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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral 1. First Case Study: The Double-stamped Mouth Group 2. Second Case Study: the Anaploga Mold Group 3. From Process to Result: A Symbolic Network Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle

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    Shaping Religious Change: Experimental Modeling in Archaic Corinthian Figurines

    Susan Langdon

    p. 305-316

    Résumés

    Corinthe était un chef de file dans la production de terres cuites figurées, fabriquant et distribuant des figurines qui ont influencé d’autres cités du monde grec. Pourtant, les débuts de la tradition de la figurine à Corinthe sont restés flous. Les témoignages relativement rares du quartier des potiers ainsi que la confusion concernant les dates et la relation entre le matériel de Pérachora et de Corinthe ont contribué à obscurcir le tableau. De nouvelles données pour cette question proviennent du sanctuaire de Déméter et de Koré sur les pentes de l’Acrocorinthe, où des fouilles dans les années 1960 et 1970 ont permis de retrouver 24 000 figurines en terre cuite datant du VIIe s. av. J.-C. à l’époque romaine. En conséquence, Corinthe présente maintenant à la fois un sanctuaire riche en artefacts et le quartier des potiers où de nombreux objets votifs ont été fabriqués. L’étude actuelle des figurines archaïques du sanctuaire de Déméter peut également être intégrée au matériel le plus ancien du sanctuaire corinthien d’Héra à Perachora. S’appuyant sur du matériel provenant de ces sources contemporaines, cet article explore les origines de l’industrie de la figurine corinthienne du point de vue de l’innovation artistique et du modelage. Sans tradition antérieure de figurines faites à la main, les artisans locaux ont utilisé le modelage de diverses manières innovantes. Deux tendances parallèles – des figurines hybrides faites à la main et au moule, et entièrement faites à la main – ont émergé de cette phase d’expérimentation fébrile. Les choix faits dans les ateliers corinthiens du VIIe siècle peuvent être liés à des développements iconographiques et finalement placés dans le moment culturel plus large des changements dans les sphères religieuses et sociales.

    Corinth was a leader in the production of representational terracottas, making and distributing figurines that influenced other cities across the Greek world. Yet the beginnings of the figurine tradition at Corinth have remained unclear. The relatively sparse evidence from the Potters’ Quarter as well as confusion regarding dates and the relation of Perachora material to Corinth have helped to obscure the picture. New evidence for this question comes from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore on the slopes of Acrocorinth, where excavation in the 1960s and 70s recovered 24,000 terracotta figurines dating from the 7th c. to Roman. As a result, Corinth now presents both an artifact-rich sanctuary and the Potters’ Quarter where many of the votives were made. Current study of the Archaic figurines from the Demeter sanctuary can also be integrated with the earliest material from the Corinthian Sanctuary of Hera at Perachora. Drawing on material from these contemporary sources, this paper explores the origins of the Corinthian figurine industry from the perspective of artistic innovation and modeling. With no previous tradition of handmade figurines, local artisans employed modeling in a variety of innovative ways. Two parallel trends — hybrid hand- and moldmade, and fully handmade figurines — emerged from this feverish phase of experimentation. The choices made in 7th-century Corinthian workshops can be related to iconographic developments and ultimately placed into the larger cultural moment of changes in religious and social spheres.

    Entrées d’index

    Mots-clés : Corinthe, Déméter, Koré, coroplathie, figurines de terre cuite, quartier des potiers, innovation, moule en argile, kalathos, offrande votive, parure

    Keywords : Corinth, Demeter, Kore, coroplastic, terracotta figurine, Potters’ Quarter, innovation, clay mold, kalathos, votive offering, jewelry

    Texte intégral 1. First Case Study: The Double-stamped Mouth Group 2. Second Case Study: the Anaploga Mold Group 3. From Process to Result: A Symbolic Network Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1The Corinthian coroplastic industry has long been seen as a leader and influencer in the Greek world, yet its early beginnings and range of Archaic styles are elusive. My topic — how did figurine production become established at Corinth? — raises the larger issue of why terracotta figurines became popular across the Greek mainland in the 7th century, and more fundamentally, why did figurine use begin anywhere? Such questions are really about the nature of cultural innovation and the complex network of economic, political, and social factors that make it possible. For the purpose of this conference on hand modeling in clay, I explore the handiwork of innovation. In some communities, figurine production originates in a series of handmade figures and molds are introduced at a later date. At Corinth, the beginnings of production involved a stage of intense experimental modeling on partially molded figures.1 I focus here on two case studies that demonstrate the choices and experiments made by local artisans in the early development of figurine production in the city.

    2The Corinthians are known to have had active cults at the Perachora, Temple Hill, and Acrocorinth sanctuaries from the 8th century.2 Early offerings at these sites included pottery, jewelry, and other votives, but not terracotta figurines. Surprisingly, the lack of an 8th-century tradition of terracotta production at Corinth has been little remarked.3 This is partly due to the long-ago publication of figurines with mistakenly early dates. The two figures from Perachora published by R. H. Jenkins (1940) as Geometric are certainly later. One example from the Akraia area resembles a nude female torso, but on closer inspection can be seen to wear a painted necklace and fringed clothing style that begins in the later 7th century.4 Jenkins dated another Perachora head from the Limenia deposit (“probably the earliest figurine found on the site”) entirely by Geometric stylistic parallels, although it is now considered to be modeled after a 7th-century bronze cauldron siren head.5 Although Agnes Stillwell did not identify any figurines as Geometric in her study of Corinthian terracottas, the Potters’ Quarter material she published (1952) lacks sufficient evidence to reconstruct the early development of figurine production.6 What has been published presents a bewildering variety of styles and forms. New finds of Archaic terracottas from the Demeter and Kore sanctuary on Acrocorinth now bring a rich body of evidence to bear on the question of origins.7 They substantially add to known material from Perachora and production debris at the Corinth Potters’ Quarter and the Anaploga well, another industrial site with debris from a potters’ workshop. Taken together, these sources indicate that terracottas were first made in the 7th century without an earlier Geometric tradition. The absence of Archaic figurines from graves and domestic contexts and the small numbers found abroad, moreover, suggest that they were invented for use in specific cults.

    3As the Corinthian story is sometimes told, the inspiration for clay figurines was triggered by the arrival of so-called Astarte plaques from points east. This claim is based primarily on the appearance at Corinth of a nude female figure, thought by many to be a Syrian import and perhaps the earliest Astarte plaque found on the Greek mainland (fig. 1).8 The figure is unique, made of coarse grayish clay with bouffant Egyptianizing hair and earrings.9 If indeed of foreign origin, the figure remains the only 7th-century Near Eastern imported clay plaque in Corinth. The presence of other such imports — or of foreign craftsmen — is implied by a mold made in local Corinthian clay found in the Potters’ Quarter (fig. 2).10 With its large nose, wide almond eye, and thin double-incised brows, the mold bears a clear resemblance to an 8th- to 7th-century Syrian ivory figure.11 These two artifacts appear in the city by the mid 7th century, about the same time that the first terracotta figurines appear in Corinth. In this context they attest the presence of two different aspects of mold use: on the one hand a mold-produced figure, and on the other a mold made by a local or transplanted artisan to capture a distinctive imported figurine.

    Fig. 1 – Terracotta “Astarte” plaque from Corinth, MF-4039.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    Fig. 2 – Locally made mold KH1 based on a Syrian figure, from the Potters’ Quarter, Corinth.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    4It is too simple to conclude that the mere presence of exotic objects inspired the creation of figurines at Corinth. This assumption implies passive imitation and underestimates the challenges of introducing new technologies, material categories, and behaviors into a community. The observation that terracottas began in Corinth without an earlier tradition means that we are looking for an explanation, not in terms of adapting entrenched practice, but as an entirely new votive behavior with an opportunistic start and cultural rationale. The initial awareness of moldmade figures likely involved such imported Near Eastern models as the figure and mold at Corinth just discussed, and although the evidence is still thin, the number of imports need not have been large. Corinth lacks clear evidence of immigrant craftsmen, but prolonged contact or instruction by resident foreigners may not have been necessary. After all, local artisans knew about molds from bronzeworking, and the technology could transfer readily to the ceramic environment.12 As Renfrew noted in his study of metallurgy at Varna: “the decisive innovation in the development of a new commodity is generally social rather than technical. Often the technology is already there.”13

    5Innovation rarely takes place as an isolated event. In the case of terracotta figurines at Corinth, it would have involved not just the technology of molds but the very notion of figurine use. More than simply forming figures from clay, the use of figurines conceptualized all aspects of votive behavior: their function and purpose; the formal properties needed to produce the desired effect or results; the attributes and appearance appropriate to mortal or divine identities, including “rules” of scale, material, and pose; verbal and physical modes of ritual interaction with figurines, including desired modes of transport, display, revelation or concealment; and ultimately storage and discard. The absence of a prevailing tradition of divine imagery in early 7th-century Corinth suggests that imported models played a critical role from the start. Divine images, even of foreign gods, would have carried special authority. The outward-looking city was uniquely poised to receive useful models from a variety of sources and media. In addition to bronze works, such as the siren head rendered in clay from Perachora, ivories circulating through Mediterranean-wide ports like Corinth were also available for taking molds, as seen in mold KH1.14 The exquisite Assyrian-style lion head on the Macmillan aryballos in London, a plastic form appearing in Protocorinthian pottery without known development or precedent, may have been molded from a small lion head such as those found on Assyrian ivory handles and knife pommels.15 Terracotta Cretan figural plaques were also making an impact in Corinth. Two identical plaques at Perachora and the Argive Heraion depicting a striding male “nature demon” were made of local clays, Corinthian at Perachora, Argive at the Heraion.16 The original mold or model likely came from Gortyn on Crete, a leading center for the production of Cretan plaques and particularly those representing nude goddesses.17 Gortyn products may have inspired a specific version of the horizontally stepped wig, narrowly incised with square-bottomed tabs, which was popular early in Corinth, as well as the “top hat” style of polos, tall and cylindrical with a projecting brim or roll of hair (fig. 3).18 In sum, figurine innovation probably did not come from any single source, but from a confluence of varied contacts and visual experiences.

    Fig. 3 – Head with tall polos, MF-1968-353, Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Acrocorinth.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    6Adoption of an invention requires a welcoming environment by way of both production capability and a use for the product. The various potting zones around Corinth obviously provided both, with molded heads adapted to enhance Protocorinthian aryballoi for export and ensure a consistent standard of quality. But it is the demand side that is of concern here: the development of figurines as an innovation in votive behavior and cult iconography. The first figurines at Corinth depended on the reuse of an open mold. Unlike the Gortynian penchant for making nude goddesses in an Orientalizing mode, Corinthian artisans did not use molds to replicate eastern-looking figures and rejected the “othering” effect of nudity.19 With few exceptions, their 7th-century plaque figures were dressed in simple, normative fashion with the occasional adoption of a polos serving as the sole concession to marking divinity. Moreover, the appeal of the mold to Corinthian artisans cannot be attributed to its labor-saving potential. Rather, the clear advantage of the mold was its adaptability. The clay medium was inherently suited to flexibility of identity and meaning through applied ornamentation. The molded figure was a simple blank canvas. From here, coroplasts quickly moved to the next logical step: creating hand-modeled bodies for these moldmade heads.

    7The 7th-century experimental stage was crucial, with coroplasts playing with the idea of figurines and creating objects that may or may not have found acceptance. The goal was not just to make flat images with their limited potential for display (most lack suspension holes), but figures that could stand or sit independently and command space and presence, however small. The most straightforward approach was to take a plaque figure and trim the excess clay that surrounded it. A single mold series of some twelve figures of a standing robed female with arms at sides has been found at the Potters’ Quarter, the Demeter Sanctuary, and Perachora (fig. 4).20 All ultimately come from the same shallow patrix, and as a group they mark different stages in the cutting around and layering up of the figure’s depth to the point where it can stand unaided as a figurine. Less successful approaches include attempts to make handmade versions of plaque figurines, as shown in a slightly twisted specimen from the Potters’ Quarter to which raised arms were added.21 This rather abstract concoction was probably topped by a face molded separately and attached with applied slip before firing, along with a layer of gridded hair, as preserved in an example from the Demeter Sanctuary.22 Attempts to create a sitting posture were made by trimming and bending damp plaque figures. An example from the Anaploga well was made by taking the head and shoulders from a locally popular plaque mold, building up its robed body by hand, and finally attaching a support strut at the back. This unfinished trial effort appears covered in fingerprints, having been dumped into the well with other potting debris (fig. 5).23 Small heads from molds made for Protocorinthian aryballoi and fine jewelry plaques could be placed on handmade bodies to create standing or seated figures, freely interpreted with little care for scale (fig. 6).24

    Fig. 4 – Standing female figure plaque, KT-3-13, Potters’ Quarter.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    Fig. 5 – Plaque figure with added support strut, MF-11633, Anaploga well.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    Fig. 6 – Seated figure with plaque head, MF-13536, Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Acrocorinth.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    1. First Case Study: The Double-stamped Mouth Group

    8Unlike the conceptual unity of Argive figurines, which may have been based on an early cult statue, the flexible properties of clay and the search for meaningful iconography at Corinth followed a less direct route to a unified style. One popular head type is easily tracked through the Potters’ Quarter, Demeter Sanctuary, and Perachora by its distinctive mold flaws: a droopy left eye and a double-stamped mouth. For all its imperfections, this mold was chosen by Corinthian coroplasts for several notable innovations. Duplicate heads differently finished in paint were placed on two figures to create a new iconographic motif: Demeter and Kore seated in a cart (fig. 7).25 This theme was destined to have a long run in Demeter and Hera sanctuaries across the Greek world, where the simple agricultural cart may have embodied a cult focused on crop prosperity rather than the more Eleusinian abduction tale. This interpretation is supported by the decision to duplicate the goddesses rather than differentiate mother and daughter by age. The same or a similar mold was chosen for the earliest known example of a pyxis protome handle, a failed attempt that ended up in a dump in the Potters’ Quarter (fig. 8).26 The crudely formed torso is mashed into a squarish shape with spindly arms added to the sides. The head was reworked in a way possibly intended to improve its flaws, with the chin enlarged to cover the lower mouth and the left locks flattened and re-incised. The piece was likely abandoned without having been fired on a pyxis, but it preserves a valuable glimpse of collaboration between coroplast and potter, who may have been the same individual.

    Fig. 7 – Seated figures in a cart, from Thebes, British Museum 1895,1029.5.

    (Photo: courtesy Trustees of the British Museum).

    Fig. 8 – Possible pyxis figure, KT-9-38, Potters’ Quarter.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    9It can hardly escape notice that the London pair bears only a superficial resemblance to a similar head from the Acrocorinth sanctuary (fig. 9).27 The cart goddesses’ broad U-shaped head, strongly ridged locks, and low horizontal brow hair below a rimless pillbox polos contrast with the tall, cylindrical polos with projecting rim, smooth hair, and narrow triangular face of the latter. Segments of the old ridged locks can be seen in raking light, and the narrowing of the face left its mark in a light indentation along the left side. A figure from Perachora that appears closely related to this updated version was claimed by Jenkins to be among the earliest figurines at the site to have been both made with a hollow bust and wheelmade skirt and adorned with applied ornaments.28 Together these belong to a group of seven figures from a single mold series, known from the Corinth Potters’ Quarter and Perachora as well as Acrocorinth and Thebes/London, which may have stretched over a decade or more of production.29 The addition of the Acrocorinth figure makes it possible to attribute more figures to the group and confirm, through close measurements and element-by-element comparison, a sequence through which the original model underwent change and refurbishment.

    Fig. 9 – Head with tall polos, MF-11274, Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Acrocorinth.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    2. Second Case Study: the Anaploga Mold Group

    10By the last quarter of the 7th century, Corinthian artisans were embellishing and modifying their figures by adding hair, headgear, apparel, and jewelry in order to intensify the visual effect and perhaps project identity. The approach is well demonstrated by a group of six products at Corinth and two from other sites, which all constitute a single mold family. The variety of hair and apparel shows the coroplasts’ interest in varying the appearance of figures rather than working toward a unified formula. Remarkably, the group includes a well-preserved mold found in the production debris of the Anaploga well (fig. 10).30 Its elaborate braided hairstyle rarely appears in the Greek mainland. The hair, arranged in three stacked, twisted strands, is parted from a low peak on the forehead and pulled behind the ears, falling in three thin locks to either side of the face. The latter can appear either as spirals rendered by parallel strokes or in the perlenlocken style, like strings of pearls. The hairstyle, particularly the treatment on the forehead, is best paralleled in plaques made in Neirab, Syria, in the 7th and 6th centuries, and which traveled at least to the edge of the Greek world, with specimens reported from Smyrna and Ephesos (fig. 11).31 I do not suggest that the Corinthian group was all produced from the Anaploga mold, but all are in some way closely related. The mold itself is unusual. Its bilateral format was an effective way to deal with the new depth of heads that followed the nearly two-dimensional plaque forms. As would soon be apparent on early 6th-century molded heads, chins needed to be properly undercut after removal from the mold. The Anaploga profile mold captures the distinctive early, deep curve from mouth into neck area of this series. Products of this mold group include figures with applied poloi, bands, and one embellished with a delicate little conical earring (fig. 12).32 Gold earrings of this type have been found as votive offerings at Perachora. The earring form is traditionally dated to Geometric, although the figure wearing it is certainly closer to 600 BCE, which demonstrates longevity in earring types as well as the potential of terracottas for dating jewelry.33

    Fig. 10 – Head mold, MF-11140, Anaploga well.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    Fig. 11 – Neirab-style female figure plaque from Tall Qasis, Syria. After Riis 1949, pl. XVII, 2.

    Fig. 12 – Female head with added earring, MF-11632, Anaploga well.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    11A head of this sequence also adorned a kalathos rim in the Demeter and Kore Sanctuary, which is the earliest known instance of enhancing this cult vessel with figural protomes (fig. 13).34 As pottery attachments, moldmade heads were not only used for the handles of head pyxides but also placed on the rims of kalathoi, a fact unknown before excavation of the Demeter sanctuary. In fact, the majority of head protomes found at the Acrocorinth site came from the basket-shaped vessels, which were particularly associated with Demeter sanctuaries. Other evidence supports this close relationship. The kalathos in its many forms — with painted figures, basket-like perforations, monochrome bands, or molded heads — is the “predominant form at the sanctuary… the only vessel that appears in significant numbers in every area and during every period of the Sanctuary.” They were found in such abundance that efforts to count them were discontinued. As Elizabeth Pemberton observes, “there are so many of them that virtually no stratum, no matter how few the sherds, is without at least one fragmentary example.”35 The discovery that kalathoi could carry pairs of moldmade heads was a surprise, and must figure into any reconstruction of the development of pottery forms and the interaction of potters, mold makers, and coroplasts at the Potters’ Quarter. So far, head kalathoi have been found only in the Acrocorinth sanctuary. The kalathos protome from the mold group under discussion comprises the upper body of a female figure with her arms upraised. She wears on her shoulders a pair of “ivory” spectacle fibulae formed in clay of two thin, flat discs with five tiny pellets decorating the ends and center, representing amber inlays or incised rings. Like her decorative belt, the fibula was finished in paint. This type of fibula is better represented in Corinth on Archaic terracotta figurines than in actual ivory or bone specimens. It is, however, common among votive offerings at Perachora, which remains the site reporting the largest number of spectacle fibulae.36

    Fig. 13 – Kalathos protome, C-1962-826, Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Acrocorinth.

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Petros Dellatolas).

    12A final example from this mold series is a standing figurine decked in necklaces suspended from (now lost) shoulder pins with disc heads (fig. 14).37 The upper band carries a row of five pendants, each consisting of a larger pellet “attached” to the necklace by a smaller pellet above, and likely representing pomegranates or poppy heads. This is one of the earliest known appearances of the “pin-and chain” necklace set that will become the standard adornment of female figurines at Corinth and at many other sites in the 6th century. Around the figurine’s waist is a triple stranded belt with the ends carefully lined up in back. The figurine was discovered at Kamiros, Rhodes, but came to the British Museum from the Salzmann-Biliotti excavations with no further record of context. It remains the only early Archaic Corinthian figurine found on Rhodes, and for that matter east of the mainland. It likely represents the occasional inclusion of figurines among exported pottery — and here it should be noted that Kamiros received exceptionally fine Early Corinthian pottery — rather than any concerted effort to market or disseminate figurines.

    Fig. 14 – Corinthian figure from Kamiros, Rhodes, 1861,0425.37.

    (Photo: courtesy Trustees of the British Museum).

    3. From Process to Result: A Symbolic Network

    13The molds that may have driven Corinthian figurine production represent only a starting point. Post-mold hand-modeling was no less crucial to the final product, and sets the Corinthian artisans apart from other early mold users and recipients of eastern plaques. The two case studies demonstrate that the effects created within a single series can differ so widely, due to applied details, varied body forms, and re-cutting of hair and features, as to multiply styles and obscure relationships within mold families. The process creates distinct challenges for researchers, although close examination and precise measurements can reduce myriad forms to a limited number of molds used to make figurines, kalathos heads, and pyxis handles. One question that emerges is that of purpose: what was the goal of all this hand-modeled elaboration? Possible clues lie in the nature of the applied details and the repetition of heads in different guises. By the later 7th century, interest had shifted to jewelry and poloi. The figurines of the Demeter and Kore sanctuary wear spectacle fibulae, various styles of earrings, and necklaces, often in multiples. A particular form of jewelry was increasingly favored: one or two necklaces that hang from straight pins with disc heads, worn on each shoulder, as on the Kamiros figurine. About 80% of the Archaic figurines with handmade bodies and either handmade or moldmade heads at the Demeter sanctuary have necklaces of some kind, and for 72% it is this applied “pin and chain” set. Even the simplest and smallest of handmade figures have this attribute. Moreover, it continued to appear into the 4th century, although in decreasing frequency, long after fully moldmade figurines came to dominate the Corinthian coroplastic industry.38

    14This pattern converges with a significant trend identified by Anthony Snodgrass: starting in the late 8th century, Geometric sanctuaries across Greece saw an upswing in jewelry dedications as “raw offerings,” unmodified personal belongings, which were particularly given to female goddesses.39 The quantities of straight pins dedicated at Perachora, the Argive Heraion, and other Peloponnesian sanctuaries, for example, reached into the hundreds before dropping off dramatically by the end of the 7th century.40 During this period, such personal gifts began to be replaced with “converted offerings,” objects purpose-made as votives, which included terracotta figurines. This shift ultimately changed the structure of sanctuary economies with locally made offerings for purchase. Snodgrass’s point was the economic aspect of sanctuary dedications, but equally important is the aspect of cultic expression. The establishment of a specific necklace form amounts to not just jewelry but iconography. Jewelry once offered as gifts in 8th-century cults were now depicted and increasingly elaborated on figurines in the 7th and 6th centuries, even as the worn fashion declined.41 Some of the 6th-century Corinthian figurines reach a fairly imposing size, with fine detailing of the jewelry, such as added pointed shafts projecting behind the disc heads of shoulder pins. A standing figure from the Demeter Sanctuary with a moldmade head, hollow chest, and wheelmade skirt wears two necklaces hanging from her pins, the upper with three pomegranate pendants, the lower carefully stippled to give the effect of a chain (fig. 15).42 The depiction of shoulder pins is rare in Attic figural painting and the combination with necklaces even rarer.43 Neither appears in Corinthian painting, either because it spurns minute details or because pins were little used as robe fasteners after the 7th century. It may reasonably be concluded that disc-headed straight pins, so abundant in Peloponnesian sanctuaries, could represent precisely what the figurines suggest: parts of necklace sets rather than clothing fasteners. This is a larger topic than can be addressed here, but we can note that there is evidence for such sets both in straight pins found combined with chains, and in pins with a ring attachment on the head suitable for attaching a chain or pendant.44

    Fig. 15 – Female figure with necklaces, MF-13530, Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Acrocorinth

    Courtesy of the American School of Classical Studies at Athens, Corinth excavations.

    (Photo: Ino Ioannidou and Lenio Bartzioti).

    15Pins and jewelry are so vulnerable within the archaeological record — inherently fragile, valuable, and usually found in mixed, un-datable sanctuary deposits — that it is difficult to assess their cultural roles. What fades out of living fashion is readily transformed into heirlooms and symbols, which remain evocative of the past and the immortal. When the jewelry becomes associated with goddesses, the one-time offerings can underpin a larger symbolic system. A necklace-wearing figurine can appear as the goddess wearing her attributes or her offerings, whose recognizable head is replicated on kalathoi, and ultimately connects women and offerings with their goddesses. Real and figurine-borne apparel, jewelry, offerings, and gestures allowed for the elaboration of both divine identity and votary participation.45 As the Corinthian artisans discovered, modeling clay made this possible in a way no other medium could.

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    Bailey 2017 : D. Bailey, Southeast European Neolithic Figurines: Beyond Context, Interpretation, and Meaning, in: T. Insol (éd.), The Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Figurines, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2017, 931 p., 823-850.

    Barnett 1975 [1957] : R. D. Barnett, A Catalogue of the Nimrud Ivories with Other Examples of Ancient Near Eastern Ivories in the British Museum, 2nd ed., Londres, British Museum, 1975, 252 p.

    Besques 1954 : S. Besques, Musée du Louvre. Catalogue raisonné des figurines et reliefs en terre-cuite grecs, étrusques, et romains I. Époques préhellenique, géométrique, archaïque et classique, Paris, Editions de la RMN, 1954, 184 p.

    Boardman 1980 : J. Boardman, The Greeks Overseas: Their Early Colonies and Trade, Londres, Thames and Hudson, 1980, 288 p.

    Böhm 1990 : S. Böhm, Die ‘Nackte Göttin’. Zur Ikonographie und Deutung unbekleideter weiblicher Figuren in der frühgriechschen Kunst, Mayence, Ph. von Zabern, 1990, 192 p.

    Bookidis 2003 : N. Bookidis, The Sanctuaries of Ancient Corinth, in: Corinth XX, 247-260.

    Brisart 2011 : T. Brisart, Un art citoyen : Recherches sur l’orientalisation des artisanats en Grèce proto-archaïque, Bruxelles, Académie royale de Belgique, 2011, 352 p.

    Brøns 2014 : C. Brøns, Representation and Realities: Fibulas and Pins in Greek and Near Eastern Iconography, in: M. Harlow, M.-L. Nosch (éd.), Greek and Roman Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthology, Oxford, Oxbow Books, (Ancient Textiles Series 19), 2014, 414 p., 60-94.

    Corinth VII, 2 : D. A. Amyx, P. Lawrence, Archaic Corinthian Pottery and the Anaploga Well, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth VII, 2), 1975, 177 p.

    Corinth XII : G. Davison, The Minor Finds, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XII), 1952, 366 p.

    Corinth XV, 1 : A. N. Stillwell, The Potters’ Quarter, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XV, 1), 1948, 140 p.

    Corinth XV, 2 : A. N. Stillwell, The Potters’ Quarter: The Terracottas, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XV, 2), 1952, 300 p.

    Corinth XVIII, 1 : E. G. Pemberton, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: the Greek Pottery, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XVIII, 1), 1989, XVII, 233 p.

    Corinth XVIII, 3 : N. Bookidis, R. Stroud, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Topography and Architecture, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XVIII, 3), 1997, 510 p.

    Corinth XVIII, 4 : G. S. Merker, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Terracotta Figurines of the Classical, Hellenistic and Roman Periods, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XVIII, 4), 2000, 394 p.

    Corinth XX : C. K. Williams, N. Bookidis (éd.), Corinth, the Centenary 1896-1996, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XX), 2003, 473 p.

    Dunbabin 1957 : T. J. Dunbabin, The Greeks and their Eastern Neighbours, Londres, Society for the Promotion of Hellenic Studies, 1957, 96 p.

    Higgins 1954 : R. A. Higgins, Catalogue of the Terracottas in the Department of Greek and Roman Antiquities, British Museum, I. Greek: 730-330 B.C., Londres, British Museum, 1954, 432 p.

    Higgins 1980 : R. A. Higgins, Greek and Roman Jewellery. 2nd ed., Berkeley et Londres, Methuen & Co, 1980, 243 p.

    Huysecom-Haxhi, Muller 2007 : S. Huysecom-Haxhi, A. Muller, Déesses et/ou mortelles dans la plastique de terre cuite. Réponses actuelles à une question ancienne, Pallas 75, 2007, 231–247.

    Insoll 2017 : Miniature Possibilities? An Introduction to the Varied Dimensions of Figurine Research, in: T. Insoll (éd.), The Oxford Handbook of Prehistoric Figurines, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2017, 931 p., 3-16.

    Isthmia VII : I. K. Raubitschek, The Metal Objects, 1952-1989, Princeton, American School of Classical Studies at Athens, 1998, 238 p.

    Jacobsthal 1956 : P. Jacobsthal, Greek Pins and their Connexions with Europe and Asia, Oxford, Clarendon press, 1956, 250 p.

    Jenkins 1936 : R. H. Jenkins, Dedalica. A Study of Dorian Plastic Art in the Seventh Century B.C., Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1936, 96 p.

    Kilian-Dirlmeier 1984 : I. Kilian-Dirlmeier, Nadeln der frühhelladischen bis archaischen Zeit von der Peloponnes, Munich, C. H. Beck, (Prähistorische Bronzefunde XIII, 8), 1984, 325 p.

    Klinger 2021 : S. Klinger, The Miscellaneous Finds Made of Terracotta in the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XVIII, 8), 2021, 176 p., 32 pl.

    Klinger 2022 : S. Klinger et al., The Miscellaneous Finds Made of Bronze, Iron, Lead, Stone, Bone and Glass in the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XVIII, tba).

    Langdon in preparation : S. Langdon, The Origins of Terracotta Figurine Use at Corinth: The View from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore (not submitted yet).

    Langdon forthcoming : S. Langdon, The Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore: Archaic, Archaizing, and Handmade Terracotta Figurines, Princeton, American school of classical studies at Athens, (Corinth XVIII, tba).

    Lee 2015 : M. Lee, Body, Dress, and Identity in Ancient Greece, New York, Cambridge University press, 2015, 365 p.

    Mattusch 2003 : C. C. Mattusch, Corinthian Bronze: Famous, but Elusive, in: Corinth XX, 219-232.

    Menadier 1995 : B. Menadier, The Sixth Century BC Temple and the Sanctuary and Cult of Hera Akraia, Perachora, Diss. Univ. Cincinnati, 1995, 343 p.

    Merker 2003 : G. S. Merker, Corinthian Terracotta Figurines: The Development of an Industry, in: Corinth XX, 233-246.

    Morgan 1990 : C. Morgan, Athletes and Oracles: The Transformation of Olympia and Delphi in the Eighth Century BC, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990, 324 p.

    Nicholls 1993 : R. V. Nicholls, review of Böhm 1990, JHS 113, 1993, 225-226.

    Osborne 1996 : R. Osborne, Greece in the Making 1200-479 BC, Londres, Routledge, 1996, 396 p.

    Perachora I : H. S. Payne (éd.), Perachora: The Sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Hera Limenia. I. Architecture, Bronzes, and Terracottas, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1940, 271 p.

    Perachora II : H. S. Payne, T. J. Dunbabin (éd.), Perachora: The Sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Hera Limenia. II. Pottery, Ivories, Scarabs, and other objects from the votive deposit of Hera Limenia, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1962, 579 p.

    Pfaff 1999 : C. Pfaff, The Early Iron Age Pottery from the Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore at Corinth, Hesperia 68, 55-134.

    Philipp 1981 : H. Philipp, Bronzeschmuck aus Olympia, Berlin, W. de Gruyter und Co, (Olympische Forschungen, XIII), 1981, 403 p.

    Pilz 2011 : O. Pilz, Frühe matrizengeformte Terrakotten auf Kreta : Votivpraxis und Gesellschaftsstruktur in spätgeometrischer und früharchaischer Zeit, Möhnesee, Bibliopolis, 2011, 357 p.

    Prent 2005 : M. Prent, Cretan Sanctuaries and Cults. Continuity and Change from Late Minoan III C to the Archaic Period. Leyde, Brill, (Religions in the Graeco-Roman World 154), 2005, 737 p.

    Renfrew 1986 : C. Renfrew, Varna and the Emergence of Wealth in Prehistoric Europe, in: A. Appadurai (dir.), The Social Life of Things: Commodities in Cultural Perspective, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1986, 329 p., 141-168.

    Richter 1968 : G. M. A. Richter, Korai. Archaic Greek Maidens, Londres, Phaidon press, 1968, 327 p.

    Riis 1949 : P. J. Riis, The Syrian Astarte Plaques and their Western Connections, Berytus IX/2, 1949, 69-90.

    Riis 1960-61 : P. J. Riis, Plaquettes syriennes d’Astarte dans les milieux grecs, Mélanges de l’Université Saint-Joseph, 37, 1960-1961, 194-198.

    Rizza, Scrinari 1968 : G. Rizza, V. Santa Maria Scrinari, Il santuario sull’acropoli di Gortina I, Rome, Istituto Poligrafico dello Stato, (Monografie della Scuola archeologica di Atene e delle missioni italiane in oriente, 2), 1968, 299 p.

    Snodgrass 1980 : A. M. Snodgrass, The Economics of Dedication at Greek Sanctuaries, Scienza dell’antichità 3-4, 1980, 287-294.

    Uhlenbrock 2016 : J. P. Uhlenbrock, Research Perspectives in Greek Coroplastic Studies: The Demeter Paradigm and the Goddess Bias, Les Carnets de l’ACoSt [en ligne], 14, 2016. http://acost.revues.org/866

    Walcek Averett 2007 : E. Walcek Averett, Dedications in Clay: Terracotta Figurines in Early Iron Age Greece (c. 1100-700 BCE), Diss. University of Missouri, 2007, 372 p.

    Wallenstein 1971 : K. Wallenstein, Korinthische Plastik des 7. und 6. Jahrhunderts vor Christus, Bonn, Bouvier, H. Grundmann 1971, 220 p.

    Notes de bas de page

    1For a fuller discussion of innovation at Corinth, see Langdon in preparation.

    2Pfaff 1999, Bookidis 2003, Klinger et al. forthcoming.

    3Merker 2003 skirts the issue. See Walcek Averett 2007 for larger context.

    4Perachora I, 66-67, pl. 115, no. 304. It was found in the “geometric deposit,” and dated as such, although it has since been demonstrated that the deposit contains materials of the 7th century (Menadier 1995, 92-99). For the fringe style, compare Corinth XV, 2, 65, VIII, 10, pl. 9, from Potters’ Quarter well 1.

    5Perachora I, 197, cat. 1, pl. 87. Siren from Delphi, Aurigny 2017, fig. 6.6.

    6Corinth XV.2.

    7Owing to the sheer mass of finds at the sanctuary, including 24,000 terracotta figurines as well as a host of other materials up to the 4th century AD, publication by categories continues to this day, e.g., Corinth XVIII, 1, 3, and 4, Klinger 2021, Klinger et al. forthcoming. The Archaic and handmade figurines from the sanctuary are in preparation for publication in the Corinth excavation series; see Langdon forthcoming.

    8MF-4039, Corinth XII, 29, no. 85, pl. 6. On source: Boardman 1980, 76, Dunbabin 1957, 37, and Riis 1960-61, 197 accepted it as Syrian or Phoenician; Jenkins 1936, 28, and Davison, Corinth XII, 12, 29 believed it Corinthian; Böhm 1990, 101-102 suggested non-Corinthian Greek, possibly Cycladic.

    9Despite certain statements (e.g., Nicholls 1993, 226), the clay is not micaceous. Although slightly grayer and coarser than the standard clay of the later 7th century, it is within the range of possible Corinthian fabrics. At this early date, fabric and firing conditions can be varied.

    10Mold KH1, Corinth XV, 1, 87-88, pl. 29, 1. It was found in a wall foundation trench with pottery dating primarily to the third quarter of the 7th century.

    11Barnett 1975, pl. LXX, S 172, S 173, S 174. Pilz 2011, 60 has also noted that it must have been molded on an ivory figurine.

    12Corinth was famous in antiquity for its bronzeworking, although no Archaic attributions to Corinth are unequivocal. For discussion and attributions, Mattusch 2003; Isthmia VII, nos. 1-4, 6, 8, 14-18, pls. 1-3.

    13Renfrew 1986, 146.

    14The fine eastern ivory head from Perachora was probably visible to Corinthian worshipers and may well have passed through Corinth on its way to the sanctuary, Perachora II, 406-407, A9, pl. 173.

    15E.g., Barnett 1975, 227-228, cats. V3, V11, pl. CXXVI; imported ivory lion from Thasos, Boardman 1980, 62 fig. 32.

    16Argive Heraeum II, 47 no. 1, pl. 49; Perachora I, 230 nos. 180, 180 bis, pl. 102; Pilz 2011, 225, 339 Ar III/6 and Pe III/6, pl. 18, 4.

    17Rizza, Scrinari 1968, Prent 2005, Pilz 2011, Brisart 2011.

    18MF-1968-353, Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Langdon forthcoming. For Cretan polos parallel, Rizza, Scrinari 1968, pls. XIX, XXII, XXIII. For hair, cf. molds Corinth XV, 1, 88-89 cats. 2, 3, pl. 29 with Rizza, Scrinari 1968, pl. XXVI, 167a-e. For further on the relationship of Crete and Corinth, Morgan 1990, 143.

    19I avoid using the term “Daedalic” commonly applied to such plaques, e.g. Jenkins 1936. The concept of Daedalic style was based on a narrowly defined and abstract scheme with unsustainable cultural assumptions; see Aurigny 2012 for a thorough analysis.

    20Corinth XV, 2, 65-66, class VIII, 11 (KT3-13), pl. 9. Perachora I, nos. 190, 191, pl. 103. For related Demeter plaques from Acrocorinth, see Langdon forthcoming.

    21KT3-1, Corinth XV, 2, 61-62, class VIII, 1, pl. 10.

    22MF-14530, see Langdon forthcoming.

    23MF-11633, Corinth VII, 2, 164, An 340, pl. 84.

    24MF-13536, see Langdon forthcoming. For parallels in jewelry, Higgins 1980, pl. 16B, 7th-century button from Megara, Louvre Museum Bj 137; 115-116, pls. 19-20 pendants and pectoral plaques.

    25British Museum 95.10-29.5, Higgins 1954, 243, cat. 897, pl. 130, allegedly from Thebes, although the piece was made at Corinth. For further development of the motif, see Langdon forthcoming.

    26KT9-38, Corinth XV, 2, 80, class IX, 1, pl. 10.

    27MF-11274, see Langdon forthcoming.

    28Perachora I, 205 no. 35, pl. 90.

    29Perachora I, 200-201, pl. 89, 19-20; Corinth XV.2, 80, class IX, 1, pl. 10; Wallenstein 1971, 99-100, II/A 4. For further additions, Langdon forthcoming. Two related heads from the Potters’ Quarter are unpublished.

    30MF-11140, Corinth VII, 2, 165, An 342, pl. 84.

    31From Neirab, Moorey n.d. AS 1913.48; from Neirab and Tall Qasis, Syria, Riis 1949, pl. XVII, 2; from Smyrna and Ephesos, Besques 1954, 54, B 346, pl. XXXVI; Riis 1960-61, pl. IV, 11.

    32MF-11632, Corinth VII, 2, 164, An 339, pl. 84.

    33Perachora I, pl. 18, nos. 16-17; Philipp 1981, 114-115, pl. 7, 394; Higgins 1980, pl. 16D, 9th-century earrings from Lefkandi, pl. 16I, 8th-century earring from Thebes, Louvre Museum (p. xviii mistakenly listed as 16J). On terracottas and jewelry, Brøns 2014.

    34C-1962-826, see Langdon forthcoming.

    35Corinth XVIII, 1, 20.

    36Perachora II, 433-437, pls. 183-185.

    37H. 0.017. British Museum Inv. 1861,0425.37. Acquired from Salzmann and Biliotti. Higgins 1954, 243-244, no. 898, pl. 130; Richter 1968, figs. 168-69. Thanks to the gracious permission of Alexandra Villing and the assistance of British Museum staff, I was able to confirm that the Kamiros figurine matches the Anaploga mold. This was made possible by Nicol Anastassatou, conservator for the Corinth Excavations, who made a copy of the Anaploga mold for me to take to London.

    38E.g., Corinth XV.2, class I, nos. 45, 48-51, pls. 3-5; class III, no. 11, pl. 6.

    39Snodgrass 1980.

    40Numbers updated by Osborne 1996, 92-93.

    41For the archaeology of the specific pin and necklace types, see Langdon forthcoming.

    42MF-13530; for publication, see Langdon forthcoming.

    43Jacobsthal 1956, figs. 331, 332; Brøns 2014, 63-67; Lee 2015, 129-132.

    44E.g., Artemis Orthia, 383, pl. CCII; Jacobsthal 1956, figs. 340, 341; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1984, pl. 85 nos. 3420, 3421, pls. 108, 109.

    45Although I refer to the 7th-century figurines above as “goddesses,” I acknowledge the validity of a multivalent interpretation; see e.g., Huysecom-Haxi, Muller 2007, Uhlenbrock 2016, Bailey 2017, Insoll 2017. From the perspective of the early Corinthian figurine-makers, I expect divinity was a major goal.

    Auteur

    • Susan Langdon

      University of Missouri, susanlangdon[at]missouri.edu

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    1For a fuller discussion of innovation at Corinth, see Langdon in preparation.

    2Pfaff 1999, Bookidis 2003, Klinger et al. forthcoming.

    3Merker 2003 skirts the issue. See Walcek Averett 2007 for larger context.

    4Perachora I, 66-67, pl. 115, no. 304. It was found in the “geometric deposit,” and dated as such, although it has since been demonstrated that the deposit contains materials of the 7th century (Menadier 1995, 92-99). For the fringe style, compare Corinth XV, 2, 65, VIII, 10, pl. 9, from Potters’ Quarter well 1.

    5Perachora I, 197, cat. 1, pl. 87. Siren from Delphi, Aurigny 2017, fig. 6.6.

    6Corinth XV.2.

    7Owing to the sheer mass of finds at the sanctuary, including 24,000 terracotta figurines as well as a host of other materials up to the 4th century AD, publication by categories continues to this day, e.g., Corinth XVIII, 1, 3, and 4, Klinger 2021, Klinger et al. forthcoming. The Archaic and handmade figurines from the sanctuary are in preparation for publication in the Corinth excavation series; see Langdon forthcoming.

    8MF-4039, Corinth XII, 29, no. 85, pl. 6. On source: Boardman 1980, 76, Dunbabin 1957, 37, and Riis 1960-61, 197 accepted it as Syrian or Phoenician; Jenkins 1936, 28, and Davison, Corinth XII, 12, 29 believed it Corinthian; Böhm 1990, 101-102 suggested non-Corinthian Greek, possibly Cycladic.

    9Despite certain statements (e.g., Nicholls 1993, 226), the clay is not micaceous. Although slightly grayer and coarser than the standard clay of the later 7th century, it is within the range of possible Corinthian fabrics. At this early date, fabric and firing conditions can be varied.

    10Mold KH1, Corinth XV, 1, 87-88, pl. 29, 1. It was found in a wall foundation trench with pottery dating primarily to the third quarter of the 7th century.

    11Barnett 1975, pl. LXX, S 172, S 173, S 174. Pilz 2011, 60 has also noted that it must have been molded on an ivory figurine.

    12Corinth was famous in antiquity for its bronzeworking, although no Archaic attributions to Corinth are unequivocal. For discussion and attributions, Mattusch 2003; Isthmia VII, nos. 1-4, 6, 8, 14-18, pls. 1-3.

    13Renfrew 1986, 146.

    14The fine eastern ivory head from Perachora was probably visible to Corinthian worshipers and may well have passed through Corinth on its way to the sanctuary, Perachora II, 406-407, A9, pl. 173.

    15E.g., Barnett 1975, 227-228, cats. V3, V11, pl. CXXVI; imported ivory lion from Thasos, Boardman 1980, 62 fig. 32.

    16Argive Heraeum II, 47 no. 1, pl. 49; Perachora I, 230 nos. 180, 180 bis, pl. 102; Pilz 2011, 225, 339 Ar III/6 and Pe III/6, pl. 18, 4.

    17Rizza, Scrinari 1968, Prent 2005, Pilz 2011, Brisart 2011.

    18MF-1968-353, Sanctuary of Demeter and Kore, Langdon forthcoming. For Cretan polos parallel, Rizza, Scrinari 1968, pls. XIX, XXII, XXIII. For hair, cf. molds Corinth XV, 1, 88-89 cats. 2, 3, pl. 29 with Rizza, Scrinari 1968, pl. XXVI, 167a-e. For further on the relationship of Crete and Corinth, Morgan 1990, 143.

    19I avoid using the term “Daedalic” commonly applied to such plaques, e.g. Jenkins 1936. The concept of Daedalic style was based on a narrowly defined and abstract scheme with unsustainable cultural assumptions; see Aurigny 2012 for a thorough analysis.

    20Corinth XV, 2, 65-66, class VIII, 11 (KT3-13), pl. 9. Perachora I, nos. 190, 191, pl. 103. For related Demeter plaques from Acrocorinth, see Langdon forthcoming.

    21KT3-1, Corinth XV, 2, 61-62, class VIII, 1, pl. 10.

    22MF-14530, see Langdon forthcoming.

    23MF-11633, Corinth VII, 2, 164, An 340, pl. 84.

    24MF-13536, see Langdon forthcoming. For parallels in jewelry, Higgins 1980, pl. 16B, 7th-century button from Megara, Louvre Museum Bj 137; 115-116, pls. 19-20 pendants and pectoral plaques.

    25British Museum 95.10-29.5, Higgins 1954, 243, cat. 897, pl. 130, allegedly from Thebes, although the piece was made at Corinth. For further development of the motif, see Langdon forthcoming.

    26KT9-38, Corinth XV, 2, 80, class IX, 1, pl. 10.

    27MF-11274, see Langdon forthcoming.

    28Perachora I, 205 no. 35, pl. 90.

    29Perachora I, 200-201, pl. 89, 19-20; Corinth XV.2, 80, class IX, 1, pl. 10; Wallenstein 1971, 99-100, II/A 4. For further additions, Langdon forthcoming. Two related heads from the Potters’ Quarter are unpublished.

    30MF-11140, Corinth VII, 2, 165, An 342, pl. 84.

    31From Neirab, Moorey n.d. AS 1913.48; from Neirab and Tall Qasis, Syria, Riis 1949, pl. XVII, 2; from Smyrna and Ephesos, Besques 1954, 54, B 346, pl. XXXVI; Riis 1960-61, pl. IV, 11.

    32MF-11632, Corinth VII, 2, 164, An 339, pl. 84.

    33Perachora I, pl. 18, nos. 16-17; Philipp 1981, 114-115, pl. 7, 394; Higgins 1980, pl. 16D, 9th-century earrings from Lefkandi, pl. 16I, 8th-century earring from Thebes, Louvre Museum (p. xviii mistakenly listed as 16J). On terracottas and jewelry, Brøns 2014.

    34C-1962-826, see Langdon forthcoming.

    35Corinth XVIII, 1, 20.

    36Perachora II, 433-437, pls. 183-185.

    37H. 0.017. British Museum Inv. 1861,0425.37. Acquired from Salzmann and Biliotti. Higgins 1954, 243-244, no. 898, pl. 130; Richter 1968, figs. 168-69. Thanks to the gracious permission of Alexandra Villing and the assistance of British Museum staff, I was able to confirm that the Kamiros figurine matches the Anaploga mold. This was made possible by Nicol Anastassatou, conservator for the Corinth Excavations, who made a copy of the Anaploga mold for me to take to London.

    38E.g., Corinth XV.2, class I, nos. 45, 48-51, pls. 3-5; class III, no. 11, pl. 6.

    39Snodgrass 1980.

    40Numbers updated by Osborne 1996, 92-93.

    41For the archaeology of the specific pin and necklace types, see Langdon forthcoming.

    42MF-13530; for publication, see Langdon forthcoming.

    43Jacobsthal 1956, figs. 331, 332; Brøns 2014, 63-67; Lee 2015, 129-132.

    44E.g., Artemis Orthia, 383, pl. CCII; Jacobsthal 1956, figs. 340, 341; Kilian-Dirlmeier 1984, pl. 85 nos. 3420, 3421, pls. 108, 109.

    45Although I refer to the 7th-century figurines above as “goddesses,” I acknowledge the validity of a multivalent interpretation; see e.g., Huysecom-Haxi, Muller 2007, Uhlenbrock 2016, Bailey 2017, Insoll 2017. From the perspective of the early Corinthian figurine-makers, I expect divinity was a major goal.

    Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle

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    Langdon, S. (2022). Shaping Religious Change: Experimental Modeling in Archaic Corinthian Figurines. In H. Aurigny & L. Rohaut (éds.), Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle (1‑). Presses universitaires de Provence. https://doi.org/10.4000/13tht
    Langdon, Susan. « Shaping Religious Change: Experimental Modeling in Archaic Corinthian Figurines ». In Quand on a La Terre Sous l’ongle, édité par Hélène Aurigny et Laura Rohaut. Aix-en-Provence: Presses universitaires de Provence, 2022. https://doi.org/10.4000/13tht.
    Langdon, Susan. « Shaping Religious Change: Experimental Modeling in Archaic Corinthian Figurines ». Quand on a La Terre Sous l’ongle, édité par Hélène Aurigny et Laura Rohaut, Presses universitaires de Provence, 2022, https://doi.org/10.4000/13tht.

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    Aurigny, H., & Rohaut, L. (éds.). (2022). Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle (1‑). Presses universitaires de Provence. https://doi.org/10.4000/13tio
    Aurigny, Hélène, et Laura Rohaut, éd. Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle. Aix-en-Provence: Presses universitaires de Provence, 2022. https://doi.org/10.4000/13tio.
    Aurigny, Hélène, et Laura Rohaut, éditeurs. Quand on a la terre sous l’ongle. Presses universitaires de Provence, 2022, https://doi.org/10.4000/13tio.
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