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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral An anthropological review The scientific study of human races The end of “races”? A French history Vallois and National Socialist Anthropology After World War II The 1980 clash From “physical” to... “biological” Genetics and culture For one Anthropology, with an A? Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Journey of a committed paleodemographer

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    Table des matières

    From craniometry to paleogenetics

    De la craniométrie à la paléogénétique

    Jean-Paul Demoule

    p. 153-165

    Résumés

    French physical anthropology has persiste’d, longer than other countries, in measuring skulls and defining “races.” This tradition, developed in the 19th c. by the Société d’anthropologie de Paris and Paul Broca, continued until the 1980s with the work of Henri Victor Vallois and his school. The latter maintained ambiguous relations with the German physical anthropologists linked to Nazism, which continued after the Second World War and led to the awarding of the Broca Medal to the German anthropologist Ilse Schwidetzky in 1980. Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel has written a critical but relatively isolated critique of the role and work of Victor Henri Vallois. Although French physical anthropology abandoned craniometry to become “biological” from the 1980s onwards, we can nevertheless find in some current paleogenetic works, irrespective of their interest, the temptation to confuse biology and culture once again.

    L’anthropologie physique française s’est obstinée, plus longtemps que d’autres pays, dans la mesure des crânes et la définition de « races ». Cette tradition développée au xixe s. par la Société d’anthropologie de Paris et Paul Broca, s’est poursuivie jusque dans les années 1980 avec les travaux de Henri Victor Vallois et de son école. Ce dernier a entretenu avec les anthropologues physiques allemands liés au nazisme des rapports ambigus, qui se sont poursuivis après la seconde guerre mondiale, et ont abouti à la remise en 1980 de la médaille Broca à l’anthropologue allemande Ilse Schwidetzky. On doit à Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel un examen critique, mais resté relativement isolé, du rôle et des travaux de Victor Henri Vallois. Si l’anthropologie physique française a abandonné la craniométrie pour devenir « biologique » à partir des années 1980, on peut cependant trouver dans certains travaux actuels de paléogénétique, quel qu’en soit l’intérêt, la tentation de confondre à nouveau biologie et culture.

    Entrées d’index

    Mots-clés : anthropologie physique, anthropologie biologique, crâniométrie, racisme, paléogénétique, ADN

    Keywords : physical anthropology, biological anthropology, craniometry, racism, paleogenetics, DNA

    Texte intégral Bibliographie Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    1Although I had the opportunity to collaborate closely in recent years with Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel, a long-standing friend, on demographic models suitable for explaining the Neolithic transition (see Dubouloz, this volume), I will report here on an earlier aspect of his work. Besides, this aspect is coherent with the professional commitments of Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel’s early years, mindful as he was to the proper operation of his discipline. This is actually the critical and historiographic study that he produced in the years 1980-1990 on the characteristics of the French physical anthropology, specifically of Henri Victor Vallois’ school, to which we owe a particular longevity of the “raciological” definitions in France via the multiplication of measurements. This study is not trivial because, to my knowledge, no other study has come from within French physical anthropology to date.

    An anthropological review

    2During the 18th c., following the example of other emerging sciences and their classifications, naturalists also attempted to classify humans, which in turn implied that the Bible had gradually lost its legitimacy. Didn’t all humans descend from Adam (and Eve) via Noah and his three sons?

    3For the Swedish Protestant Carl von Linnaeus (1707-1778), physician to the royal family, to classify humans in his Systema naturae, admittedly following Aristotle, in his group of primates, thus named because it was the “first” among all other animals, was almost sacrilegious.

    4In his masterwork, published from 1735 in several successive editions, Linnaeus divided homo sapiens into four subcategories, Europaeus albus, “ingenious, inventive”; Americanus rubesceus, “swarthy, irascible”; Asiaticus luridus, “proud, miserly ... yellowish, melancholic”; Afer niger, “cunning, lazy, careless .... black, phlegmatic” - borrowing both the popular classifications of skin colors and Aristotle’s typology of the four humors. Moreover, Linnaeus adds a fifth category, homo monstruosus, grouping together dwarfs and presumed giants, the Sami of northern Europe (formerly called Lapps) and the Bushmen (Sans and Khoikhoi) of southern Africa.

    5Further “progress” was made by Johann-Friedrich Blumenbach, professor at Göttingen, with his De generis humani varietate nativa in 1775. We owe him the term “Caucasian,” still used by the American police, to define the “white race” (although the same police put in a separate class the “Latinos”), because, writes Blumenbach: “It is in the vicinity [of the Caucasus] that the most beautiful race of men, the Georgian race, is found, and if it is possible to assign a cradle to the human race, all physiological reasons concur in placing it there [...]. Finally, the skin of the Georgians is white, and this color still seems to belong primitively to the human race, but it degenerates easily into a blackish color” (Poliakov 1987: 197).

    6Finally, in a non-exhaustive list, we must mention another Swede, Anders Retzius, inventor since 1842 of the “cephalic index,” which measures the ratio between the length and the width of the skull, seen from above. This index can distinguish between “long” or “dolichocephalic” heads if the length is, on average, more than three-quarters of the width, and “short” or “brachycephalic” heads if it does not exceed it by more than one eighth. Retzius’ work was combined with the “facial angle” of the Dutchman Peter Campen, supposed to measure intelligence according to its slant, which allowed the Englishman Charles Pritchard to distinguish between “orthognaths,” with a straight face, and “prognaths,” whose face moved forward “in a snout” (Regarding these anthropological origins, see in particular Poliakov 1987; Blanckaert 1981, 1989; Sarga, 2003; Guiral and Temine 1977; Reynaud Paligot 2006; Demoule 2017: 109-160; Kremer-Marietti 1984; Lauriere 2015; Irvin Painter 2019).

    The scientific study of human races

    7During the second half of the 19th c., societies and schools of anthropology were founded and organized on these “scientific” bases. One of the first was the Société d’Anthropologie de Paris, founded in 1859 by physician Paul Broca. This was a fertile anthropological year since it was also the year in which English geologists authenticated Boucher de Perthes’ Paleolithic discoveries in the gravel quarries of the Somme valley and the year Charles Darwin published The origin of species.

    8As everyone knows, Paul Broca was by no means just anyone, since we owe him, since 1861, the identification of our “Broca’s area,” the area of the brain that allows us to speak and whose lesion can cause “Broca’s aphasia.” Son of a physician, Broca founded this society with many physicians, and by combining physical anthropology, ethnology, and prehistory, three disciplines that would gradually become autonomous in the following decades. More precisely, the society defined itself in its statutes as its primary goal: “the scientific study of human races.” For this purpose, measurements were multiplied, and Broca himself invented or developed all sorts of measuring instruments, such as the craniograph, craniophore, cranioscope, craniostat, endograph, stereograph, pachymeter, orbistat, goniometer, sphenoidal hook or Turkish hook, optical probe or tropometer. He even went so far as to go and dig up some sixty skulls in a Spanish Basque cemetery at night to complete his collection and investigate the supposed characteristics of the Basques.

    9However, the “scientific” program is unambiguous. As Broca writes: “A more or less white skin, a smooth hair, an orthognathic face are the most ordinary prerogative of the highest peoples in the human series [...]. Never a people with black skin, woolly hair and a prognathic face could spontaneously rise to civilization” (Broca 1866: 280, 295; on Broca and the Anthropological Society, see in particular Blanckaert 1981, 1989; Blanckaert et al. 1989; Sarga 2003; Guiral and Temine 1977; Reynaud Paligot 2006; Demoule 2017: 122-160). Nevertheless, these freethinking physicians, firmly opposed to the biblical monogenetic vision, are not strictly reactionary. They thought that, unlike other forms of colonialism, France’s colonialism had a duty to help peoples disadvantaged by nature and race to move up the ladder of civilization.

    The end of “races”?

    10However, French anthropologists soon encountered many difficulties. The first one was about France: was there a French race? The sensitive evidence pleaded against it, and they attempted, at first, to rally to an older position, the one proposed in 1829 by William Edwards, founder of the Ethnological Society of Paris: there would have been originally two “Gallic races” which would have mixed later, the “Kimris,” tall, blond and dolichocephalic in the north, and the “Galls,” short, brown and brachycephalic in the south.

    11Nevertheless, if the races can mix, what happens to the notion of race? The second problem was that of the origin of the Indo-Europeans, or “Aryans,” which was the subject of many societal debates, faithfully reproduced in the Bulletin: were they brown or, on the contrary, blond, and where did they come from, and finally (Broca’s position) was it only the language that spread, without migrations? There was never any consensus. Finally, and most importantly, Darwin’s ideas, at first firmly rejected, slowly became accepted. In this case, if species never stopped evolving, there were no more “races” in a world in perpetual change. In fact, the more measurements (up to 5,000 on a single skull) and measuring instruments were produced, the fewer boundaries and distinctions between “races” could be established.

    12Paul Topinard, one of Broca’s principal heirs, drew the radical conclusion: “Race does not exist in the human species, [...] it is a product of our imagination and not a raw, palpable reality. ...] Men seem to present only individual variations” (Topinard 1891: 4, 39). In other countries, the position was not much different. Contemporary German anthropologists, who had generally been more discrete than their French colleagues about “races,” joined them in these new criticisms, such as the Berlin anthropology professor Felix von Luschan, who stated: “All attempts to divide mankind into artificial groups based on skin color, length or breadth of the skull, or type of hair, etc., have been totally misguided [...], future attempts of this kind [...] will increasingly prove to be a fruitless pastime” (Luschan (von) 1922: 13; Massin 1993: 212-213). Similarly, in the United States, the work of the ethnologist Franz Boas showed that the skull’s shape, especially in the case of immigrants’ descendants, could change with the environment (Boas 1911).

    13Thus, the craniometric version of “scientific racism” (Barkan 1992) was gradually fading. However, this was of little consequence for cultural racism and anti-Semitism in European populations or populations of European origin, nor for institutional racism and anti-Semitism, with apartheid in the United States, South Africa, and many European colonies, and soon, as Nazism would tragically show, for institutional racism.

    14However, even within scientific racism, the desire to proclaim the inequality of human beings led to the development of new methods. Thus, in the United Kingdom, the school of Francis Galton developed, with statistical force, the I.Q. tests - invented in 1912 by the German psychologist Wilhelm Stern following the work of Alfred Binet in France to detect children in academic difficulty - which explicitly allowed, and still allows, to justify social inequalities. The success of the American bestseller by psychologist Richard Herrnstein and political scientist Charles Murray: The bell curve: intelligence and class structure in American life, published in 1994 and justifying “racial” inequalities between “whites” and “blacks,” was a striking confirmation.

    15Similarly, in Germany, the relatively early development of genetics in the interwar period also served as a powerful means of exclusion, notably with another bestseller, one co-authored by three staunch supporters of the Third Reich, the biologist Eugen Fischer, the plant biologist Erwin Baur, and the racial hygienist Fritz Lenz, Menschliche erblichkeitslehre und rassenhygiene (“Human heredity and racial hygiene”), constantly republished from 1921 onwards. A study by Fischer in 1912 had already outlawed interracial marriage in the German colony in West Africa (today’s Namibia) when the Herreros were being subjected to genocide.

    16Nevertheless, craniometry continued to be used for the “Aryanity” passports issued in Germany (and soon also in Vichy France) by eminent anthropologists, who could either sentenced to death or not those who were forced to apply for such passports. One example is Ilse Schwidetzky (to be discussed later), assistant to Baron Egon von Eickstedt, who directed the Institute of Anthropology in Breslau (present-day Wroclaw, Poland). After the war, the institute was transferred to Mainz, and she became its director. In a self-justifying history of German anthropology, she claimed that their institute had always refused to issue racial certificates. Unfortunately, the historian Benoît Massin found some, signed by her, in the archives of the institute (Spiegel-Rösing and Schwidetzky 1982; Massin 1999: 42 and note 105).

    A French history

    17Surprisingly, what Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel was precisely working on, and in my opinion, which still does not have a complete historical explanation, is that France was one of the rare countries where craniometry and raciology continued to be practiced with fervor by scientists, not only throughout the interwar period but until the early 1980s. Admittedly, the importance of the French colonial empire and the colonized populations to be managed, then governed by various forms of apartheid, may be one explanation, but probably not the only one, for this intellectual sluggishness (Reynaud Paligot 2006, 2007; Lauriere 2015).

    18Nevertheless, there was already a very skeptical scientific lineage, as we have already seen with Paul Topinard. The prehistorian and protohistorian Joseph Déchelette, the leading, contemporary specialist of these periods, stated in 1914, in his founding Manual, about races and anthropology: “Instead of a small number of clearly defined forms that can be grouped within the framework of a simple classification, we encounter multiple types with numerous varieties. Also, despite the persevering efforts of the specialists, the theories relating to the origin and the distribution of the old European races, theories numerous and often confused, provide to the primitive history of humanity only too problematic data. The general conclusions of anthropologists do not exactly agree on many points with the observations of archaeology. One raised on both sides, on weak bases, many ingenious doctrines, but ephemeral” (Déchelette 1927: vol. 1, p. 482).

    19Although Déchelette’s death in October 1914 near the Chemin des Dames deprived French prehistory of a critical perspective, this attitude continued among several anthropologists, as Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel has well documented, such as Henri Neuville, Jacques Millot, and the rector Étienne Patte, whom Vichy revoked (Neuville 1933; Patte 1938a, 1938b; Lester and Millot 1939; see Bocquet-Appel 1988, 1989). In contrast, there were raciologists, if not racists and anti-Semites, such as René Martial, Georges Montandon, and the Nobel Prize winner for medicine Alexis Carrel. All three were active collaborators under Vichy - Montandon himself, having issued “racial” certificates. We could also quote the veterinarian Emmanuel Leclainche, president of the Academy of Sciences, who quipped in 1937 about “races”: “It is understood that, for scientists, there are no longer any human races. But, unfortunately, or fortunately, there are not just scientists on earth. The mass of ignorant people persists in believing that there are still whites, blacks, and yellows and that they can be recognized without too much difficulty” (Leclainche 1937: 1279; quoted in Bocquet-Appel 1989: 31).

    20Between these two positions, the less committed craniometric line of Henri Victor Vallois thrived. This is because Valois reigned over French anthropology for half a century by being successively or simultaneously, professor at the Muséum national d’histoire naturelle, director of the Musée de l’Homme, director of the Institut d’paléontologie humaine, director of the Laboratoire d’Anthropologie at the École Pratique des Hautes Études, editor of the journal L’Anthropologie and secretary general of the Société d’anthropologie, director of the Institut de Paléontologie humaine, director of the Anthropology laboratory of the École Pratique des Hautes Études, editor in chief of the review L’Anthropologie and general secretary of the Société d’Anthropologie de Paris (during thirty years, from 1939 till 1969). Under a civil guise, he nevertheless maintained excellent relations with the German anthropology of the time, notably in his reviews of L’Anthropologie.

    Vallois and National Socialist Anthropology

    21In 1936, reporting on a book by Egon von Eickstedt, Rassenkunde und rassengeschichte der menschheit (“Raciology and racial history of mankind”), Valois endorsed its worldview as follows: “Adopting the idea of the inequality of the races, not only anatomical but also psychological, the author concludes by declaring that a rigorous racial selection is the only way to oppose the annihilation of our civilization” (Eickstedt 1934; Vallois 1936a: 429). In this book, Baron von Eickstedt wrote, among other things: “Race, blood, and land are more important than parliamentary work” (Eickstedt 1934: 889) 1.

    22Similarly, regarding another work by the same author, he wonders: “Thus, concludes M. von Eickstedt, racial psychology has risen to the level of a true science, [...] no one, in Germany at least, questions its importance. Will all anthropologists share this conclusion? We fear not. The premature generalizations of the authors [...] have harmed this science, at least in the minds of many. To rehabilitate itself, it would need numerous researches, made without a spirit of partiality, and by deductive rather than inductive methods” (Eickstedt 1936 in Vallois 1936a: 427-429).

    23Commenting on a craniometric study of the Austrian anthropologist Rosa Koller on the Jewish population of Constantinople, Valois stated: “These skeletal dispositions would be correlative to the development of certain facial muscles; they would therefore be related to the mimicry so characteristic of a large number of European Israelites” (Vallois 1936b; Schnapp 1980: 26). Finally, in his obituary of the racist ideologist Georges Vacher de Lapouge, Valois laments: “An observant and industrious spirit, M. Vacher de Lapouge certainly deserved better than the oblivion to which he was relegated. The excessiveness of the theories that he developed, the overly categorical way he exposed his ‘laws’ [...], probably explain the vacuum created around his research. There are, however, exact aspects of his work, and it would be unfair to forget them” (Vallois 1936c) - “exact aspects” that Valois is careful not to specify.

    24The Vichy government did not forget Paul Rivet in its wave of dismissals. He was the progressive director of the Musée de l’Homme, where a strong resistance network was set up and dismantled. Vallois was a candidate against Millot, whom the Museum’s professors supported. The Minister of Education, Jérôme Carcopino, author of the law excluding Jews from education and a law making archaeological excavations subject to authorization, chose Vallois, advised notably by the Abbé Breuil (Bocquet-Appel 1989: 31). This episode was omitted from the obituary that appeared at his death in L’Anthropologie in 1982 and from the special issue of the Bulletins et Mémoires de la Société d’Anthropologie de Paris that was devoted to him the same year.

    After World War II

    25In practice, Vallois continued his career peacefully after the war, and his 1944 Que sais-je? on Human Races was constantly republished (Vallois 1944). Vallois distinguished 27 “races,” grouped into four large groups, including the “primitive races,” which included the Australian aborigines and the Veddas of Sri Lanka. He continued his reviews in L’Anthropologie, publishing in 1960 a laudatory review of Baron Otmar von Verschuer’s anthropology textbook, in which he regretted, already on the defensive: “We know that certain biologists, who have acquired a justified reputation in their own field, and then, late in life, have become interested in anthropology, have, with all the ardor of neophytes, declared that this science should be radically transformed: all the work accomplished for more than a century by hundreds of anthropologists, who have studied the characters of which genetics is unknown and who have tried to establish classifications from them, must be discarded. Only known genetic traits should be considered. Some professional anthropologists thought they had to echo this solemn ex-communication” (Verschuer 1959; Vallois 1960: 343-344; quoted in Bocquet-Appel 1988: 42) - Ottmar von Verschuer, then Mengele’s superior, who wrote in 1942 in the Völkischer Beobachter, the organ of the Nazi party: “The unique racial danger posed by the Jews has found, through the policy of the National Socialist, a definitive settlement” (Müller-Hill 1989 [1984]: 48).

    26Vallois’ students, such as Denise Ferembach or Raymond Riquet, were pursuing the same approach anyway. For instance, Raymond Riquet, a professor at the University of Bordeaux, who died in 1983, defined all sorts of “prehistoric races” from a sample of about 700 skulls, distinguishing, for example, “Neolithic invaders,” including the “corded race,” which “corresponds to the Hinkelstein type of Schliz, to the type II of Reche, to the dolichocephalic form of East Germany of Scheidt and the type I of Ulrich. [...] This race corresponds to large and very dolichocephalic subjects.... The origin of this type is unknown but can be sought on the side of the Black Sea steppes if the Corded Ceramics actually originated in these same regions, as is generally supposed. It can also be assumed that this race is indigenous. With the Brünn race, it forms the essential components of the present Nordic” (Riquet 1951: 205-206). Hence, biology and culture are also mixed as they often were, the Corded Ceramics often passing for having been the principal vehicle of the dispersion of the Indo-European languages. Perhaps more grievous are the racialist views that Riquet dispensed in his contribution to the Manuel d’anthropologie physique published by the CNRS in 1986 (Ferembach et al. 1986, chapter 27).

    The 1980 clash

    27Regarding Denise Ferembach, who passed away in 1994, she was another student of Vallois who succeeded him from 1970 to 1982 as secretary-general of the Société d’anthropologie. Ferembach was specialized in the study of Mesolithic and Neolithic skulls of the Mediterranean area. She was responsible for the decision to award the Broca Prize to the German anthropologist Ilse Schwidetzky, mentioned above, under the auspices of the CNRS, during the symposium organized for the centenary of Paul Broca’s death in June 1980.

    28Because of their proximity, the two craniometric traditions, the German and the French, the Vallois version, now explicitly met. Several researchers, including the archaeologist Alain Schnapp, who had already worked on Nazi archaeology and its perception in France, including in anthropology, decided to intervene. Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel was their relay among anthropologists but preferred to remain anonymous at the time, so intense was the pressure from the community. Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel had a militant past, having worked voluntarily in factories, and was sympathetic with the Syndicat national des chercheurs scientifiques (SNCS). Therefore, these researchers forced the entrance to the amphitheater, previously promised to them but finally denied at the last moment, during the tribute session to Ilse Schwidetzky on June 18, 1980. They were allowed to speak briefly on the subject, even though the president of the CNRS, the biologist Charles Thibaut, reminded Alain Schnapp that he was “too young to have suffered racial persecution,” while other, less polite, congressmen commented, according to the testimonies, that “the Nazis killed fewer Jews than is claimed: there are still many left” (Jacquard and Schwidetzky 1981).

    29The French anthropologists in charge of the Société at the time defended Ilse Schwidetzky. They spoke to Yvonne Rebeyrol, the journalist from the newspaper Le Monde specializing in archaeology and paleontology, author of several scientific works, and usually very well informed. She became their spokesperson, mentioning “troublemakers,” more precisely that “a few people, mostly young and not anthropologists, disrupted the beginning of the session” (Rebeyrol 1980), and relating the exculpatory testimonies of several foreign anthropologists, such as the Hungarian Andor Thoma, the Romanian Olga Necrasov, the Pole Andrzej Wiercinski and the Czech Jan Jelinek. The fact that all of them came from Eastern Europe is also explained by the fact that traditional craniometric physical anthropology had continued to flourish there, exempted from the crimes of Nazism under communist regimes, in contrast to Western Europe and West Germany in particular.

    30An explanatory press conference was held by the “troublemakers” four days later, in which Albert Jacquard, Jacques Le Goff, Emmanuel Leroy-Ladurie, Léon Poliakov, Maurice Godelier, and Albert Ducros participated. The geneticist Albert Jacquard relayed the affair in the Bulletin de l’Association française des anthropologues (quite distinct from the Société d’Anthropologie de Paris), which also published a response from Ilse Schwidetzky, justifying any racist writing while reaffirming the scientific reality of “races,” and adding that, as a mother of three children with a husband killed in the war, it had been impossible for her to manifest her opposition to the regime - something that Albert Jacquard willingly acknowledged.

    31However, as Jacquard pointed out: “It is not possible to present as exemplary the scientific career of an anthropologist who participated in the definition of the Nazi’ politics of race’ [...]. The strict duty of the involved scientists, that is to say of anthropologists regardless of their specialty, is to proclaim that the theories developed by the Nazis, and currently taken up by the nostalgics of this regime, are in total contradiction with the results of their discipline [...]. The progress of biology, and in particular of genetics, has shown that the first proposal does not conform to reality: the interactions between human groups have been such that classification according to the content of the genetic heritage could only be arbitrary and meaningless: the concept of race is not scientifically operational.” Jacquard called for a debate in the CNRS journal, the Courrier du CNRS, since the institution was the inviting power of the colloquium (Jacquard and Schwidetzky 1981; Schnapp 1981).

    From “physical” to... “biological”

    32The debate never occurred in this format, but the Paris Anthropological Society was nonetheless shaken, even though, in her annual “moral report,” Denise Ferembach, the general secretary, regretted these “deplorable incidents,” which “fortunately, hardly affected the course of the colloquium” (Ferembach 1980: 351.). However, when Vallois died the following year, the Société felt forced to organize a special session on “ethical problems in physical anthropology.” During this session, according to Denise Ferembach’s moral report for that year, “the responsibility of the anthropologist, the emotional context surrounding the notion of race, a concept that cannot be abandoned, the exploitation of scientific works for ideological purposes, diverting them from their real meaning, leading to unwarranted attacks on anthropology, were addressed in turn while considering how anthropologists should react against the attacks made on our discipline” (Ferembach 1981: 474).

    33However, the situation gradually changed during the 1980s. In addition to Vallois’ death in 1982 and despite a very pared-down obituary, the management team of the Anthropological Society changed. Denise Ferembach gave up her position as Secretary-General that same year in favor of Jean Dastugue, a surgeon by training and essentially specialized in paleopathology rather than in “racial” definitions, and then by Jean-Jacques Hublin in 1990. In effect, “racial” classifications were abandoned with the gradual disappearance of the Vallois school. Some researchers had already turned to other issues, notably genetics, blood groups, or demography, such as Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel, while the term “physical anthropology” was definitively replaced by “biological anthropology.”

    34Nevertheless, at this stage, three points should be emphasized. The first is that the scientific notion of “race” had been abandoned in most Western countries, and Vallois’s France was like a strange, out-of-touch island of resistance. France’s colonial past does not explain everything. In Belgium, with a similar heavy past, a researcher like Jean Hiernaux could declare in his 1968 thesis, after a very detailed statistical comparison of a hundred or so African populations: “No population fulfills the condition [...] of minimum distance from any other to be classified in the same taxonomic rank as a constellation. Consequently, the reduction of the diversity of African populations to a limited number of taxa, as all proposed racial classifications do, presents a high number of logical contradictions” (Hiernaux 1968, quoted in Ducros 1992: 129; see also Hiernaux 1978 and his contribution in Ferembach et al. 1986). Only when genetics finally penetrated French anthropology could fixist racial classifications be officially abandoned in favor of network structures consistent with reality (Langaney 1988; Langaney et al. 1992).

    35The second aspect is that Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel is, to my knowledge, the only (biological) anthropologist to have done a precise critical work on the history of his discipline, however carefully, given the pressures of the community at the time. However, he tackled Vallois’s biography and intellectual affinities in his article for the journal Gradhiva almost ten years later (Bocquet-Appel 1989). Furthermore, although Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel had dared to record an interview with Vallois three months before his death at 91 years old, he did not publish it until fifteen years later, while acknowledging that he had not always been sufficiently critical of Vallois’s autobiographical account in this interview (Bocquet-Appel 1996a, 1996b). Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel also told me how the interview was broadcasted at a meeting of the Anthropological Society under extreme tension. Consequently, without any transition, reflection, or explanation, we have moved from "physical" anthropology to “biological” anthropology. English-speaking researchers continue to use the term “physical” anthropology to distinguish it from “cultural” anthropology, both of which, along with prehistory, are usually grouped in the “Department of Anthropology.” Alternatively, when we refer to “physical anthropology,” we will identify it with the archaeological excavation of burials, i.e., their meticulous recording, later named “archaeothanatology” (See, for example, Duday and Masset 1987; Guy and Richier 2012). Besides, there is sometimes an attempt to rewrite history, such as the Wikipedia entry on the Société d’Anthropologie de Paris, created by an anonymous contributor in August 2008. The entry states that its “aim is to study the natural history of Man, that is to say, the origin and biological diversity of the human species,” without mentioning the original statutes mentioned above, which more precisely claimed “the scientific study of human races.”

    36The third aspect is the paradoxical ambiguity that continues to surround the term “race.” Albert Ducros already emphasized this ambiguity in 1992 when he concluded a historiographical article with the following words: “But we must also admit that forty years of discussion have not removed the ambiguities, contradictions and conservatism among the professionals themselves” (Ducros 1992: 137). Indeed, the fact that not all humans are alike is a truism, even if they are increasingly mixed and not including the effects of the environment. These differences demonstrate long histories, if not long prehistories. These differences are not just about external features but also about reactions to various illnesses, various foods (milk assimilation or not in adulthood), and various medications.

    37“Race,” beyond racism, is still a category considered operational by the police in some countries. In fact, the preamble to the constitution of October 27, 1946, which is part of the current constitutional body, states in its article 1: “the French people reaffirm that every human being, without distinction of race, religion or creed, possesses inalienable and sacred rights.” Debates have occurred and continue: if “race” does not exist, why include it in the founding texts? But at the same time, how can racism be prosecuted and condemned without mentioning “race”? The motion for the May 16th, 2013 bill, passed by the National Assembly, proclaimed in its Article 1: The French Republic condemns racism, anti-Semitism and xenophobia. It does not recognize the existence of any so-called “race.” The bill replaced the word “race” with “alleged race” in several legislative texts, but was never adopted. However, the law of January 17th, 2017 “on equality and citizenship” at least replaces the term “race” with “alleged race” in the penal code. Meanwhile, the word race still appears in the constitution.

    38Lately, “race” has been taken literally, if not turned on its head, by traditional victims of racism, mostly of sub-Saharan origin, who speak of “racialized,” “racialism,” and “white privilege,” whether in the United States with the “Black Lives Matter” movement, or more simply in Europe and France (Thuram 2020; Irvin Painter 2019).

    Genetics and culture

    39This ambiguity is not limited to common sense. In fact, the remarkable growth of paleogenetics over the last decade, of which a lot is still to be expected, sometimes results in simplifying interpretations reminiscent of the early days of the Paris Anthropological Society. Furthermore, we should mention that paleogenetics started in France with some delay compared to Germany, the United States, or Denmark. One of the reasons for this delay was undoubtedly the defensive fallback on “funerary archaeology” after the departure from craniometric anthropology, but also a certain reluctance from the CNRS, not to mention the rivalries between laboratories.

    40Nevertheless, after the pioneering work of the German laboratory of the Swedish geneticist Svante Pääbo, this discipline developed considerably in the laboratories of Harvard, Jena, London, and Copenhagen and, at the end of the 2010s, was spread to the general public through several popular educational books (Reich 2019; Krause 2019; Heyer 2020; Orlando 2021). Although paleogenetics is well represented in France at the Musée de l’Homme, at the Institut Jacques Monod in Paris, or the universities of Bordeaux and Toulouse, relatively ambitious programs have only been developed very recently due to a lack of support (Brunel et al. 2020).

    41However, some laboratories’ results, notably those of Havard, directed by David Reich (now in Germany) and of the Max-Planck Institute of Jena (with Wolfgang Haak and Johannes Krause), have occasionally been inclined to draw broad arrows on maps and to reconstruct “massive migrations” through space, supported by a small number of archaeologists (such as Kristian Kristiansen in Denmark). This was particularly true of the two collective 2015 papers from Jena and Copenhagen, respectively, claiming to have recovered the route of the supposed original Indo-European people, who would have spread the Indo-European languages in Europe, following Marija Gimbutas (Haak et al. 2015; Allentoft et al. 2015).

    42Eventually, the bloody path of the “most violent people in history” was identified since they supposedly spread the genetic group (haplogroup of the Y chromosome) called R1a in part of Europe. In reality, the story seems a bit more complex, especially since genetic studies of current European populations show that there is little difference in the genetic component between those speaking Indo-European languages and those speaking languages of other linguistic groups (Basques, Hungarians, Estonians) (Haak et al. 2015: Figure 3). Moreover, the supposed violence of this “mass migration” is not based on any archaeologically proven massacre (Demoule 2019). Finally, the preferential spread of a genetic group may as well be explained by a particular matrimonial system and reproductive advantage over the centuries, rather than by a violent invasion, as studies of recent as well as ancient populations have evidenced (Heyer et al. 2012, 2015; Zeng et al. 2018).

    43Studies on the Bell Beaker phenomenon have been equally striking. The Bell Beaker is the extension of a cultural entity characterized by its funerary rites and its inverted bell-shaped cups (hence the name) over a part of western and central Europe in the third millennium but in discontinuous patches. Yet analyses show that, despite this homogeneity in material culture, the populations linked to this phenomenon in the northern half of Europe are genetically quite different from those in the continent’s southwest (Olalde et al. 2018; 2019, Olalde and Posth 2020). If there were any doubt before, there is no correspondence now between biology and culture. Far more complex historical phenomena of crossbreeding and permanent mixing are thus rather worth considering, admittedly at the price of far more elaborate and complex research, which some archaeologists are beginning to propose, after an initial sense of dismay (Furholt 2019; Hansen 2019). The situation will probably take some time to stabilize before we can work on genuinely interdisciplinary programs. Especially since, given the sums involved (a single complete genome of a single individual can cost up to 60,000 euros, even if this figure is gradually decreasing), the competition between laboratories leads to hasty conclusions and the most spectacular announcements possible. In fact, ideological hijackings were not long in coming, especially on the side of the extreme right2. Likewise, several anonymous contributors to the online encyclopedia Wikipedia have decided to include genetics everywhere in the sections dealing with ancient or even recent societies and civilizations3.

    For one Anthropology, with an A?

    44Therefore, reducing cultural anthropology to biological anthropology has been the subject of regular, albeit varied, attempts for at least a century and a half, depending on the scientific state of the art - with the frequent attempt to justify social inequalities by biological inequalities in the background. Conversely, productively articulating these two disciplines was the agenda of researchers as diverse as Sigmund Freud, Paul Rivet - the latter with the conception of the Musée de l’Homme - or André Leroi-Gourhan (Joulian 2015; see also the journal Technique & Culture). However, setbacks were constant. For instance, the creation of the current Quai Branly Museum was cut off from the Musée de l’Homme for purely short-term, political reasons (cf. Dupaigne 2006). Likewise, the separation of the human and social sciences of the CNRS into two distinct institutes, the National Institute of Human and Social Sciences (INSHS) on the one hand, and the National Institute of Ecology and the Environment (INEE) on the other, was again because of immediate expediency.

    45Consequently, following this overview intended to emphasize the critical role, albeit somewhat isolated, that Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel played in the critical historiography of biological anthropology, it is worthwhile to remember the conclusions of a collective text published in 2017 in L’Homme, and co-authored by Jean-Pierre Bocquet-Appel, Bernard Formoso and Charles Stépanoff: “Reinstating the reference to the biological, technical, mental and social evolution of humans would reinforce the epistemological coherence of the combination of biological anthropology - ethnology - prehistory. A general anthropology university curriculum, integrating the three disciplines in all the places where they already exist, should be promoted4”.

    46Finally, the authors referred to Claude Lévi-Strauss’ authority, who claimed in 1950: “an anthropology, that is to say, a system of interpretation that simultaneously accounts for the physical, physiological, psychic and sociological aspects of all behaviors” (Bocquet-Appel et al. 2017: 240-241; Levi-Strauss 1950: 25)5.

    Bibliographie

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    Notes de bas de page

    1 « Rasse, Blut und Boden sind wichtiger als parlamentarische Tageserfolge. »

    2 See, for example, the special issue of the far-right journal New School, entitled “Paleogenetics of Indo-Europeans,” No. 68, 2018.

    3 See, for example, the numerous contributions of a certain Thontep

    4 « Réintégrer la référence à l’évolution biologique, technique, mentale et sociale des humains renforcerait la cohérence épistémologique de l’association anthropologie biologique – ethnologie – préhistoire. Un enseignement universitaire d’anthropologie générale, intégrant les trois disciplines dans tous les lieux où les unes et les autres existent déjà, devrait être promu. »

    5 « une anthropologie, c’est-à-dire un système d’interprétation rendant simultanément compte des aspects physique, physiologique, psychique et sociologique de toutes les conduites. »

    Auteur

    • Jean-Paul Demoule

      Université de Paris I Panthéon-Sorbonne, Paris, France

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    1 « Rasse, Blut und Boden sind wichtiger als parlamentarische Tageserfolge. »

    2 See, for example, the special issue of the far-right journal New School, entitled “Paleogenetics of Indo-Europeans,” No. 68, 2018.

    3 See, for example, the numerous contributions of a certain Thontep

    4 « Réintégrer la référence à l’évolution biologique, technique, mentale et sociale des humains renforcerait la cohérence épistémologique de l’association anthropologie biologique – ethnologie – préhistoire. Un enseignement universitaire d’anthropologie générale, intégrant les trois disciplines dans tous les lieux où les unes et les autres existent déjà, devrait être promu. »

    5 « une anthropologie, c’est-à-dire un système d’interprétation rendant simultanément compte des aspects physique, physiologique, psychique et sociologique de toutes les conduites. »

    Journey of a committed paleodemographer

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    Demoule, J.-P. (2021). From craniometry to paleogenetics. In A. Degioanni, E. Herrscher, & S. Naji (éds.), Journey of a committed paleodemographer (1‑). Presses universitaires de Provence. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pup.54568
    Demoule, Jean-Paul. « From Craniometry to Paleogenetics ». In Journey of a Committed Paleodemographer, édité par Anna Degioanni, Estelle Herrscher, et Stephan Naji. Aix-en-Provence: Presses universitaires de Provence, 2021. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pup.54568.
    Demoule, Jean-Paul. « From Craniometry to Paleogenetics ». Journey of a Committed Paleodemographer, édité par Anna Degioanni et al., Presses universitaires de Provence, 2021, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pup.54568.

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    Degioanni, A., Herrscher, E., & Naji, S. (éds.). (2021). Journey of a committed paleodemographer (1‑). Presses universitaires de Provence. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pup.53750
    Degioanni, Anna, Estelle Herrscher, et Stephan Naji, éd. Journey of a Committed Paleodemographer. Aix-en-Provence: Presses universitaires de Provence, 2021. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pup.53750.
    Degioanni, Anna, et al., éditeurs. Journey of a Committed Paleodemographer. Presses universitaires de Provence, 2021, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.pup.53750.
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