, Merecer la ciudad. Los pobres y el derecho al Espacio Urbano, Buenos Aires, Ed. Humanitas, 1991.

    5 I consider these nine settlements since this reflects the way in which they decided to organize themselves and to negotiate with the authorities, despite their different names, topographies and origins.

    6 Melé P., “Introduction : Conflits, territoires et action publique”, in Melé P., Larrue C., and Rosemberg M., Conflits et Territoires, Tours, Maison des Sciences de L’Homme Presses Universitaires François Rabelais, 2003, p. 13-32.

    7 Azuela de la Cueva A., “Visionarios y pragmáticos. Una aproximación sociológica al derecho ambiental”, UNAM - Instituto de Investigaciones Sociales. México D.F., Fontanamara, 2006.

    8 For earlier work on these subjects see Cravino M. C. and Fainstein C., “Disputas por el acceso al ambiente sano y la vivienda en la ribera del Riachuelo : derechos de los vecinos, acción de la Justicia y políticas públicas”, in Cravino Cristina (ed.), Detrás de los conflictos. Estudios sobre desigualdad urbana en la Región Metropolitana de Buenos Aires, ed. UNGS, Los Polvorines, 2017 ; Fainstein C., “La relocalización de población del camino de sirga de la Villa 21-24 ¿Erradicación o integración a la ciudad ? Representaciones y repertorios de la acción colectiva en torno al reasentamiento”, in Quid 16 : Revista de Estudios Urbanos del IIGG, n° 5, 2015, http://publicaciones.sociales.uba.ar/index.php/quid16/article/view/1359.

    9 “Social Organizations and Public Actors in the implementation of judicialised urban policies. Housing policies introduced by the ‘Mendoza’ case in two neighborhoods of the AMBA (2010-2018)”, to be defended in April 2019 at the Social Studies Faculty of the University of Buenos Aires.

    10 Merlinsky G., Política, derechos y justicia ambiental. El conflicto del Riachuelo. Buenos Aires, Fondo de Cultura Económica, 2013.

    11 ACUMAR (2010), op. cit.

    12 The indicator for structural poverty used by the national public statistics agency in Argentina (INDEC).

    13 Varela O. Fernández Wagner R., “Los Programas Federales de vivienda en el AMBA”, in Cravino, M. C. (org). Construyendo Barrios : Transformaciones socioterritoriales a partir de los Programas Federales de Vivienda en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires (2004-2009). Buenos Aires, Ciccus, (2012).

    14 Arqueros S., Calderón C., Jauri N., Ramos J., Vitale P and Yacovino P., “Territorios y expedientes. Cuatro casos de intervenciones judiciales en la Ciudad de Buenos Aires”, Ponencia presentada en las VI Jornadas de la carrera de Trabajo Social, Argentina, 2011 ; Cravino M.C., “Poder judicial y ocupaciones de suelo en Buenos Aires”, in Revista Direito & Praxis, Vol. 07, n° 14, Río de Janeiro, 2016 ; Smulovitz Catalina, “La política por otros medios. Judicialización y movilización legal en Argentina”, in Desarrollo Económico – Revista de Ciencias Sociales, vol. 48, n° 190-191 (julio-septiembre / octubre-diciembre 2008), Buenos Aires, p. 287-305.

    15 Azuela de la Cueva A. and Cancino M. A. (eds.), Jueces y conflictos urbanos en América Latina, México, PAOT, 2014 ; Delamata G., Sethman A. and Ricciardi M.V., “Más allá de los estrados… Activismo judicial y repertorios de acción villera en la ciudad de Buenos Aires”, in Pautassi L. (ed.), Marginaciones sociales en el Área Metropolitana de Buenos Aires, Buenos Aires, Biblos, 2014, p. 397- 444 ; Nosseto L., “Reflexiones teóricas sobre la judicialización de la política argentina”, in DAAPGE 223, 2014, p. 93-123.

    16 Benitez J., Entre el derecho a la ciudad y la ciudad en un lenguaje de derechos. Acción colectiva contenciosa por la ciudad y estructura de oportunidades políticas en la Ciudad Autónoma de Buenos Aires (2007-2015), Tesis de Maestría, Universidad de General Sarmiento, Buenos Aires, 2018.

    17 Fainstein C., “Conflictos urbanos judicializados : relocalizaciones en la Villa 21-24”, in Revista Direito e Práxis, 9 (4), 2018, p. 2071-2099.

    18 Merlinsky G., Cartografías del conflicto ambiental en Argentina, Buenos Aires, Editorial CICCUS/CLACSO, 2014.

    19 Fainstein C., “La relocalización de población del camino de sirga de la villa 21-24 ¿Erradicación o integración a la ciudad ? Representaciones y repertorios de acción colectiva en torno al reasentamiento”, op. cit.

    20 Merlinsky, Política, derechos y justicia ambiental, op. cit.

    21 Azuela de la Cueva, “Visionarios y pragmáticos…”, op. cit.

    22 Tarrow S., El poder en movimiento. Los movimientos sociales, la acción colectiva y la política. Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 1994.

    23 Smulovitz, Catalina, “La política por otros medios…”, op. cit.

    24 Azuela de la Cueva, “Visionarios y pragmáticos…”, op. cit.

    25 Merlinsky, Política, derechos y justicia ambiental, op. cit.

    26 Ibid.

    27 azuela de la cueva and cancino (eds.), Jueces y conflictos urbanos en América Latina, op. cit.

    28 ferraudi curto M. C., Ni punteros ni piqueteros : urbanización y política en una villa del conurbano, Buenos Aires, Editorial Gorla, 2014.

    29 Abramo P., “A teoría económica da favela : quatro notas sobre la localização residencial dos pobres o mercado imobiliário informal”, in Abramo Pedro (ed.), A cidade da informalidade. O desafio das ciudades latino-americanas Rio de Janeiro, Sette Letras, 2003.

    30 Merlinsky, Política, derechos y justicia ambiental, op. cit.

    31 Benitez, Entre el derecho a la ciudad y la ciudad en un lenguaje de derechos, op. cit.

    32 Harvey, Ciudades Rebeldes, op. cit.

    33 Benitez, Entre el derecho a la ciudad y la ciudad en un lenguaje de derechos, op. cit.

    34 Oszlak, Merecer la ciudad, op. cit., p. 304.

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    Fainstein, C. (2020). Social and Symbolic Effects in a Judicialized Urban Conflict : the Case of Argentina’s Matanza-Riachuelo River Basin. In A. Spire & M. Morange (éds.), Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19900
    Fainstein, Carla. « Social and Symbolic Effects in a Judicialized Urban Conflict : The Case of Argentina’s Matanza-Riachuelo River Basin ». In Vivre Et Construire Le Droit à La ville : Expériences Au Sud, édité par Amandine Spire et Marianne Morange. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020. doi:10.4000/books.pupo.19900.
    Fainstein, Carla. « Social and Symbolic Effects in a Judicialized Urban Conflict : The Case of Argentina’s Matanza-Riachuelo River Basin ». Vivre Et Construire Le Droit à La ville : Expériences Au Sud, édité par Amandine Spire et Marianne Morange, Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19900.

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    Spire, A., & Morange, M. (éds.). (2020). Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19735
    Spire, Amandine, et Marianne Morange, éd. Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Nanterre: Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020. doi:10.4000/books.pupo.19735.
    Spire, Amandine, et Marianne Morange, éditeurs. Vivre et construire le droit à la ville : expériences au Sud. Presses universitaires de Paris Nanterre, 2020, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pupo.19735.
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