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Diasporas, Cultures of Mobilities, ‘Race’ 3

Corinne Duboin
Claudine Raynaud

African Americans: ‘Race’ and/in War

Civil Rights Pioneers: Building Race Consciousness in the WWII Armed Forces

Maggi Morehouse


During the Second World War, the British colonial forces and the US armed services reflected the general racial attitudes of the day: black men were inferior to white men and thus as soldiers, black men had to be segregated and contained. Military planners in the US and Britain believed that people of color acted and behaved similarly and they sought to craft policies to control black soldiers with their race policies. While all of the black soldiers who migrated were sent to conduct a war, as a by-product, many of the men engaged in a range of cultural activities that brought about a diasporic identity. The men gained a worldview of strength and resistance that allowed them to exercise their full citizenship rights as civil rights leaders, legal experts, elected officials, and labor organizers. Certainly, neither colonial government believed that the outcome of their racial policies toward the black soldier would imbue him with such a sense of power and a call to action. They meant to control the colonial subject, not put him on the world stage with his brothers in the diaspora. World War II is a significant event of comparison because of the policies of governance practiced by both governments and the number of black soldiers who participated in the worldwide conflagration. WWII soldiers of color went on to lead freedom struggles post-war that placed many veterans in the vanguard of black independence movements across the globe. This paper outlines the racial policies and the migration realities black soldiers experienced.

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1The black American ‘Citizen Soldiers’ who participated in the ‘Good War’ also form part of the ‘Greatest Generation’, yet they are barely visible in the general histories of the Second World War (WWII). Most scholars agree that WWII was a watershed event that affected people all around the world yet African American soldiers are generally absent in the historiography of the era. Black military veterans were active participants in the panoply of the civil rights movement after the war, yet they are mostly missing in action in that narrative as well. Why have representations of WWII and the civil rights movement generally overlooked the multitude of black soldier’s experiences? How can we ‘save the black privates’ from obscurity? This work will highlight the agency of African American veterans who worked collectively and individually to fight racism during the war years of the 1940s, and also, were empowered to provide leadership and military skills as foot soldiers within the long civil rights movement.

2During the war years, over one million African American men and women in uniform traveled around the world to carry out a war to end Fascism and Nazism, all the while serving in segregated and mostly unequal military units (Morehouse 2000). Segregated service was the policy of the day; in fact, it was the norm in the nation as well as the armed forces. From the days of America’s colonial battles, to the American Revolution, through the Civil War, and even overseas in World War I, black Americans had served in segregated units within the armed forces (Buckley 2001). However, the large number of African Americans who served in WWII, over 1.2 million men and women, is what makes the 1940s era significantly different than earlier times. In addition, the staggering number of so-called ‘racial incidents’ involving African American soldiers during WWII coupled with their accounts of coming to consciousness during the era provide a clear link between their military service and demands for equality. Although civil rights historiography has recently broadened to account for earlier starting points than the 1954 Brown decision about school desegregation (see Hall 2005; Arneson 2008), few accounts have incorporated and analyzed that two of the five fathers who brought the Brown cases to the Supreme Court were African American WWII veterans (Morehouse 2010). Nor does the newly expanded long civil rights movement historiography take into account the sea change that occurred when the U.S. military desegregated, shortly after WWII. My work asserts that the African American soldier in WWII engaged in militant actions ultimately demanding to end segregation and discrimination, and these actions place WWII and the subsequent desegregation of the military within the continuum of the long civil rights movement.

3In 1996, I began collecting oral histories of African American infantry soldiers who participated in the segregated armed forces during the war years. Over the years, I have used government documents to verify the life stories of over fifty men. These oral histories, personal correspondence, and collection of government documents provide evidence that reinforce the ‘resistance-watershed’ thesis of Harvard Sitkoff (1982). His idea has been debated among historians who question whether WWII provided a spark or a turning point in black militancy to push for full citizenship, or whether the war was a relatively insignificant event in African American historiography. My work follows black veterans who participated in protests during WWII, and then, also served in the armed forces as they desegregated after 1948, and reaffirms the notion that African American soldiers resisted discrimination making WWII a significant watershed event. During WWII, as the War Department’s Racial Incidents Reports attest and my oral histories confirm, violence against black soldiers was commonplace across the country. Black soldiers and citizens used a variety of tactics to protest injustice, and these experiences infused the soldiers with a heightened sense of racial consciousness. Government reports, oral histories, official documents, and memoirs from the era attest to the significant number of racialized incidents black soldiers engaged in during the war. The evidence is overwhelming: resistance to discrimination define this time period as a watershed in the push toward equality. Upon returning to American shores, veterans and active military soldiers continued their fight for equality.

4The military of the 1940s was segregated and predicated on the notion of racialized governmentality (Morehouse 2011). In order to control the troops, the military segregated its armed forces, creating separate and usually unequal conditions of participation. This shortcoming in military planning resulted in the misuse and underuse of the large number of African Americans who served in the military during WWII. Discrimination against black soldiers was an expression of the more general prejudice prevalent throughout America during the war years, and indicated an ideology that African American soldiers should be controlled and contained.

5During WWII, the military command carried out a policy they called ‘segregation without discrimination’. The policy continued the longstanding practice of placing white soldiers in higher ranks commanding the segregated black troops. This policy failed, as it had in every other military engagement, especially it failed to produce military efficiency, the stated goal of the policies. The policy resulted in both the misuse and the underuse of the black Americans who served in the military during WWII. Rigid segregation disadvantaged the black soldier in all social and military settings. Added to the emotional cost of segregating soldiers was the economic cost of building separate facilities and a separate command structure. The 1944 Army Service Forces Manual M5, an officer training manual for white officers of black troops, reiterated the official policy of segregation without discrimination:

War Department concern with the Negro is focused directly and solely on the problem of the most effective military use of colored troops. It is essential that there be a clear understanding that the Army has no authority or intention to participate in social reform as such but does view the problem as a matter of efficient troop utilization. (iv)

6Military planners constantly reviewed the policy and directed studies to collect data and assess the program. In an inter-departmental memo, the merits of the policy were highlighted and a staff member suggested that the policy produced ‘harmonious relationships’. The memo noted: ‘That the colored soldier was happy and content with the existing policy is evidenced by his continued reenlistment’ (Memorandum September 1944).

7 Many African Americans wanted to serve in the armed forces during WWII, segregated or not. A majority of eligible black males attempted to enlist for military service, many more were drafted, and large numbers were rejected for service, especially at the beginning of the war. Finally, the War Department activated two full Army Infantry Divisions of African American soldiers, with about eighteen thousand men to each division, and this at least staunched the large numbers of rejections. Companies of these divisions had been activated in previous wars, but WWII marked the full employment of both divisions, a significant difference from earlier times. With the 93rd Blue Helmet Division and the 92nd Buffalo Soldier Division, at least the men had units where they could be assigned and the numbers of black soldiers in the Army increased. The reasons the men gave for their interest in the Army were patriotism, a spirit of adventure, and a hope for improved employment and educational opportunities after the war. When the men were called to the colors, they adjusted to military life by forming bonds with comrades based on racial solidarity and the shared experience of boot camp. Many experienced the war as a rampart forever separating them from others who did not serve during the era.

8African American men came into the Army from all regions of the United States. Some ‘got the greetings from Uncle Sam’—a reference to the postcard greeting that accompanied the demand to report for the draft—and many others volunteered for service. The newspaper for the all-black 93rd Division, The Blue Helmet, reporting on the soldiers who were convening at a new training camp, printed the following: ‘The Negro soldiers here come from all walks of life. Some of them are college graduates and some have only gone as far as the third grade. Here, there are former porters, waiters, teachers, newspaper reporters, entertainers, lawyers, doctors, boot blacks, etc.’ (History 1942). Many of the men were raised in the same town where they were born, then made their first trip through America on an army troop train. Some men came from industrial cities in the Northeast; some came from farms and fields in the South. In 1941, more than 75 percent of African Americans still lived in the South, and about half of those lived in rural areas. When black recruits were inducted into the service and brought together into segregated units, they had to overcome their regional differences in order to form fighting units. They had varied educational backgrounds, ranged in age from eighteen to thirty-six, and differed culturally because of their regional distinctions. In short, the men had nothing in common except the color of their skin.

9 Ironically, the segregated war experience imbued many black soldiers with a sense of responsibility and power. This coming together of over one million African American servicemen was a significant community-building event, one that would be the precursor to the modern day civil rights movement. These veterans believed they had proved their loyalty to the United States government and they felt they should be rewarded with all the full rights of citizenship. With the 1863 Emancipation Proclamation, the congressional civil rights acts of the late 1860s, and the Fourteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1868, black men (including soldiers) were extended citizenship. However, by WWII, many of these civil rights were constrained by racist regulations enacted in the Jim Crow era. Still, African American soldiers experienced opportunities during WWII that broadened their horizons. During their active service, these soldiers journeyed to adulthood, solidifying their consciousness and identity as American citizens along the way.

10Despite segregation and restrictive enlistment policies, black Americans signed up in record numbers to serve their country. Nelson Peery enlisted in the Army after the Japanese aggression at Pearl Harbor. He wanted his enlistment to be his own decision rather than in response to a Selective Service directive or draft. With prescient wisdom, he told his high-school teacher and mentor: ‘I have to go, Miss O’Leary. Part of it is so I can say, this is my country. I fought for it and you can’t deny me’ (Peery 1994: 128). Like Peery, another enlistee, Louis Stokes, entered the Army to fight for democracy even though the rigid segregation disadvantaged black soldiers. Fifty years later, from the U.S. House of Representatives where he was serving his country and congressional district, Congressman Stokes wrote to his fellow servicemen: ‘Segregation is evil and divisive. We rose above it to be strong, courageous and cohesive both on the battlefront and the homefront. May the lessons of those days serve all society well’ (Stokes 1996).

11Alex Pitcher acknowledged that growing up in Louisiana taught him his ‘place’; he said he did not have full consciousness of the country’s racial situation until after he had served in the army. He was a minister’s son—a good law-abiding Christian. He was shocked when white soldiers would routinely call him ‘boy’ or ‘nigger’. Wearing the uniform of the U.S. Army, he thought, would give him and his fellow black soldiers more respect, but he soon learned how little it meant. He said he became a man in the army. He also developed a strong ‘racial consciousness’ (Pitcher 1998). The lessons many men learned during their years in the Army, serve as the foundation of their personal character. Many black soldiers experienced WWII as the defining moment in their lives. During those years, despite the racist treatment, black soldiers thought of themselves as citizens and soldiers of America. As soldiers assigned to combat duty, many black men developed a sense of community within their unit. In 1943 when Nelson Peery wrote to his mother about a race war that was sure to follow the current world emergency, he felt his fellow comrades-in-arms would join him in the future fight. He wrote:

After all the hell that these men have been through you can bet that few of them are going to feel content to return to that little farm in Georgia, and none of them will remain satisfied for a very long time. This Army is a most wonderful thing for education of the mind as well as the body. It makes one think in an objective manner. America will be forced to make a drastic change in policy toward the Negro in the very near future.
(Peery 1943)

12Some of the veterans have never forgotten the bitterness of segregated service, or the indignities perpetrated by white officers. Others learned they could tolerate rough conditions, including widespread discrimination, in a disciplined, stoic manner. Bill Payne said he could have come out of the service angry and antagonistic because of the conditions of the segregated service. He said: ‘I could have been hard-nosed about things, but that’s not my personality’ (1996). He added:

I was there to learn to be a soldier and to be a man, and basically, I developed my personality while in the Army. I learned how to take care of myself, mentally and physically. I learned how to be a leader. I learned how to deal with people, and I learned how to get around problems. Rather than butt heads and get into a big confrontation, I would just sit back, take note, and figure out the best way to resolve something.

13Payne said he learned that hate destroys the hater; time tempered his bitterness. Many African American veterans came out of the segregated service with a heightened awareness and a drive to correct injustices.

14After Alex Pitcher returned from his segregated wartime service, he decided to become a lawyer, but his home state of Louisiana would not allow African Americans to attend its only law school, Louisiana State University. Pitcher said: ‘At that time, Thurgood Marshall and the NAACP were filing lawsuits across the country. They were filing lawsuits against the various state universities to get blacks admitted to medical schools and to law schools’ (1998). The Louisiana government settled the matter temporarily by setting up what Pitcher called a ‘makeshift law school’. They set up the new program at Southern Baptist University, a historically black university where Pitcher was doing his studies. He said:

Now Louisiana had a different situation than what you have in other states in the country, because our state and parishes are governed on the Napoleonic Code. And that system of law is different, particularly the civil law from criminal law. There were no black lawyers in the country that had ever graduated from a Louisiana law school, so no black lawyers knew Louisiana law in order to teach this new makeshift class. So what they had to do at Southern [Baptist University], for my three years at law school, was hire the white professors from down at the LSU [Louisiana State University] law school. So, you get my point? We had the same professors and the same education as the white students over at LSU!

15Pitcher said the white professors quietly encouraged the black students to press the legal system for equal rights. He said his professors knew they were training soldiers for a battle. Fifteen of Pitcher’s fellow students were black veterans of WWII. Five of them successfully graduated, passed the state bar exam, and went on to practice law in Louisiana. Pitcher practiced law in Louisiana and then went on to an appointment as a federal judge in California.

16The NAACP recognized the benefits of an educated black population. They were also keen to press any case in which an African American veteran was denied access to education. Alex Pitcher joined the NAACP right after he got back from the war, and he commented on their organizational strategies: ‘The NAACP wasn’t just talking to veterans, but they realized that the black veterans had the G.I. Bill of Rights, and they could use that to go to graduate schools’ (1998). Most graduate schools, including law, medical, and other professional schools, generally discriminated against blacks. The NAACP began filing antidiscrimination lawsuits. ‘That’s the way to get followers’, Pitcher explained. ‘Get people to try things and then become plaintiffs if there was any discrimination. The eyes of the world were on discrimination then in America’. Pitcher claimed that veterans were more sensitive to discrimination and were willing to work with the NAACP:

We had the impetus for the movement coming out of these people who were able to press for their rights. We were making an impact. The whole world was opening up. The political process opened up like never before. You see expectations were high then, not only me, but everybody else, especially blacks from the South. I was just a typical southerner, one out of thousands who were just like me, whose eyes had become opened and who had become conscious. Well, now the rationale for the NAACP, especially at the end of WWII, was the focus on education. We realized that black people never could really accomplish their dreams unless they had education. Even now, that’s the most important force we have, education. Once you have an education, then you’re able to help yourself, and you can help so many thousands of other people.

17Like Pitcher, Federal Judge Matthew J. Perry served in the Army during WWII. Perry also decided to pursue law in order to remedy injustices that he found untenable during his wartime service. Perry said growing up in the South made him aware of lynching, something that was ‘unfortunately, a part of what happened in America’ (2011). But during his time in the military, he matured and grew into a new way of thinking. He said he grew ‘from the boy that was originally exposed to life in a segregated fashion, who grew into a young man, who grew intellectually and who came to perceive that segregation was not right. Indeed, it was wrong’ (2011). Perry said:

[...] being a black man, having been born and reared in South Carolina, I was accustomed to the folk ways, the mores, of life in, certainly South Carolina, and in such other places as I might have visited or been familiar with. The requirement of separation of the races was a fact. It had been officially decreed in a Supreme Court decision in 1896 called Plessy vs. Ferguson. I was not aware of that case at the time. I went to schools for black young people, and I attended a college that was a land-grant college, but it was established for the education of ‘colored’ people. We were treated, of course, as inferiors and we were required to comport ourselves in the society and certainly in relationship to people who were white, in a, sort of a subservient fashion. Now as a boy, you see, I grew up under that kind of a regimen. At first, you see, I did not perceive that it was wrong. It was just a fact of life. But as I grew, and as I gained, very slowly, an education, I did indeed begin to wonder about the fairness of many of the things that I was exposed to. Undoubtedly, I came to a point, I cannot tell you at, how old I was at the time, when I decided that this isn’t right, but was I able to address what I perceived to be the unfairness of it? No. It was the law. By the way, that realization, that growing awareness, did eventually lead me towards the decision to study law, but not immediately, you see. I had to grow into it.

18 Matthew Perry grew into the man who utilized the G.I. Bill to learn the law and adjudicate civil rights cases from the federal bench. He was the first African American southerner to be appointed to the federal judiciary. A statue of this civil rights pioneer is at the eponymously named Matthew J. Perry Federal Courthouse in Columbia, SC.

19Not only did African American soldiers resist discrimination during the war, many of the veterans returned home fighting. In a scattered, non-cohesive, and sometimes violent manner, many veterans responded to discrimination by defending themselves. One of the reasons the men would no longer tolerate racism in America was because they met white people from other countries who did not treat them in a racist manner. This also happened during the First World War, however, fewer African Americans were involved in that conflagration. Another reason was that the Army provided a training ground for collective thought and action and with the large number of soldiers in service during WWII, more men became infused with the idea of resistance. Finally, the government provided housing and education benefits (the G.I. Bill of Rights) to every WWII veteran. This new government entitlement program was not equally administered; many black veterans had to fight for the money, whereas white veterans were more readily given the benefits, but it did provide an upward lift to many.

20In the post-war years, African American veterans and soldiers joined and sometimes led the nationwide fight for equality. Oliver Brown (Brown v. Board of Education 1954 decision), Harry Briggs (the second plaintiff in the Brown case), Senator Edward Brooke from Massachusetts, NAACP field secretary Medgar Evers, Judge Matthew J. Perry, Judge Aubrey E. Robinson, Judge Alex Pitcher, Congressman Louis Stokes, and Mayor Coleman Young are just a few of the better-known WWII veterans. These veterans were involved in the civil rights struggles for equality that culminated in the desegregation of the military in 1948, and the 1964 and 1965 congressional acts dealing with issues of equality. These soldiers, and many more like them, believed they had proved their loyalty to America and should be granted equality—the cornerstone of the American ideal. They would not passively accept discrimination. African American veteran Bill Payne participated on the front lines of the discrimination battlefield. He said: ‘A lot of the Sixties Movement came from some of the veterans who came back after WWII with radical ideas. You know, they just weren’t going to take it anymore. They felt they were owed, and they were going to get their just due’ (1996). In this way, as foot soldiers and active citizens, African American veterans participated in the long period of civil rights struggles during the twentieth century. Black veterans agitated to integrate colleges as well as equalize employment. They also placed their children and families on the frontlines of the integration battles.

21The NAACP, with the help of black attorneys Charles Hamilton Houston (WWI veteran), Robert L. Carter (WWII veteran), and Thurgood Marshall, pushed inequality cases through the courts (1948 Sipuel v. OK, 1950 Sweatt v. Painter, and also McLaurin v. OK). As the Brown case came up through the state courts, Mr. Brown and Mr. Briggs, soldiers who had fought in segregated units, pushed their children into the momentous battle to end segregated education in public schools. The NAACP urged black activists to use the rhetoric of earlier freedom struggles to attack inequality through the courts. A full-scale attack on Jim Crow segregation got underway with African American veterans in the vanguard. Woodrow Walton, a black veteran who had served in a segregated WWII unit, decided to take a stand in the fight for equality in education. ‘When integration started, ’ he recalled, ‘I pulled the two older boys out of black schools and put them in white schools. I knew at the time it had to be broken down some way or another’ (1998).

22In December 1946, President Harry S. Truman issued an executive order that established a committee on civil rights. He was outraged about the number of racial incidents aimed at black veterans. His note to the Attorney General Tom Clark about the reports of a black veteran (Isaac Woodard) blinded by police in South Carolina specifically asked for action (see Myers 2006). The Committee on Civil Rights pressured Truman to institute a civil rights bill and to review its discriminatory practices in the armed forces. This idea for expanded civil rights, especially in the form of integration of military personnel, was ripe after black troops had fought to end fascism and racism around the world during the Second World War.

23Shortly after the Democratic Party convention in July of 1948, Truman executed his presidential prerogative and issued two executive orders (EO) on the same day. EO9980 called for fair employment practices in the federal government, and EO9981 specifically addressed equality of opportunity in the armed forces. A few days after the executive orders when generals and other military leaders were saying that EO9981 did not really mean the end of segregation, Truman sent out a press release indicating that his executive order meant the end of segregated service and indeed, the beginning of equality of opportunity in the armed forces.

24 In the Capitol Rotunda in 2008 former Secretary of State, (African American) retired General Colin L. Powell spoke to a crowd of over a thousand people who were gathered to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the executive order desegregating the military. He warned that we must never forget our history, because that history informs our present and gives us a vision for the future. He continued:

And that history is a mixed one, glorious valor on the part of African Americans throughout our military experience, but segregation, racism, Jim Crowism, all of that is part of our history, and we can teach our youngsters that history and at the same time say to them, look where we are now; look where we have come. We are closer and closer to being that more perfect union that our founding fathers spoke of so often, and as we have gone forward, as we have found a better life in this great country of ours.

25The story of the nearly one and a half million black soldiers who fought in WWII against the Axis powers, and also against racism within the military, is a story of individuals and their reactions to social and political conditions. But the soldiers were always more than the sum of their segregation. The individual battles of African American soldiers reveal a compelling story of discrimination, resistance, camaraderie, and triumph. Whether they were fighting for the Double V—democracy at home and democracy abroad—or to be sent into combat, or to be in integrated units, African American soldiers were always actively involved in battles. Some were fought with bullets, others with words and deeds.

26Many of the individuals who spearheaded the desegregation of the military and the integration of the nation were veterans of the segregated units of WWII. As issues of segregation and discrimination began to tear apart the country, ironically, the military became a weapon in the integration wars. ‘Being in the armed forces, you’re trained to have courage’, Alex Pitcher said. ‘You get tough, and so you’re not afraid. It takes the fear out of you. The thing that keeps people from fighting for their rights is the fear’ (Pitcher 1998). Pitcher says the veterans learned how to work together as a group and how to push ahead without letting fear immobilize them. This coming together of one million African American soldiers during WWII was a significant community-building event, one that would become a watershed marker within the long Civil Rights Movement.


Works Cited

Primary Sources

Army Service Forces Manual M5: Leadership and the Negro Soldier. Washington, DC: Government Printing Office, October 1944.

Hairston, Joseph. Oral history interview by Maggi M. Morehouse. Audio and video tape recording. Washington, DC, 1998, 2008/2010.

‘History Made Yesterday Where Fort Huachuca Stands Today, ’ in The Blue Helmet, the 93rd Infantry Division newspaper, 9/18/42, Fort Huachuca Museum Files.

Memorandum for Major General S.G. Henry, Army Assistant Chief of Staff, ‘Participation of Negro soldiers in the post-war military establishment, ’ National Archives, RG 165, September 1944.

Payne, Bill. Oral history interview by Maggi M. Morehouse. Audio tape recording. Oakland, CA, 1996.

Peery, Nelson. Black Fire: The Making of an American Revolutionary. New York: New Press, 1994.

Peery, Nelson. Letter to Mother, 15 September 1943. Photocopy in possession of the author, also correspondence with the author.

Perry, Judge Matthew, Jr. Interview by Maggi M. Morehouse. Video tape recording. Columbia, SC. 2011. FCbkctOVXH4.

Pitcher, Alex. Oral history interview by Maggi M. Morehouse. Audio tape recording. San Francisco, CA, 1998.

Powell, General Colin. ‘Speech on the 60th Anniversary of the Integration of the Armed Forces’ (July 23, 2008), U.S. Capitol Rotunda., SUNCOAST REPORTING SERVICES, INC.

Racial Situation Summary. Personnel Records of the War Department, RG 165, Folder 291.2 Colored Troops, 1944, 1945.

Stokes, Louis to Henry L. Williams, 13 July 1996. Papers of the Huachucan’s Veterans Association, Cleveland, Ohio, in possession of author.

Walton, Woodrow. Oral history interview by Maggi M. Morehouse. Audio tape recording. Greensboro, NC, 1998.

Secondary Sources

Arneson, Eric. ‘Reconsidering the “Long Civil Rights Movement”’. Historically Speaking 10.2 (2009): 31–34.

Buckley, Gail. American Patriots: The Story of Blacks in the Military from the Revolution to Desert Storm. New York: Random House, 2001.

Dalfiume, Richard. ‘The “Forgotten Years” of the Negro Revolution’. Journal of American History 55 (June 1968): 91–106.

Hall, Jacqueline Dowd. ‘The Long Civil Rights Movement and the Political Uses of the Past’. Journal of American History 91.4 (March 2005): 1233–1263.

Johnston, Carolyn Ross. My Father’s War: Fighting with the Buffalo Soldiers in World War II. Tuscaloosa, AL: University of Alabama Press, 2012.

Morehouse, Maggi M. Fighting in the Jim Crow Army: Black Men and Women Remember World War II. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publishers, 2000/2007.

Morehouse, Maggi M. ‘Army Desegregation and Military Leadership’, in The Long Civil Rights Movement 1945-1973, Volume VII, in the Conflicts in American History series, Zoe Trodd, ed., Facts on File publisher, 2010, Chapter 2: 31–51, 517.

Morehouse, Maggi M. ‘Military Service, Governance, and the African Diaspora’. African and Black Diaspora: An International Journal 4.1 (January 2011): 41–55.

Myers, Andrew H. Black, White, and Olive Drab: Racial Integration at Fort Jackson, South Carolina, and the Civil Rights Movement. Charlottesville, VA: University of Virginia Press, 2006.

Sitkoff, Harvard. ‘American Blacks in World War II: Rethinking the Militancy-Watershed Hypothesis’, in The Home Front and War in the Twentieth Century, James Titus, ed. Proceedings, Washington, DC, 1982.

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