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Lire l’autre dans l’Europe des Lumières

Am falschen Ort? German Printers and Booksellers in 18th Century London

Am falschen Ort ? Les imprimeurs et libraires allemands à Londres au XVIIIe siècle

Graham Jefcoate


Dans cet article, je me propose d'étudier la problématique des espaces du commerce international du livre et notamment les problèmes rencontrés par les imprimeurs et libraires germanophones à Londres au milieu du XVIIIe siècle. On peut diviser ce siècle en trois périodes d'intense activité: une première période dite « piétiste », d'environ 1705 jusqu'en 1722; une deuxième période qui s'étend de 1749 jusqu'au milieu des années 1780, où apparaissent plusieurs imprimeurs et libraires professionnels allemands s'adressant, entre autres, à la communauté germanophone; et enfin la troisième période, du début des années 1790 jusqu'en 1802 environ, où l'on voit quelques nouveaux libraires allemands chercher à tirer profit d'un engouement soudain pour la littérature allemande. Toute l'activité de ces imprimeurs et libraires était basée à l'ouest de la Cité de Londres, à proximité des quartiers d'immigrés ou des centres d'activité « cosmopolite ». Aucun d'entre eux ne tentait d'empiéter sur les secteurs principaux du commerce autochtone qui entendait bien garder le monopole de l'impression et et de l'édition des best-sellers. Les Allemands étaient toujours des professionnels qui limitaient leur activité à des domaines délaissés par les autochtones, anglais ou écossais: c'est la langue, le genre ou le format des oeuvres qui déterminaient leur spécialité. Cependant la plupart des entreprises du commerce allemand du livre furent relativement de courte durée, l'imprimeur ou le libraire finissant généralement par vendre son stock et par « changer de profession »

Texte intégral

1 Introduction

1In this paper, I am going to address issues of location in the international book-trade, and specifically the problems experienced by German-speaking printers and booksellers in London during the mid-eighteenth century. “Location” in this sense raises a variety of complex and interlocking issues. We shall certainly need to consider, as a phenomenon, the problems encountered by foreigners seeking to establish themselves in the tightly controlled London book trade of the period; we should look at their physical location within the city, the spaces in and from which they operated; we should certainly consider their role as representatives of a minority language group within a dominant linguistic culture; and, perhaps most tellingly, we should look closely at the ways in which they positioned themselves within the rapidly growing market for print products as a whole.

2In the title of my lecture, “Am falschen Ort,” I have problematised these issues by implying that London and its book-trade were, as a location, “wrong” for German printers and booksellers in the period. Wrong, that is, in the strictly economic sense: Germans were clearly unable to find a workable business model that would sustain long-term activity in a highly competitive market. Contemporaries certainly regarded their initiatives as ending in failure. In the paper I shall examine the motives of Germans who attempted to establish a German element in the London book-trade and look at some of the challenges they faced within the market. What I want to emphasise, however, is the variety and quality of the responses Germans found to meet those challenges. I propose to focus on a rather surprising publishing event in the middle of the century and then attempt to set it in its wider context.

3A few days before Christmas 1750, readers of the London Daily Advertiser were informed of the imminent appearance of a special edition of the New Testament:

  • 1 Saturday, 22 December 1750; the advertisement was repeated on Christmas Eve and again on Christmas (...)

Nechsten Montag den 24ten dieses wird publicirt werden, mit neuen Buchstaben und auf fein Pappier gedruckt: Das Neue Testament, verteuscht durch D. M. Luther mit jedes Capitels Summarien und Parallelen. Gedruckt und verleget bey J. Haberkorn und J. Gussen, in Gerrard-Street, St. Ann's, Soho: wie auch bey J. [sic] Linde, in Katherine-street, in den Strand.1

4This announcement was remarkable not only because it advertised a German book and was itself in German, a language that relatively few readers of the Daily Advertiser would have been able to read, but also because the words supplying the title of the new publication were printed in true fraktur types. We must assume the book's printers and publishers expected some at least of the newspaper's readers to understand German and to be familiar with fraktur. Clearly they also regarded the “neuen Buchstaben” as a major selling point. But what had motivated Haberkorn, Gussen and Linde to print and offer for sale a German New Testament in London, not a city normally associated with German-language culture, and especially not in this period? What led them to believe customers might understand and respond to their German advertisement? In order to answer this question, we need to review the origins of German printing and bookselling in mid-eighteenth century London and to place it in its wider context.

2 Why a German Press in Eighteenth-Century London?

  • 2 “German printing and bookselling in eighteenth-century London: evidence and interpretation,” in: A (...)

5My attention was first attracted to Haberkorn many years ago by some correspondence in early issues of Factotum, the former newsletter of the Eighteenth Century Short Title Catalogue project at the British Library. In the early 1980s, as the ESTC began to examine large numbers of books in foreign languages with “London” supplied as the place of publication, more and more of Haberkorn's imprints, and evidence for other German printers and booksellers working in London, came to light. It pointed to a phenomenon previously quite unexpected: the presence in the eighteenth century of a small but distinctly German branch of the London book-trade. Based on this evidence, I have been working for over ten years on a study of German printing and bookselling in eighteenth-century London, compiling a bibliography, recently published, that covers over six hundred items printed in German in London (or more usually printed or published by Germans in other languages) from 1680 to 1811.2

6Factotum's readers were clearly puzzled and intrigued by the Haberkorn phenomenon, not least because of a lack of awareness of the size and significance of the German-speaking community in London during the period. Most of us would probably tend to associate the increasing numbers of Germans in London in the eighteenth century with the union of the crown of Great Britain with the electorate of Hanover under George I in 1714. The many well-known German residents and visitors to London throughout the century are also frequently mentioned, and especially, of course, outstanding figures such as the composer-entrepreneur George Friedrich Handel (1685-1757). Important though the Hanoverian succession undoubtedly was, significant German immigration to London had started much earlier, in the middle of the seventeenth century, and was largely unrelated to politics. It is Handel's entrepreneurship rather than his celebrity or even his profession as a musician that in some ways make him typical: the great majority of Germans came to London, then as indeed now, in the way of business, to conduct trade or commerce.

7London was rapidly developing into Europe's most dynamic economic centre, a relatively open society receptive to enterprise and innovation. There were opportunities to make money that were not available in the under-developed market economy of northern Germany. By the middle of the century, whole London trades had largely fallen into German hands. The activities of German musicians and bookbinders are well known, but Germans also predominated, for example, in sugar refining. Indeed, browsing through contemporary street directories, we find many examples of individuals with clearly German names in almost every trade.

  • 3 See for example: Germans in Britain since 1500, ed. P. Panayi, London and Rio Grande, 1996, and es (...)

8For various reasons the presence of this considerable German-speaking community in eighteenth-century London has gone largely unnoticed and much less work has been done on the period than, for example, the Middle Ages or the nineteenth century. Although this is slowly beginning to change,3 it remains difficult to assess even the size of the German population at any one time. One credible and conservative estimate suggests that, by the late eighteenth century, some 20,000 Germans (however defined) were living in London. In view of these numbers, the presence of Germans in many other trades, and transatlantic migration, of which London had become something of a hub, the presence of German printers and booksellers seems rather less surprising.

3 The Pietist Connection

9We are fortunate to possess a useful and quite unusual source about Haberkorn and Gussen's motives for setting up their London press: the printers provide a preface to the New Testament, dated “London, den 22 Dec. 1750,” in which they explain their reasons in explicitly religious terms:

Weil es denn geschehen, daß nach dem Willen Gottes auch an diesem Orte allhier, nemlich in der Stadt London, vor kurzer Zeit eine Teutsche Druckerey veranstaltet worden, und zwar gäntzlich in der Absicht, gute, erbauliche und auf die Beförderung des wahren Christenthums abzielende Schriften zu drucken: [...]

  • 4 See Das Neue Testament, London 1751, verso of second unnumbered preliminary leaf.

10Printing the word of God was a logical step for a press which was still at its beginning (“in ihrem Anfange, und als in ihrer Kindheit”), and the New Testament was rapidly followed by a German Psalter, which appeared in the same format and with the same 1751 imprint.4 We may interpret the appearance of both the New Testament and the Psalter not merely as a statement of the presence of the new German press but also as demonstrations of the quality of its work.

  • 5 Haberkorn and Gussen sold the sermons for six pence and the longer works for one shilling and six (...)

11The language and tone of the 1751 preface is heavily influenced by Halle Pietism, the strain of Lutheran Protestantism which continued to dominate thinking and practice in London's German parishes. The emphasis on God's providence, for example, is an especially Pietist gesture. This association with Pietist orthodoxy is hardly coincidental: a majority of the titles issued with Haberkorn and Gussen's imprint during the first two years of its existence are sermons or devotional works by Friedrich Michael Ziegenhagen, preacher at the German court chapel in St James's from 1722 until his death in 1776. They were issued as octavos and printed in German with imported fraktur types.5 Ziegenhagen was closely associated with August Hermann Francke (d. 1727), the Pietist reformer at Halle, whose influence on English religious thought in the first half of the eighteenth century it would be hard to overestimate. Although I have been unable to trace Haberkorn or Gussen in the records of the Francke'sche Stiftungen at Halle, there is enough circumstantial evidence to suggest a strong connection.

4 The Main Phases of German Book Trade Activity

  • 6 See my “Joseph Downing and the publication of Pietist literature in England, 1705-1734,” in: The G (...)

12Pietism also provides a link with the only known attempt before Haberkorn to establish a branch of the German book-trade in London. Between 1709 and 1718, Johann Christian Jacobi, one of Francke's pupils, had run a bookshop in the Strand, working in close collaboration with Joseph Downing, printer to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (SPCK).6 Downing was also the first printer of German texts in England in the eighteenth century (albeit using roman types). Jacobi, whose shop depended on imported Bibles and Pietist tracts from Halle, provided Downing with a useful retail outlet at the heart of the German-speaking community. Since Jacobi's withdrawal from the business and Downing's death in 1734, however, no one before Haberkorn and Gussen had seen German printing or bookselling in London as a viable concern.

5 A Market for German Books?

13We should accept Haberkorn and Gussen's pious motivation at face value; nevertheless, we are justified in asking what economic motivation may have led them to risk setting up a German press in the London book-trade where it was notoriously difficult for outsiders and newcomers to establish themselves. What market did they see for their productions?

14In their preface to the Neue Testament, Haberkorn and Gussen describe in some detail the market they anticipate for their German New Testament and Psalter. Clearly, they had given the matter some serious thought. Essentially, their potential clientele encompasses four “target groups.” Acknowledging that many Germanspeaking residents will have brought their own Bibles to London from Germany, they mention school children (“die hiesige Teutsche heranwachsende Schul-Jugend”). In addition, they mention itinerant professionals and tradesmen (“solche Personen [...], die ihrer Professionen und Gewerbe halber von einem Orte zum andern reisen”) who may have moved to London without a German Bible, expecting to be able to find one there. A further target group might be found among charitable persons (“wohlthuende Hertzen”) disposed to buy a number of copies with the intention of distributing them as gifts among the poor (“den Armen das Wort Gottes umsonst mitzutheilen”). Haberkorn and Gussen turn next to the potential of the many thousands of German-speaking Protestants in the British colonies in North America (“absonderlich in Pensylvanien [sic], Carolina, Georgien, u.s.w”), who, they believe, lack German Bibles. Once again, they hope that charitable persons will consider making bulk orders of copies to send to those in need of God's word in the German language across the Atlantic. The price per copy would be reduced in proportion to the numbers of copies customers bought.

15How successful were Haberkorn and Gussen in penetrating these markets? The London New Testament of 1751 is a rare book. ESTC records only four copies. In addition, I have so far traced only one copy in a German library (as it happens, the University Library at Halle). It may or may not be a measure of their success, that no copies at all have so far been reported from American locations. We might usefully examine the basis for Haberkorn and Gussen's “market research” or rather their hopes and aspirations as set out in the 1751 preface.

  • 7 “Composed and humbly exhibited by J.J.B. [Quotation on titlepage: ’Lebt lange, lebt gesund, lebt s (...)

16As we have seen, in terms of numbers, Haberkorn and Gussen may not have been unjustified in identifying German-speaking Londoners as a potential market. Nevertheless, the very “itinerant” nature of much of that population, with merchants and tradesmen spending too little time in one location to settle, might have prevented them from acquiring goods (including books) in any quantity. More importantly perhaps there is considerable evidence for the increasing social and linguistic assimilation of longer-term German residents in this period, and especially of the second and third generations. Even the parish school of St. Mary's, the Lutheran chapel in the Savoy, was obliged to divide the school day into German and English sessions. The question of holding Lutheran services in English for the children of Germans who no longer mastered their parents' language was to split the congregations of parishes such as St. George's, Alie Street, later in the century. From the beginning, Haberkorn and Gussen had recognised the need to address this audience in English. One of their earliest known productions is itself of interest in this regard. An ode on the happy marriage of the learned and Reverend Philip David Kraeuter, D.D. minister of the German Lutheran church of St. Trinity in London, with Miss Eliz. Spellerberg commemorates the occasion in the English vernacular, quite possibly because Elizabeth Spellerberg and her circle spoke English rather than German.7

17If the German-speaking population might not have presented quite the market opportunity Haberkorn and Gussen hoped for, what of the “charitable persons” who might be induced to buy numbers of copies? This very Pietist activity was one with a proven track record in the English book-trade. Earlier in the century, Joseph Downing had exploited the mass market for cheap devotional literature for the SPCK at the beginning of the century, offering discounts for those who wished to distribute improving tracts among the poor and needy. Contemporary German visitors remarked on the numbers of German poor in London which were clearly numerous enough to attract Haberkorn and Gussen's attention.

  • 8 Karl John Richard Arndt and Reimer C. Eck, The first century of German language printing in the Un (...)

18The very small numbers of surviving copies — and our knowledge that stock was still available from Carl Heydinger over twenty years later — does not necessarily suggest that small numbers of copies were actually circulated: for obvious reasons, many examples of cheap, popular printing are scarce. But the apparent absence of copies from North America, however, is probably explained by their inability to break into a market already catered for by Christoph Saur of Germantown, the first German printer in the American colonies. 1,200 copies of his German New Testament in 1743 are known to have been printed and copies are not scarce today.8 That the Germantown edition was fulfilling a need is confirmed by the numbers of editions issued by Saur and his successors. Saur brought out a second edition in 1745 and further editions appeared regularly in each decade: ESTC records some nineteen editions of German New Testaments alone printed in America before 1801. Haberkorn and Gussen's aim of selling German bibles printed in London to German-speakers in the American colonies would therefore appear to have been entirely futile.

  • 9 A search of ESTC for the keywords “translated from the German” or “translated from the High Dutch” (...)

19One rather important group is omitted from Haberkorn and Gussen's list of potential purchasers of their New Testament: readers of German among the English-speaking majority. To say such people hardly existed in the mid-eighteenth century would be an exaggeration, but probably not a serious one. If German was widely spoken and read in northern and eastern Europe, then the English took very little interest in either the language or its literature until at least the end of the eighteenth century, and even then only superficially. The great majority of works translated from German into English during the century were devotional (with Pietist works playing an important role). Two of the best known titles were Salomon Gessner's Der Tod Abel which was published in English in an adaptation by Mary Collyer in 1761 and went through numerous editions before 1800. Klopstock's Messias, first published by the Dodsleys in an English translation in 1763, enjoyed a comparable success. But only a few hundred titles were translated in total, in contrast with the many thousands known to have been translated into German from English.9 Apart from the rather special phenomenon of Pietism, and despite the presence of considerable numbers of Germans in their midst, German-language culture made very little impact on the great majority of London's inhabitants.

20It seems clear that Haberkorn and Gussen's analysis of the potential market for books printed in London in German, as set out in their preface to the New Testament of 1731, was much too optimistic. That they did not intend to depend wholly on this aspect of their press, however, shows a certain realism about the options open to them in the London trade.

6 Diversification: Haberkorn and Gussen's Programme after 1750-51

21As early readers of the correspondence in Factotum learnt, Haberkorn and Gussen did not confine themselves to printing scriptural and devotional works in German while they were working on their German New Testament. Other substantial projects, in German and English, demonstrate a determination by Haberkorn and Gussen from the beginning of the press to expand and diversify their work beyond the apparently restricted programme outlined in the preface to the New Testament. A Catholic devotional publication, surreptitiously printed by them, landed them briefly in gaol. Neither the progress of their press from 1751 onwards nor the successes and failures of Haberkorn's later career can be traced in detail here (Gussen, by the way, is no longer mentioned after 1753), but that it was certainly this preparedness to diversify, undertake large-scale or even clandestine projects, and above all to take risks that was to become characteristic of London's first German press. It seems clear that they quickly established that they could not survive in the London market as specialists for printing in German with fraktur types alone. Although it continued to be a feature of the press once it was established, German printing was to account for only a relatively small proportion of their work overall.

22Indeed, by the turn of the decade, Haberkorn (now established in more spacious premises in Grafton Street) had branched out into areas that could scarcely have been anticipated in December 1750. While continuing to print occasional German texts with fraktur types, he had begun to specialise in printing “niche” publications, for example programme-books, in French and Italian. He also undertook the printing of a variety of “fancy” publications for private clients. The quality of his press work was maintained as it expanded into elaborate plate books. Few could have anticipated, and probably least of all Haberkorn himself, that the printer of the German New Testament of 1751, would have progressed to printing such major publications in the field of architecture and interior design as Thomas Chippendale's The Gentleman and Cabinetmaker's Director (1754 and 1755) and William Chambers's A Treatise on Civil Architecture (1759) or such typographically innovative editions as Boccaccio's Decamerone (1761) and James Stuart's The Antiquities of Athens (1762). These publications demonstrate a willingness to branch out into niche markets as the demand developed. The need to maintain quality while doing so probably involved serious investment in the skills and equipment necessary to produce elaborate and expensive publications.

7 Innovation and Diversification

  • 10 See my “German printing and bookselling,” op. cit., passim.

23It is preparedness to invest diversified into areas way beyond the tiny market for German-language publications that characterises German printers and booksellers in eighteenth-century London. This is probably the point in which to place Haberkorn and Gussen's opening of a German press in the context of German booktrade activity in London throughout the long eighteenth century.10 As we have seen, the Soho press was not the only German booktrade initiative to emerge around 1750. Andreas Linde opened a bookshop in Catherine Street off the Strand at about the same time. In many ways, Linde's career followed a similar pattern to Haberkorn's. Selling imported German books played only a relatively minor role in his retail operation as a whole. He was also active as a paper and stationery seller and as a bookbinder, though not a very accomplished one. Linde gave up bookselling towards the end of the decade, as it was announced, “going into another way of business.” His successor as principal German bookseller in London was Christlieb Gottreich Seyffert of Dean Street, Soho (later Pall Mall), who developed from a specialist importer of German books into a specialist publisher of French and English-language satirical tracts. Seyffert was also obliged to sell off his stock in 1762 after some five years in business. Again, investments costs may have made his business unsustainable.

24But the most significant figure in the period after Haberkorn's withdrawal from the London trade was Carl Heydinger, who operated both as printer and bookseller at various locations in Soho, the Strand and Holborn into the mid-1780s. Heydinger maintained the Germans'reputation for press work of high quality. He too expanded and diversified into specialist niches. In the early 1770s, he was the first London bookseller to travel to the Leipzig bookfairs since the early seventeenth century. He also sold patent medicines imported from the apothecary of the Waisenhaus at Halle. But he too found himself in severe financial difficulties by the end of the 1770's and was perceived by contemporaries as failing in business.

25From about 1785 to 1793, following Heydinger's death or withdrawal from the trade, there was a further period without a resident German printer or bookseller and only isolated examples of German-language printing and German grammars. A final phase begins in the early 1790's and is closely associated with a new interest in the German language and its literature among the British at the time of the French Revolution. A number of book-trade and other initiatives sought to exploit this potential new market, though all had disappeared by the middle of the first decade of the nineteenth century.

26Three periods of sustained activity can be recognised here: a preliminary “Pietist” phase, from ca. 1705 to 1722; the period from 1749 to the mid-1780s during which a number of specialist German printers and booksellers focussing inter alia on the German-speaking community emerge; and the period from the early 1790s to ca. 1802 associated with a number of new specialist German booksellers seeking to profit from a sudden interest in German literature.

8 Conclusions

27Obvious patterns emerge from this brief survey that might lead us to certain conclusions about the problems of location mentioned at the beginning of the lecture. All of the printers and booksellers noted here based their activities to the west of the City of London, where the Pater Noster Row area had long been the centre of the native book-trade and close to centres of immigrant settlement or “cosmopolitan” activity, around the Savoy or the Strand, Covent Garden or Soho, and later Holborn or Pall Mall. None of them attempted to encroach on the core activities of the native trade which remained determined to exclude outsiders from the printing and publishing of the most profitable, “mainstream” titles. Germans were necessarily specialists, restricting their activities to fields neglected by the native English and Scots. Their specialisation is defined by language, by format or genre. And almost all the German book-trade initiatives listed here were relatively short-lived, typically ending with the printer or bookseller selling his stock and “going into another way of business.” Certainly those few contemporary accounts that we have for this aspect of the London trade suggest a record of successive business failures.

28Above all, we note that the three phases of German book-trade activity are interrupted by phases of apparent discontinuity. Over quite long periods, London apparently got by with no German book-trade presence, which might lead to the not unreasonable conclusion that the market did not regard one as an imperative. German book-trade initiatives were probably based on a perception of what should surely succeed rather than on a careful calculation of a business opportunity in response to demand.

29London may not have been the right location to establish a sustainable book trade element with a distinctly German flavour. But the difficult London market for print quite clearly presented challenges for German printers and booksellers to which they responded imaginatively and creatively. The business model may never have been found; London remains to this day a difficult market for foreign-language products. But in the attempt to survive in business, Germans such as Haberkorn and Heydinger learnt to innovate and diversify, producing in the process some of the most remarkable works to emerge from any of the London presses during the eighteenth century. Above all, they demonstrated the ability to respond flexibly to the undoubted limitations — and opportunities — presented by their particular location in a difficult but vibrant market.


1 Saturday, 22 December 1750; the advertisement was repeated on Christmas Eve and again on Christmas Day, which appears to have been the actual day of publication.

2 “German printing and bookselling in eighteenth-century London: evidence and interpretation,” in: Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 57 (2003), p. 147-248.

3 See for example: Germans in Britain since 1500, ed. P. Panayi, London and Rio Grande, 1996, and especially Susanne Steinmetz, “The German churches in London, 1669-1914,” p. 51 ff.

4 See Das Neue Testament, London 1751, verso of second unnumbered preliminary leaf.

5 Haberkorn and Gussen sold the sermons for six pence and the longer works for one shilling and six pence.

6 See my “Joseph Downing and the publication of Pietist literature in England, 1705-1734,” in: The German Book, 1450-1750. Studies presented to David L. Paisey in his retirement. Edited by John L. Flood and William A. Kelly. London 1995, p. 319-332.

7 “Composed and humbly exhibited by J.J.B. [Quotation on titlepage: ’Lebt lange, lebt gesund, lebt selig, wie Ihr lebet; /Seht nichts, als Glück und Heil, das allzeit um euch schwebet. Flemming.’] London: printed by J. Haberkorn and J. Gussen, in Gerrard Street St. Ann's Westminster, 1749.” First line of verses: “Untaught and artless muse arise.”

8 Karl John Richard Arndt and Reimer C. Eck, The first century of German language printing in the United States of America, vol. 1, Göttingen, 1989, no. 49.

9 A search of ESTC for the keywords “translated from the German” or “translated from the High Dutch” currently retrieves 709 and 177 titles respectively. This suggests a total corresponding to about 10% of the number of English titles translated into German so far identified by Bemhard Fabian and Marie-Luise Spieckemann for their bibliography of English works received in Germany in roughly the same period.

10 See my “German printing and bookselling,” op. cit., passim.


Directeur des Collections d’Imprimés Anciens à la « British Library » de 1997 à 2001, Conservateur de la « Berlin State Library » de 2002 à 2003 avant d’être aujourd’hui Directeur de la bibliothèque Universitaire de Nijmegen. Ses nombreuses publications portent sur l’histoire des bibliothèques et du commerce du livre, notamment sur les imprimeurs et éditeurs allemands à Londres au XVIIIe siècle. Publications récentes : « German printing and bookselling in eighteenth-century London : evidence and interpretation » (bibliographie et introduction), in Archiv für Geschichte des Buchwesens, 57 (2003), p. 147-248 ; « Charles Heydinger : A German bookseller in eighteenth-century London, 1766-1784 », in The Corvey Library and Anglo-German cultural exchanges, 1770-1837, ed. W. Huber. München 2004, p. 35-53

© Presses universitaires de la Méditerranée, 2007

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