Introduction
p. 9-13
Texte intégral
1At the beginning of this millennium, the world is in an era of continuous political change. While some states are still in the process of nation-building and others are prey to disintegrative pressures, still others are working out new techniques of supranational integration, while the world itself alternately embraces and rejects various forms of international integration. Citizens, meanwhile, have the double task of juggling conflicting appeals to their local, regional and global loyalties, at the same time as they consider means for retaining the democratic accountability of their political institutions. During its World Congress 2000, the International Political Science Association (ipsa) wanted to examine the determinants of these processes in an attempt to seek theoretical explanations for the established and emerging forms of political and economic partnerships which are likely to predominate in the next millennium.
2This book is the result of these efforts, following a round table organized by ipsa in Quebec City in 1998. The catch-all concept of globalization focuses on a number of interrelated issues which are currently having an enormous impact on the boundaries and institutions of global, regional, national and local politics. The ideology of free-market economics or of “corporate governance” has gained world-wide recognition. But we also witness a tendency to supranational economic and political organization at the expense of state power and identity. This book offers all students concerned about the impact of globalization a comparative look at the changes that are taking place in different regions of the world.
3The question is whether or not we see a movement toward new forms of political, economic and social partnerships that will affect traditional models of democratic governance and citizen identity. As the title of this book indicates, the issues of identity and democracy have led to lively discussion in recent years, in an era when we see the emergence of new forms of partnership or corporate-political coordination. President Theodore J. Lowi of IPSA was concerned, at the time of the round table, “to keep this theme alive in various ways during the next couple of years... among the more prominent and active political scientists everywhere.” This task was relatively easy since the discussions over the Multilateral Agreement and the Seattle Summit kept the issue alive on the world scene. However, as he noted, “the first era of globalization ended in 1914 and it took 75 years of war and cold war to make its comeback” and at the beginning of the last century the world was more closely integrated than it is now. The objective of this book is therefore to present illustrative case studies of how globalization and liberalism have modified state roles, the governance process and the characteristics of identities and communities.
4The first part of the book offers some interpretations of the nature of the changes and corporate turns that have taken place since the end of the Cold War a decade ago. The first chapter by Theodore J. Lowi sets the scene and offers an analysis of the impact of corporate changes. He reviews the new globalizing capitalist ideology and its rightward tilt. To support globalization, governments will have to produce greater social control and new forms of deregulation. One consequence, especially on American federalism, is to create new divisions of power between the federal and state governments and, more importantly, new types of policies. The buzzwords deregulation, privatization and devolution have become popular, Lowi argues, “because concerns for social control strengthen as societies are loosened up by liberal policies necessary to join global capitalism.” If deregulation and privatization are pushing for less government, devolution on the other hand is pushing for new forms of governance that will facilitate liberalism.
5But as markets globalize, some forms of government controls grow stronger, not weaker. Therefore, one way for government to answer the challenges of liberalism will be to offer greater “security” to all citizens. Transnational policies are also needed to answer global capitalism. Can governments which have endorsed the goals and values of “sustainable development” reconcile ecological principles and rationality with competitive economic values and procedures? Does the Multilateral Agreement on Investment offer some rules and codes of conduct that will favour equitable competition between nation-states and permit them to keep their autonomy in cultural, health and social domains? Will the Western world be able to change its vision of Africa and use globalization as the basis for new partnerships built on mutual recognition and reciprocity? The four chapters answer these questions.
6The second part analyzes several case studies of integration/disintegration and how national identities are at stake in many parts of the world. Globalization is often identified as the key factor that has led to the decline of communism. It also puts pressure on the political process in many countries. In some cases the nation-state has collapsed and has been replaced by quasi-capitalist institutions that are putting old loyalties under stress. New forms of partnership have emerged, especially in Europe. However, the necessity to maintain the appearance of economic and political stability, and the pressure exercised by international actors, forced many newly independent states to rapidly come to compromises that were satisfactory to all parties and to emphasize common interests in areas of possible cooperation while limiting potential sources of conflict.
7The split of Czechoslovakia, German reunification, the pressure of the international community on the regional governments to resolve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, and the change in the Korean peninsula are all cases that put citizens, societies and regional/national government under cultural and political pressures. The construction of distinct societies in the Czech Republic and Slovenia, the mental integration of East and West Germans into one culturally united nation, the quest for peace between Israelis and Palestinians, and the new relationship between North and South Korea, are certainly examples of how the end of the Cold War has redefined the cultural and political references of citizens. The Czech and German examples bring into question the capacity of federations to adjust to the new pressures of globalization. The creation of these new political entities was and and still is difficult for the citizens of those nations. All these case studies are examples of the problems that may arise on the way to integrating/disintegrating populations which have common/different cultural roots but are overwhelmed by the concrete difficulties of economic strains and socialized diversity.
8Finally, the third part of the book addresses the Canada-Quebec debate on federalism, sovereignty and identity, and the implication of globalization for North American regional and national governments. World capitalism has given a greater role to regional and local governments as international actors. The Quebec situation has become an international comparative case study (especially in comparison with Scotland, Catalonia and Wales) since world capitalism has given a greater role to regions, states and provinces. Globalization has also led to the creation of multiple identities (national, continental, territorial, international). The Canada-Quebec situation is particularly interesting since they are the northern neighbors of the largest capitalist country in the world, the United States.
9The free trade agreement (fta) in 1988 and its expansion into the North American Free Trade Agreement (nafta) in 1994, a trilateral deal to include Mexico, contributed to the emergence of an increasingly integrated system of continental corporate political coordination of trade and markets (new panamericanism). Therefore, the central question which has not always been addressed is whether corporate market pressures can be considered a key factor that affects Canada-Quebec relations, nafta also raises the issues of democratic governance (more so in Mexico) and of citizen identity both at the federal and provincial levels. Quebec and Canadian identities are now confronting each other in a global world where cultural differences do not seem to be part of the corporate equation. An agenda for renewal, new institutional reforms or an economic and political partnership might emerge from the Canada-Quebec challenge.
10We hope that this book offers students of political science interpretations of that shifting concept—globalization—that occupies the forefront of academic research in political science at the beginning of this new millenium.
11Many peoples have contributed to this book. First of all, the mayor of Quebec City, Jean-Paul L’Allier, who helped host the International Political Science Association (ipsa) Round Table in Quebec City. We would like to thank Élaine Dupré the administrative assistant of the Société québécoise de science politique (sqsp), who took the full responsability for the organization, and the Canadian Political Science Association as co-sponsor with the sqsp the event. Our editor, Pierre-Marie Paquin, deserves special thanks for his vigilant efforts. We want also to knowledge our debt to the staff of the Presses de l’Université de Montréal, in particular Gérard Boismenu, who made this project a reality. We also extend our gratitude to all members of the ipsa executive committee, to the secretary general John Coakley, and administrative assistant Louis Delaney whose support was instrumental in initiating this project. Special thanks to Christian Gohel for his dedication in the preparation of the ipsa 18th World Congress of Political Science in Quebec City which marks the 50th anniversary of association.
Auteurs
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Guy Lachapelle
Concordia University
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John E. Trent
University of Ottawa
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