Introduction

1This article aims to show the advances in necropolis research carried out to date in the archaeological sites of Cortijo Nuevo and Cortijo Coracho, both recovered and documented in the town of Lucena, Córdoba.

2Because the first of them has been dated to the Early Empire era and the second to the Late Antiquity period, it allows us to see an evolution over time based on how two different forms of workship and treatment of their deceased.

3In both sites, the total excavation has not been completed due to the lack of authorization of access and work by the owners of the lands, but they do allow us to elucidate an important social and cultural change between both societies based on their material culture and his way of treating the bodies at the necropolis.

4During the late roman period at the site of Cortijo Nuevo the necropolis was organized in streets and showed a planification of the funerary space with empty burials both for adults and juvenile individuals. This situation changed with the arrival of the Germanic tribes, where the necropolis had burials with different orientations, a homogeneous shape both for adults and juvenile individuals and the reutilization of almost the half of the burials.

5On this occasion, a heterogeneity is observed based on the location of the burials, the distribution in streets is lost, the orientations of the tombs within the same site are changed and the morphology of the burials becomes more modest, less worked and more irregular. Also reused tombs appear from two to six individuals.

1. Historical, Geographical and Archaeological context

1.1. Historical Context

6After the splendour that the Baetica lives during the 2nd century AD, in all senses, coinciding under the mandate of the Antonine dynasty, as the richest province of Hispania and with a stable political power until almost the end of this dynasty and the subsequent cessation of the Severe dynasty in the year 235 AD, it falls squarely with the arrival of the 3rd century AD in what is known as the great crisis of the 3rd century AD A crisis in which the unity of power has been broken giving rise to a very convulsive period known as “military anarchy” that will have repercussions in Hispania as archaeology has shown with the remains of cities such as Cástulo (Jaén) (Blázquez 2003: 1). During this anarchy, Baetica and the rest of Hispania suffered incursions by some barbarian peoples between 260-269 AD, this being verified in the destruction of certain cities and towns belonging to that time (Roldán 1997: 147). That instability and internal struggles affected the economic and social spheres of this population, in such a way that life in the cities essential for Romanization until then was affected. Its population is declining and in part taking refuge in the countryside, while there is an increase in large estates. From the economic point of view, a loss of economic capacity is observed along with a certain decline in trade and mining. Thus, the currency is seeing how the metals with which it was made are decreasing in value, reaching the point of causing a serious and strong inflation of the currency, which causes the economic decline so characteristic of this century (Blázquez 1985: 505-507). All this accompanied by a decline of the traditional Roman religion, which would already count from the end of the 2nd AD with the increasingly widespread presence of Eastern religions, among which were mainly Christianity and the mystery cults (such as that of Mithra), something especially observed in the fall of the imperial cult and the constant effort to preserve and reinforce the figure of the emperor against to the rise of Christianity that is taking place (Culotta 2013: 5-10; Castillo 2005: 533-536).

7The arrival of the 4th century AD brings with it the beginning of the recovery of that previous crisis marked by the creation of the institution of the Tetrarchy of Diocletian, since politically the last attempts to re-form the unity of the Roman Empire are observed, leading to attempts such as the one mentioned Tetrarchy in the division of the empire later at the hands of Theodosius at his death into two halves, where Hispania, and in this case the Baetica that concerns us, remained as part of the Western Empire (Loring 2007: 17-19; Martínez 2019: 80). Socially, the population still considers itself as Roman citizens and maintains that feeling of belonging to the Roman Empire despite the changes in power in which they were immersed, since the material culture shows that they adapted to the transformations and political changes and administrative of a period such as the 4th century AD and beginning of the 5th century AD are considered fully Roman (Martínez 2019: 84). Likewise, economically the problems present during the previous century continue to be more attenuated, since Diocletian in an attempt to completely leave behind the crisis of the 3rd century AD suspends the use of the denarius and introduces the argenteus, thereby attempting to make a complete restructuring of the economy and of the monetary policy itself, thereby achieving good results as reflected in the trade of some cities such as Hispalis, but without recovering the economic splendour prior to the great crisis of the 3rd century AD (Blázquez 1985: 510-511). Religiously, in Baetica, as in the rest of the empire's territories, a slow decline in Roman religion continues, as this has not occurred simultaneously in the entire Hispanic area since its inception in the previous century. Faced with this, it is observed how Christianity is gradually acquiring greater importance, standing out mainly for the stoppage of the persecution of Christians and how Christianity is allowed freedom of worship under the mandate of Emperor Constantine with the Edict of Milan from the year 313 AD, until it became the official religion of the empire by decree of Emperor Theodosius in the year 380 AD, seeing this reflected in Baetica with the celebration of the Council of Elvira, which would be the first council held in Hispanic lands by the Christian church (Blázquez 1985: 523, 667; Martínez 2019: 84; López-Gómez 2021: 20).

8Now the 5th century AD will be defined mainly by the invasions of the Germanic peoples that take place, among them the presence of the Vandals, specifically those known as Silingo Vandals who remained in Baetica until they were expelled by another Germanic people, the Visigoths, who they ended up settled in the area until the beginning of the 8th century AD Emphasizing with this the loss of control over Hispanic territory among others by Rome and the palpable insecurity that is generated by it, together with a political instability reflected in the long list of monarchs with brief reigns (La-Chica 1961: 99; Velasco 2017: 315; Loring 2007: 107-110, 112-114). Socially, we have a society that appears divided into two halves, on the one hand, the Hispano-Roman population and on the other, the Visigoth. Likewise, throughout this century, according to texts such as the chronicle of Hidacio, the beginning of a collaboration and harmony between both aristocracies is observed, at the same time that discontent is expressed by the peasant community due to the social problem and others that results in the appearance of the bagaudas (Loring 2007: 38). Economically and administratively speaking, the Visigoths are not going to make major changes to the existing structure up to now, but rather they are going to take advantage of the economic and administrative infrastructure of the empire as much as they can. Despite this, these invasions cause a breakdown at both an economic and administrative level, since the civil administration was damaged and somewhat unstable compared to others. Likewise, with respect to its economy, the damage is observed, which is visible both in the crisis of the shantytown system as they cease to serve as a mode of production and the new occupation of high-rise sites by the rural elite such as in the destructuring of which Roman trade is prey (except for the good commercial relations that were established with the East since the beginning of the century) and its interior-coast communications. What caused a greater impact in Hispanic territory than in other places of the Empire, which is perceptible in the material culture found (Martínez 2019: 85-88; Velasco 2017: 323). From the religious point of view, the arrival and settlement of the Visigoths, although they are Christians, will bring the presence of Arianism to Baetic and Hispanic lands, which will cause certain tensions with the Hispano-Roman population, but without reaching present great repercussions (Blázquez 2003: 11).

9During the 6th century AD we find ourselves with a new scenario, where the Visigoths, faced with the loss of Gaul, put all their concentration and strength into preserving their position in Hispania in the face of the emergence of various problems. Thus, in the first place, they face the threat posed by the arrival of the Byzantines on Hispanic coasts in the middle of the century, since they will practically take over almost all of Baetica until 591 AD coupled with the constant infighting they have with each other. Despite all this, during this century they finished conquering the Suevi, becoming the only Germanic kingdom (Martínez 2019: 86; Loring 2007: 112-120). From the social point of view, the adaptation of both populations to the presence of the other is observed, this being reflected especially in the abandonment of the prohibition of mixed marriages, as is well reflected in the case of Teudis and his opulent wife of Hispano-Roman origin. This would show an increasingly close contact and collaboration between both communities (Manzano 2011: 38-39). Economically speaking, we are witnessing a century of fragile economic and social balance caused by a series of events that take place and where an attempt is made to reorganize its economy. During it there will be times of both famine and shortage, something shown in the effects of the terrible disaster caused by the plague mentioned in his writings by Bishop Gregorio de Tours based on the serious incidence it has in Hispanic territory, such as the appearance of epidemics such as the one known as Justinian's plague. This became a scourge for the Iberian Peninsula from the middle of the 6th century until the end of the kingdom of Toledo. In addition, it is also an economy that presents the reimplantation of a tax system related to the minting of a new Visigoth numerary, but also a shortage of currency and a scarce monetary circulation due to having very restricted circuits among other things, and with a merely important trade in Mediterranean luxury products (Loring, 2007: 12, 156, 169; Manzano 2011:49); Martínez 2019: 90). In the religious field, the abandonment of Arianism by the Visigothic people at the hands of the conversion to Catholicism of Recaredo I in 589 A. D. during the third Council of Toledo (Loring 2007: 12, 156-169; Manzano 2011: 49).

10Finally, the 7th century AD presents us with the total conquest of the peninsular south by the Visigoths before the loss of the coasts from Byzantine hands, culminating in the expulsion of Byzantium from the area in the year 624 AD (Loring 2007: 156, 171-172). Likewise, there is an increase in internal struggles between the Visigoths, ending the relative peace that existed during the mandate of Leovigildo and Recaredo, causing a weakening of the kingdom that will cause its conquest by the Muslims at the beginning of the 8th century AD, producing the entry of these in the year 711 after the defeat of Rodrigo (Loring 2007: 204; Martínez 2019: 92). From the economic and social point of view, practically the same line is followed as during the previous century, although with a certain resurgence caused by those internal struggles already mentioned (Loring 2007: 209-211). In addition, socially it is also hypothesized that during this period there has been an integration of both populations, and, therefore, the continuous denominations of “Goths” mentioned in texts, would have been used to make a difference to other political entities of the moment such as they were, among others, the Empire, the Romani (Loring 2007: 182). In the religious aspect, the unification of the Arian and Catholic confessions achieved by the conversion of Recaredo I in the previous century is maintained, achieving the integration of the Gothic and Hispano-Roman communities together with the appearance of figures of great importance such as Isidore of Seville (Loring 2007: 172; Velasco 2017: 325; Manzano 2011: 48). Likewise, also as a consequence of this, a tense relationship with the Jewish population continues to be maintained at the same time that the church gains more influence to the point of legitimizing the kings from the year 672, and, in addition, the different bishoprics obtain greater importance, especially that of Toledo (Loring 2007: 12, 172, 282; Velasco 2017: 325; Manzano 2011: 51-52).

Fig. 1. Division of the Iberian Peninsula during the c. 6 AD

1.2. Geographic Context

11Both sites are located in the town of Lucena, Córdoba, Spain, geographically belonging to the Sub-Betic Cordillera (fig. 2).

Fig. 2. Location of the town of Lucena in Spain (left side) and Cortijo Nuevo I and II site via satellite (upper right) and in a map (lower right).

12It is a field relief, with loamy soil that has historically allowed the cultivation of dry land, mainly olive trees, although the cultivation of vineyards is also representative, both important for the historical period in which the archaeological sites under study are framed. It presents a smooth relief except for the Sierra de Araceli, with an average altitude of 425 meters above sea level.

13The hydrographic network of the municipality of Lucena is based on the Genil river, located in the south of the city. It also has tributaries in a northeast to southwest direction such as the Anzur, the streams of the Perdices, Rigüejo and Lucena.

14Regarding the sites in particular, Cortijo Nuevo is located to the west of the municipality of Lucena, at 7 km from the city, on the left side of the C-338 road that separates the aforementioned town from the city of Puente Genil, both belonging to Córdoba. The main water resource will be the Rigüelo stream and the Lucena river.

15Regarding Cortijo Coracho site, it belongs to the system generated through an agrarian system of villas strategically distributed around the main Roman road that crosses the territory: the Vía Corduba-Anticaria-Malaca, located in the western half of the municipality and with north-south direction. The urban nucleus of Lucena did not exist in those times.

16Regarding the basilica, it is currently rebuilt in the Viñuela industrial estate, thanks to an agreement between the Lucena City Council and the Ministry of Public Works, which favored its erection, almost in its entirety.

1.3. Archaeological Context

1.3.1. The Cortijo Nuevo site

17The site called Cortijo Nuevo is located in plots 9 and 13-B of the place of the same name in the Cordovan town of Lucena, dating from the time of the Lower Roman Empire.

18It could be discovered due to the arrest of several individuals who were conducting an illegal prospecting with metal detectors in the area, after having accidentally appeared abundant material from the Roman period on the surface during a process of transplanting vines on the farm.

19After the complaint, the Nature Protection Service (called Seprona) of the town of Rute, Córdoba, contacted the Archaeological and Ethnological Museum of Lucena to initiate and develop its investigation.

20After the archaeological survey, two archaeological sites were found. The first was found at the road junction between C-338 and CO-791 and was called Cortijo Nuevo I, and the second site was called Cortijo Nuevo II and was found in the Cerro del Villar, located on the right side of the road that connects Lucena with town of Puente Genil (fig. 2).

21The sector called Cortijo Nuevo I was divided into four archaeological sites, locating a pottery factory with a high-end Roman phase composed of a deposit of mud sedimentation and the remains of two kilns next to their waste areas. Also was found a coin that belongs to the serie denominate follis 18, cupper 3 or centenional which coinage corresponding to the Emperor Magnencio dated from the 4th century AD

22The area called Cortijo Nuevo II was divided into four additional archaeological sections. Numbers 7 and 8 were unsuccessful despite the abundant appearance of construction material, but the findings of the necropolis of sections 5 and 6 made it necessary to expand it for a more extensive investigation.

23In total there were 24 burials, 20 in trench 5 (fig. 3) and four more in the trench 6 (fig. 4). The border of the necropolis appears to be in well 7 but the extent to the south, north and west is unknown.

Fig. 3. Planimetry of the burials recovered in the trench number 5 of the Cortijo Nuevo Site.

Fig. 4. Planimetry of the necropolis and oven building recovered in the trench 6 of Cortijo Nuevo Site.

24The burials are mostly negative structures excavated in clay in a simple way or with a supporting step for the roof, except in tombs 1 of trench 6 and 1 of trench 5 where they appear to be made up of plastered brick walls. The roofs are mostly gabled roofs joined by an imbrex, the most common being on the larger side with outward tabs and to a lesser extent on the smaller side tapping and tongue and groove joint. Finally, the less common cover is with a flat tegula with the appendages facing upwards.

25All the bodies are oriented from east to west in a supine position, with the arms parallel to the thorax, although there are four exceptions that have their hands on the pubis (grave 5 of section 5 and graves 1, 3 and 4 of the section 6). The arrangement of the tombs shows that they are aligned with each other and have an east-west orientation with the skull facing east, although with slight variations depending on the time of year.

26Nine infant-size graves have been discovered (2, 3, 4, 6, 11, 13, 15, 16, and 17 from Sounding 5) but they did not present skeletal remains either because they were unused or because they were not preserved due to lime scale. alive that was found in the ground in which they were buried. Likewise, a trapezoidal lead sarcophagus has appeared without decoration and with an almost disappeared lid, which contains a 20 cm layer of lime but no human remains.

27On the other hand, in tombs 15, 16 and 19 of section 5 and in tomb 2 of section 6, several pairs of nails have appeared inside that may suggest the existence of coffins or wooden supports for the body. Except for the discovery of a coin belonging to the series of copper coins called follis 18, corresponding to Emperor Magnencius and dating from the beginning of the 4th century AD, no grave goods have been found.

1.3.2. The Cortijo Coracho site

28Unlike the Cortijo Nuevo site, Cortijo Coracho was found during the construction works of the Córdoba A-92 / CN 331 highway that connects the towns of Córdoba and Málaga and was renamed “Finca Coracho”. These works gave rise to an emergency archaeological intervention in 2003, locating on the one hand a large necropolis and on the other hand, the remains of a basilica.

29Regarding the necropolis, a total of 294 burials have been excavated to date and, after several subsequent surveys in the areas surrounding the aforementioned highway, it is estimated that around 700 additional burials would be found, making a total of 1000 burials approximately. It would be a large necropolis with ad santos burials, that is, surrounding a martyrial basilica built in the 4th century AD

30The recovered burials (fig. 5) present a minimum number of 397 individuals, of which 202 have been analysed to date. It presents as one of the main characteristics that a good part of the burials is either reused or shared. 53 of them are doubles, on 24 occasions evidence of three bodies has been found inside, on 10 occasions four individuals have appeared, four contain five bodies and, finally, on one occasion a burial with six bodies has appeared in its interior.

Fig. 5. Complete excavation of the necropolis of Cortijo Coracho, Lucena.

31Regarding multiple burials, they have been found in various ways, although what is repeated the most is removing the previously inhumated body and placing it at the feet of the deceased who has been buried in its place. On other occasions, especially in infant and juvenile burials, the bodies are separated by a slab of rock without working.

32Inhumations have been documented in which individuals are found side by side up to a maximum of three individuals in a burial in this typology, while in some double graves one individual has been buried on top of the other.

33Regarding its morphology, these are shallow burials in the ground, using as a tombstone a series of uncut rocks with irregular shapes, even using smaller rocks to stabilize the horizontal rocks. They hardly have any associated grave goods and have a variable orientation, although most of them are oriented north-south. On the other hand, barely any grave goods associated with the burials have been recovered.

1.3.3. Periods of the basilica

34According to the investigation of Botella and Sánchez (2008: 20-110), the necropolis predates the basilica (fig. 6) and that it was located in that place specifically due to the existence of burials. This statement is related to the appearance of a ustrinum in good condition. Likewise, a possible mensa (called structure 22) that could be used as refrigeria, banquets in honor of the deceased, was documented.

Fig. 6. Structural groups of the basilica.

35Subsequently, byzantine architecturale reforms are documented in the basilica based on the appearance of geometric column bases and the documentation of a synthronon, an element linked to the byzantine liturgy of the eastern rite, in the case of a recess located parallel to the wall of the apse, the which was used for the priests to rest while the mass was being held (Diéguez 2015: 87-126; Botella, Sánchez 2008: 20-110).

36This point is important since it links the basilica and the area within the byzantine province of Hispania, which was created after the conquests of Justinian’s troops in the Iberian Peninsula, which would imply the presence of the population and military contingents accompanied by religious (Botella, Sánchez 2008: 20-110).

37The third and last reform will come from the hand of the visigoth population, between the end of the 6th and 7th centuries AD, which will take the territories previously conquered by the Byzantines. With this third reform, the following structural changes were made (Botella, Sánchez 2008: 20-110, Sánchez and Velasco 2008: 20-39):

• The central nave was closed, with a low wall of just one meter, using reused materials from the previous church, with the possible intention of making a choir.
• They proceeded to build the eastern, square apse, typical of most visigothic churches
• Finally, a free-standing building was built, to the east of the basilica, the function of which has not been established with certainty: it could be a mausoleum, or perhaps a baptistery.

38All these reforms imply the influence of the three great settlers of the area from the 4th to the 8th century AD: A roman origin, a byzantine reform and, finally, a third phase of visigothic influence.

2. Materials and methods

2.1. Material

39After the first visit to the sites upon learning of their existence, and completing the documentation required to begin the excavation, the corresponding existing archaeological zones with different functions and chronologies were distinguished in these sites, among which are the two necropolises treated in this work.

40On Cortijo Nuevo, throughout the entire site, including the necropolis, the methodology of excavation by natural levels has been used in the different cuts raised in each of the archaeological zones. The area of the necropolis has 4 excavated cuts of 25 × 2 m in dimensions, these being elongated and narrow. Once each cut had been excavated, the corresponding topographic, planimetric and photographic documentation of the archaeological levels, structures and intrusive elements that appeared during the excavation was carried out. Later, all the archaeological material found in the excavation after having been duly registered began to be washed in the excavation itself for later packaging and denomination by sector and archaeological level to which they belonged in labelled boxes (Botella 2008: 20-110).

41Likewise, a brief description of the pieces found was made together with the corresponding chronologies along with a list of sectors and archaeological levels showing the relationships between them. To this was added for a good and correct archaeological interpretation the data of the dimensions, heights, orientation, chronologies and power among others (Botella 2008: 20-110).

42On Cortijo Coracho site, after the emergency excavation that took place in it, we proceeded to carry out in the delimited archaeological area a series of surveys numbered from 1 to 9, which documented a clear concentration of archaeological levels, especially in survey 1 or necropolis and sounding 9 or late roman basilica. Survey 1 has shown that this necropolis could be one of the largest of the late-ancient and visigothic times in the Peninsula, and that, in addition, it would have surrounded the basilica structure found. Survey 1 throughout the excavation was enlarged several times, thanks to these enlargements it was possible to document the real extent of the necropolis. During the entire process, 276 funerary complexes were excavated in the form of a burial pit or tomb, which were documented and registered under the name C.F.- (no.) presenting reuse and also compaction. Its morphology was bagged (Diéguez 2015: 87-126).

43Of course, throughout the excavation all the topographic, planimetric and photographic documentation of the archaeological levels, structures and other elements that appeared was carried out as far as possible. To which was added the presentation of the documented stratigraphic and spatial relationships, which were collected in cards as well as the typical features of the tombs or pits, their dimensions and pit and cover levels, the types of cover together with the description Brief of everything found inside the tombs and throughout the excavation such as coins and 63 structures related to the tombs (Diéguez 2015: 87-126).

44With regard to the materials linked to the anthropological identification in both sites, the amount of bone remains recovered is very different from each other, as well as the state of conservation.

45At the Cortijo Nuevo site, 20 burials have been recovered in cut 5 and four additional in cut 6, having recovered 12 bodies in total, of which four of them were in good condition while the remaining eight are in a low state of conservation.

46Regarding the Cortijo Coracho site, at least 397 individuals have been recovered to date from the minimum number of individuals, most of them being in a state of conservation that has allowed anthropological analyses to be carried out in order to perform both biological and health profiles.

47In order to carry out the necessary measurements for identification, an osteometer has been used to measure the lengths of the bones, a craniometer to determine the proportions of the skull, a tape measure for the diameters of the bones and a digital caliper for the densities.

2.2. Methods

48The methodology carried out during the anthropological study of the bone remains found is the same for all of them. In the first place, the level of destruction of the bones is observed and in what proportion are all of them present. The different profiles established are determined below:

2.2.1. Biological profile

49Biological identification is one that follows a common pattern regarding the maturation of the individual. Its elaboration allows the biological characterization of the individual within their society by placing them on a homogeneous basis, since all individuals of the same society live limited and favored by their environment, determining their physical characterization, in such a way that the biological parameters tend to become homogeneous. It includes the following parameters:

• Sex: for sex determination in sexually mature individuals, three key sections must be addressed: the skull, the jaw, and the pelvis. All of them are defined responding to sexual dimorphism once adulthood is reached (in women they focus on facilitating childbirth, while in men it focuses on allowing greater muscle development).
  • When analyzing the skull, the Walker method (Buikstra, Ubelaker 1994: 32-38) allows us to evaluate the nuchal crest, mastoid process, the supraorbital margin, and the glabella.
  • Regarding the jaw, the same method used by Walker in the manual by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994: 32-38) allows us to evaluate mental eminence. There are other mandibular features useful for establishing sex, such as the gonial angle and ramus (Burns 2008: 88).
  • When analyzing the bones of the pelvic girdle, the manual by Buikstra and Ubelaker (1994: 32-38) provides us with information on dimorphism in the greater sciatic notch, the obstetric canal, and the sacrum bone. On the other hand, the method of Phenice (1969: 297–301) allows us to analyze the ventral arch, the subpubic concavity, and the ischiopubic ramus (Brothwell 1981: 62).

50In subadult individuals, those traits that depend on sexual maturity cannot be used, so traits such as the gonial angle, the shape of the forehead, or mental eminence must be used.

• Age: To estimate the age at the time of death, we proceed differently in adult and subadult individuals (Schaefer et al. 2009: 338-362). In individuals who have not reached adulthood, the degree of fusion of the epiphyses will be used fundamentally (McKern, Stewart 1957: 28), dental birth patterns (Ubelaker 1989: 249–287), and in children up to 12 years of age, the length of certain long bones (Maresh 1970: 157-200). In adult individuals, the ossification patterns of certain cartilages will be used (tracheal according to the Burns (1999: 184), method and the sternal insertion of the 4th rib according to Krogman & Içcan, (1986: 990-999), the modification of bony regions (pubic symphysis according to Suchey & Brooks (1990: 227-238), and tooth wear (Lovejoy 1985: 1-14)).
• Height: it is not always possible to estimate the height at the time of death, since it depends on the bone record that we have. There are two types of methods to calculate this parameter:
  • Anatomical studies: they are based on the measurement of all those bones capable of giving height, the sum of these, and the application of a corrective index based on the loss of soft tissues.
  • Physiological studies: they are based on a correlation between the measurement of certain long bones and the height of the individual. The bones in which this correlation has been established have been the humerus and femur (De Mendoça 1998: 39-48), and the tibia, fibula, radius, and ulna (Trotter, Glesser 1952: 463-514).
• Ancestry: To determine the ancestry of the analyzed individuals, we will focus on differential cranial features. The method described by Burns (2008: 89-92) allows us to differentiate between Asian and Native American, European, and African ancestry. On the other hand, the shape and form of the teeth are also fundamental, with features like shove shaped incisors (Hemphill 2002 412-414).

2.2.2. Sanitary profile

51When identifying the individual, the pathologies, traumas and possible causes of death that have been reflected in the bone record must also be taken into account, such as antemortem bone breaks, or diseases suffered by the individual. Sometimes these pathologies and traumas do not leave their mark on the bone remains, and we will not be able to identify them in any way.

52In a traditional way (Waldron 2009: 1-11), diseases can be classified according to its origin and its action spectrum. As a results, they have been classified into:

• Congenital diseases: those with the individual is born with them, they are not cured and despite the damages created, the body never repair it.
• Metabolic diseases: alter or are related to changes in metabolism. These diseases are closely linked to nutritional deficiencies but also can be linked with the excess of a particular nutrient. (Ortner 1981: 270-297)
• Infectious diseases: caused by the colonization of an infectious agent such as fungus, virus or bacteria (Waldron 2009: 83-117).
• Joint diseases: those that affects the joints, such as ossifications or morphology changes, including fibrous, cartilaginous and synovial joints.
• Dental diseases: as the name suggests, they affect teething. They are related to poor hygiene, poor feeding or even dental trauma (Ortner, Auferheide 1988: 269-291).
• On the other hand, traumas use to be classified in several ways: according to the moment in which they occur, the mechanical force applied (Morgan et al. 2018: 119-143) or even the damaged caused into the bone.

53Regarding the moment in which the trauma occurred, the most traditional division is as follows:

• Antemortem: they occur when the individual was alive and survived the trauma. This type heals leaving marks on the bone.
• Perimortem: they occur near the time of death. These fractures do not show signs of healing and occur before the decomposition of the remains.
• Postmortem: the individual has already died when they occur. These types of modifications encompass those changes suffered by the remains from the moment of death until their fossilization. They are studied by Taphonomy, which is defined as the “science that studies the physical-chemical changes that affect the funerary deposit” (Pérez Guzmán 2016: 1-11). Taphonomy is a very broad field, which studies both the decomposition of the soft parts of the remains, the factors that affect this, and all those modifications that may occur during this process until fossilization.

54The alterations that leave traces in the bone record provide information about the processes that occurred in the ground in which they are found, and can be classified into two types (Pijoan, Mansilla 2007: 123–142):

• Alterations caused by the action of nature: they include environmental taphonomy, which in turn encompasses temperature (the remains that are deposited in hot climates have a greater activity of insects, so the decomposition is faster than in cold climates), humidity (in those climates and soils with more humidity, the action of microorganisms and insects increases favouring decomposition), and light, although we must also consider erosion, water, and the sun (Pérez Guzmán 2016: 1-11); geological taphonomy, which studies the mechanical pressure and type of soil (especially due to the pH, which is of great importance on the bone remains, since the more acidic the substrate, the worse the conservation); and biological taphonomy, which includes the action of animals (mostly mammals that break bones to feed on the marrow inside leaving teeth marks on them, although it also includes factors such as trampling, entrance fall, and digestion), plants whose roots can penetrate burials in search of nitrogen and phosphate leaving traces on bones (furthermore, the growth of plants around the burial can be favored by the release of nutrients during the decomposition of the soft tissue, favoring their roots to enter deeper into the graves), and other organisms such as bacteria and fungi, which also access in search of nutrients and also favour the decomposition of the remains as they are decomposing organisms (Pokines 2021: 80-82).
• Alterations caused by anthropic action, voluntarily and involuntarily. This type includes cultural taphonomy, which studies those changes caused by the grave goods with which the individual is buried, or by other cultural elements such as rituals, sacrifices, etc. (Pijoan, Mansilla 2007: 123–142), and anthropogenic taphonomy, which is directly caused by humans, such as postmortem fractures during excavation.

3. Results

55Once the research methodology has been applied to the materials of the necropolis and its structure itself, we have obtained a series of results that have been divided according to their origin: both archaeological specific to the necropolis and the individuals recovered from the necropolis. burials.

56In reference to the archaeological plan, we observe clear differences between both necropolises. On the one hand, in the Cortijo Nuevo necropolis the burials are distributed in parallel and present a homogeneous orientation: the skull to the west and the feet to the east, although with slight changes in orientation.

57Likewise, they present an arrangement of the space in which unused burials are included, both of adults and others with a size that relate it to individuals in the maturing stage, as a way of preparing burials with some advance notice. Likewise, it presents more diverse types of burial:

• The inhumations are mostly negative structures excavated in clay with a step of support for the roof.
• Two of them appear to be plastered brick walls.
• The most part of the covers is gabled roof joined by an imbrex with the appendices outward and to a lesser extent on the smaller lateral and union with tongue and groove appendix.
• The less usual cover is with flat tegula with the appendages upwards.
• Also, has been recovered a trapezoidal shaped sarcophagus made of lead (fig. 7).

Fig. 7. Burial 1 of trench 6 and Burial 1 of trench 5 with a sarcophagus at Cortijo Nuevo Site.

58Although nine of the burials that have been recovered have infantile morphology, these are interspersed with adult-size burials. Similarly, despite the eastern population having been documented on two occasions, they are not found in a specific area within the necropolis.

59With regard to anthropological studies, of the 12 individuals analysed recovered from the necropolis, three of them have male characteristics, two have morphologies associated with women, one individual has neutral characters while on six occasions it has not been possible to determine the characterization sexual.

60Regarding the age at the time of death, all the individuals died between 20 and 35 years of age. Regarding ancestry, an individual with oriental characteristics has been documented based on the shovel incisors and the rest are caucasian.

61Within the health profile, one metabolic pathology has been found, one infectious pathology, six dental pathologies, three joint pathologies and no bone trauma have been documented, except for postmortem, which are present in all of them.

62Regarding the necropolis of Cortijo Coracho, the burials are distributed with a marked irregular character (fig. 8). The organization by streets is lost, although the tombs are constituted with a homogeneous size and type of burial. However, it presents a differential orientation. Although a good part of the burials has an orientation close to west-east, there are to a large extent east-west orientations and, even with an orientation close to north-south.

Fig. 8. Planimetry of the necropolis of Cortijo Coracho.

63To date, 202 burials have been analysed, presenting 25% of the population in the maturing stage, around 9% of the population with oriental characteristics such as the appearance of shovel incisors and wormian processes or sutural bones. However, all of them are intermixed with the rest of the burials, not finding particular areas within the necropolis where to bury them, nor presenting different sizes according with the height of the subadults.

64In the same way, no specific areas have been located within the necropolis where those burials that are multiple or the reused burials are framed.

65Regarding the anthropological analysis, we observe that 52 individuals with physical characteristics of men have been identified, 62 skeletons with female morphologies, eight individuals in which the individual presents neutral characteristics and 80 occasions in which it has not been possible to obtain decisive data for their characterization sex with precision. 16 of the individuals present oriental characteristics, either due to the appearance of shovel incisors, wormian processes or a mixture of both.

66Regarding the age at the time of death, 31 individuals have died with less than 10 years of age, 21 with an age between 10 and 18 years, 20 with an age between 19 and 25 years, 49 with an age between 26 and 39, 33 with an age greater than 40 years and on 48 occasions it has not been possible to estimate the age with certainty.

67With regard to pathologies and traumas, there have been four evidences of congenital pathologies, 15 metabolic, 9 infectious, 17 dental diseases, 57 joint pathologies, 10 antemortem traumas, two perimortem and all the individuals in the sample presented postmortem traumas.

4. Discussion

68The study of late-ancient or Late-Roman necropolises today presents a notable problem in the Iberian Peninsula, since it is difficult to be able to associate them with a particular people such as Visigoths, Byzantines or Hispano-Romans. Something originated mainly due to the great similarity in the funeral practices and deposits of these populations according to some researchers like Román Punzón (2004) (cited in Diéguez 2015: 81). Likewise, the location of these cemeteries on many occasions is associated with their relationship with a nucleus of habitat and with good communication, in addition, for the most part, at least in Hispanic territory, they tend to be oriented towards the south or southeast, as can be seen both features in the necropolis that today are the protagonists of this article, Cortijo Coracho and Cortijo Nuevo.

69Structurally, these cemeteries used to show a certain order and organization of the tombs themselves, regardless of their character or not family or individual, observing in them the formation of rows and streets, and even of certain places with ritual functions such as funeral banquets (Diéguez 2015: 81). A feature that changed from the Low Empire, specifically from the 3rd AD until at least the beginning of the 8th AD in Hispanic territory because it will begin to be observed how the necropolises have been made without any type of planning, being the disorganization and disorder its key elements.

70Likewise, the cremation ritual and its different types will continue to be used, but the burial ritual will be incorporated to the point of being the one used in most burials. Of course, this can be verified in the treated deposits, thus in the case of Cortijo Nuevo not only negative and positive structures dated between 3rd and 4th century AD, but also show an orderly pattern in the E-W oriented tombs in which the burial ritual prevails, except for the finding of a lead sarcophagus from the 4th AD (Diéguez 2015: 82-83, 97). Cortijo Coracho, for its part, shows the discovery so far of 276 funeral complexes, among which the disorder and the strong agglomeration of graves stand out, among which the burial ritual predominates, except for the discovery of an ustrinum, the latter being an example of one of the types of cremation (Diéguez 2015: 82-83, 104). However, in the Valencian necropolis of Orriols (2nd -4th c. AD) both rituals are present in combination, although burial ends up being imposed towards the end (Martínez 2016: 180).

71Then, during the Low Empire in Hispanic territory and even in Baetica there was a predominance of individual graves for both adults and children, and few accommodations compared to what can be observed in cemeteries from the High Empire period. To this must be added that it is precisely at this time when signs of reuse of graves begin to be observed, something that Cortijo Coracho has shown in some areas since the 4th century AD until the middle of the 8th century AD (Diéguez 2015: 82-84, 104-106, 122). Some burials, whose typologies are quite varied, ranging from the distinction of graves to the use of amphoras as containers for bodies, coffins, cists or sarcophagi…, which would have been covered by tegulae, stone slabs in rows or even repurposed marble slabs.

72In relation to the remains found in these late-ancient necropolises, they usually present a very varied state of conservation, in which the fragmentation they present along with various taphonomic processes derived mainly from erosion of a plant type stands out. Likewise, these remains would mostly belong to both male and female adult individuals (although those whose sex is not determined are more abundant), but there is also a considerable number of remains of child individuals, which predominate especially in Cortijo Coracho, where there is a considerable group of them with varied age ranges (Diéguez 2015: 89-90, 123-126). In addition, it is also interesting to observe how some of the remains found present characteristics that would tell us about the presence of foreigners, based on the existence of some Asian features (fig. 9) that are not related to the rest of the individuals present in the different studies.

Fig. 9. Double burial at Cortijo Coracho Site, with oriental skull features.

73With regard to the funerary world, almost any people used to accompany their dead with an object belonging to the deceased himself or that fulfilled a certain function for him, and thereby conforming what is properly known as trousseau (Martínez 2016: 175). Now, these objects can be personal ornaments such as jewelry (which among other aspects can help to know the social level to which the individual that accompanies would belong) or other objects such as ceramic pieces among other things. bears, which would have a specific placement with the body of the deceased (Martínez 2016: 175). Throughout the excavations carried out in both necropolises, but especially in Cortijo Coracho, it has been possible to verify the presence of some burials that show grave goods, these being both adults and children. Cortijo Coracho stands out not only for these grave goods, but also for the high number of infant graves, which confirms the high infant mortality rate in the population at that time.

74Thus, in the case of these grave goods we find both jewels and ceramic pieces conforming them, mainly highlighting that, as with those found in the Orriols necropolis (Valencia), these objects are found at the height or side of the deceased's head. Although in the case of the Orriols necropolis, they also appear located next to the pelvis and even on the feet themselves (Martínez 2016: 13, 175-176). A tradition already present in the Roman funerary world as has been seen in other sites, and which was maintained well into the late period, which would correspond to the centuries in which these late-ancient Cordovan necropolises were in operation. In relation to this, the children's grave goods and graves stand out, since some of them have shown the presence of small ceramic jars that would have been common pieces in the grave goods related to funerals or burials of children, which in the Roman world would have received the name by funus acerbum (Martínez 2016: 176).

75The fact is that if the population buried in these cemeteries were Hispano-Roman, it could be said that they would have continued with the Roman funeral traditions, and, therefore, also the presence of those small ceramic jugs accompanying those deceased children could have been part of the ritual of the anointing in some way.

5. Conclusions

76Once an approach is made to the part of both sites and their necropolis that has already been exhumed and analysed, we can glimpse a series of characteristics defined to date, both at an archaeological and anthropological level that will lead to an approach to evolution. comparative of the burial ritual both in the late Roman site of Cortijo Nuevo and the late old site of Cortijo Coracho.

77Regarding the exhumed and studied part of the Cortijo Nuevo deposit, we observe the following characteristics:

• It presents a necropolis arranged in streets and planned based on the discovery of empty tombs for both adult individuals and those who are in the maturation stage, which is also a planning based on a possible high infant mortality.
• On the other hand, they present a more complex type of burial, presenting burials at a double bottom, with gabled roofs and even sarcophagi.
• Unlike what happens in the Cortijo Coracho necropolis, the tombs are individual and do not show evidence of having been reused.

78The Cortijo Coracho deposit has differentiating characteristics compared to the previous period:

• It presents a much less ordered morphology, not responding to an organization by streets but with a more irregular character.
• After analysing the individuals and putting it in relation to their location in the necropolis, it is observed that there is also no organization of zones depending on the age of the individual, his ancestry or for collective or individual burials.
• On the other hand, the orientation of the burials is not homogeneous, the north-south orientation predominates. Likewise, the surveys lead us to think about maintaining the ordination of burials.
• Finally, unlike the previous period, the burials are simple (unevenly dug into the earth and covered with little-worked rocks) and there is a high presence of collective graves, ranging from reuse with two individuals to collective burials of up to six skeletons.

79All this shows a clearly visible change in the burial system. However, only 25% of the Cortijo Coracho site and about 20% of the Cortijo Nuevo site have been excavated to date, which means that the conclusions may change as both archaeological and anthropological investigations continue.