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Le Bestiaire d’Héraclès

 | 
Corinne Bonnet
, 
Colette Jourdain-Annequin
, 
Vinciane Pirenne-Delforge

The Nemean Lion’s Skin in Athenian Art1 (Pl. ΧI-XVII)

Beth Cohen

Texte intégral

  • 1 My thanks go to H.A. Shapiro for reading a draft of this article and making several valuable sugge (...)
  • 2 LIMC, V (1990) s.v. Herakles, p. 16 (J. Boardman et al.) on literary accounts of the labor; Theokr(...)
  • 3 Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek 2085; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 27, n° 1916* (...)
  • 4 B. Cohen, From Bowman to Clubman: Herakles and Olympia, in ABull, 74 (1994), p. 696-697, 699.
  • 5 LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 189, with bibliography; the important series of articles by J. Boardman(...)

1Herakles’ lion skin, was by no means a gift from the gods; the young hero produced it with his own hands – supposedly resourcefully skinning the corpse of the invulnerable Nemean lion with its own claws, after strangling the beast to death in his first labor.2 Although in daily life skinning an animal may normally have required two men, on an Athenian black-figure cup in Munich the young hero toils alone to skin the dead cat, which lies belly up with its tail tied to a tree.3 Save for this late sixth-century example, the skinning itself was not commonly represented. But as early as the seventh century B.C., Herakles normally wears this feline trophy, instead of metal armor, in Greek art and thus is identified throughout his adventures as an already triumphant, rustic big-game hunter. The invulnerable, lion-skin-bedecked hero, on one level, signified the victory of Greek civilization over threatening, barbaric forces, and he could even conquer death.4 In Athens, as John Boardman has shown, Herakles gained a strong foothold in the mid-sixth-century along with the tyrant Peisistratos, and yet remained active in the new democracy down to the Classical age.5

  • 6 Infra, n. 62-68, 70.

2My central focus, after a review of the commonly discussed image of the Nemean lion’s skin as worn by Herakles in Archaic Athenian art, shall be Athenian representations of the lion skin when it is not being worn. Considering the motive of the Nemean lion’s skin on its own emphasizes its role in establishing the heroically nude Classical vision of Herakles in fifth-century Athens. This appraisal necessarily ends with the question of the identity of the most famous Classical Greek feline’s skin (fig. 12), beneath the reclining male nude – figure D – from the east pediment of the Parthenon.6

  • 7 On Herakles’ fashions of wearing the skin see Cohen, supra n. 3, p. 696-697; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakle (...)
  • 8 D. Williams, J. Ogden, Greek Gold: Jewelry of the Classical World, New York, 1994, p. 64-65; 80-81 (...)
  • 9 Lydos: Rome, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia 50683; ABV 108, 14; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 74, n° (...)
  • 10 E.g., in Attic head vases of the Vatican and Sabouroff Classes, ARV2 1538-1539, 1545; LIMC, IV (19 (...)
  • 11 See LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 184. Carefully delineated examples occur in vase paintings by the A (...)
  • 12 Orvieto, Faina 64, loc. cit. (n. 10).
  • 13 Boston 99 538, red-figure side, Andokides Painter, ARV2 4, 12, Schefold, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 104, (...)
  • 14 Both tail and paws tucked up, e.g., Boulogne 406, Priam Painter, ABV 332, 21; Schefold, op. cit. ( (...)
  • 15 E.g., Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 698, fig. 3; p. 699, fig. 7; p. 701, fig. 9.1, and p. 704, fig. (...)

3In sixth-century Athenian art, the hero generally is shown wearing the beast’s skin tail down and with the forepaws knotted across his chest.7 The latter motive, of course, inspired the stylized Herakles knot, magnificently elaborated in Greek jewelry.8 Although black-figure masters such as Lydos and Exekias experiment with representing the Nemean lion’s skin worn head down,9 in Athenian vase painting, as in ancient art generally, the beast’s head is usually worn up and serves as the hero’s helmet. This convention suffices to identify the hero, with or without other attributes.10 Some Archaic vase-painters distinguish between the inside and the outside of the skin, or occasionally declaw its paws, but they generally dress Herakles in a short chiton beneath the lion skin.11 And vase painters also enjoy varying small details of the fashion in which the skin itself may be worn: for example, fastened rather than girt at the waist,12 with the lion’s tail tucked up rather than hanging free.13 The paws can also be tucked up.14 The pelt, when not shown conforming to the hero’s body like a corselet, can also be worn hanging free at the back like a chlamys or thrown over the arm, serving as a shield.15

  • 16 E.g., D. von Bothmer, Amazons in Greek Art, Oxford, 1957, passim.

4The Nemean lion’s skin worn in any fashion heightened the graphic visualization of Herakles’ invulnerability, and the lion skin-clad hero is one of the most popular figures in Athenian art down to the dawn of the Classical Period. No matter the representational context, the familiar hero in the lion skin is as readily identifiable without an inscription to modern viewers as he must have been to viewers in antiquity.16

  • 17 Α. Stewart, Greek Sculpture: An Exploration, New Haven-London, 1990, figs. 216-17, Herakles and th (...)
  • 18 Stewart, op. cit. (n. 16), fig. 257, Herakles and an Amazon, metope of temple E, Selinus.
  • 19 K.A. Schwab, Parthenon East Metope XI: Herakles and the Gigantomachy, in AJA, 100 (1996), p. 81-90 (...)

5In the Late Archaic period when the skin is more commonly worn cloak -like at the back or draped over an arm, the hero often neglected to wear a short chiton underneath. Thus the free-hanging skin, revealing the athletic male body, was particularly popular in fifth-century sculpture: already found on the Athenian Treasury at Delphi,17 a powerful version is well-preserved on an Early Classical metope from Temple Ε at Selinus,18 and the recent investigation by Katherine Schwab reaffirms that it must have been employed in Gigantomachy metope 11 on the east front of the Parthenon.19

  • 20 Cf. Bothmer, art. cit. (n. 14), p. 29. For a compositional association with the fight of Herakles (...)
  • 21 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 697.

6The most popular Heraclean context normally omitting the lion skin, of course, is the hero’s fight with the fearsome Nemean lion itself. Significantly, though the Archaic Herakles sometimes wears a cloth tunic or even armor, this fight ultimately comes to be envisioned as a wrestling match in which the hero participates entirely in the nude.20 After the lion fight, practical considerations also dominate in portraying Herakles’ removal of his prized feline skin during his career in Athenian art. As is well known, the hero’s weapons – bow, quiver of arrows, sword and club – commonly are included as identifying attributes in Archaic representations even when he does not use them,21 and in the final decades of the sixth century the Nemean lion’s skin is sometimes also represented as set aside.

  • 22 E.g., Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek 1708, Leagros Group, ABV 360, 5; Schefol (...)
  • 23 Paris, Louvre G 103; ARV2 14, 2.
  • 24 The potent image of the head of the Nemean lion’s skin when set aside has not been included in dis (...)
  • 25 Paris, Cabinet des Médailles, 397; ARV2 285, 8; Ε. Simon, Satyr-plays on Vases in the Time of Aesc (...)

7For example, in the newly popular encounter of Herakles and Antaios, the two male figures wrestle in the nude – hand to hand or hand to foot – just like human athletes in the pankration.22 And the scheme can recall the popular wrestling convention for the lion fight, in which the hero traditionally set aside his cannonical weapons. In order to wrestle with the giant Antaios Herakles must now set the lion skin aside as well. On Euphronios’ splendid red-figure calyx-krater of ca 510 B.C. in the Louvre (figs. 1-2) the two monumentally conceived, nude opponents are distinguished, not simply by their contrasting hairstyles and beards or by the victor’s position on the left, but also by the leftward placement of the hero’s set-aside equipment.23 The Nemean lion’s skin appears alongside the club and quiver in a still life that displaces the ornamental palmettes at the krater’s B/A handle. Not worn with panache by the hero, here the lion skin hangs limply from its midsection with all four legs as well as the tail dangling downward. The head, represented frontally, one might say in frontal face,24 with its splayed jaw and closed eyes adds to Euphronios’ incisive portrayal of the flayed skin of a dead animal. The moment just before the Herakles-Antaios fight has been recognized on a red-figure pelike in the Cabinet des Médailles, attributed to the Geras Painter;25 here the lion skin is apparently about to be hung up by the hero, like a modern prize fighter’s robe.

  • 26 Syracuse, Museo Archeologico Regionale 21 965, ABV 375, 218; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 44, n° 210 (...)
  • 27 Cf. London, British Museum Ε 44, Onesimos, ARV2 318-319, 2; Schefold-Jung, op. cit. (n. 13), p. 14 (...)

8The labor of capturing the Erymanthian boar may also have been perceived as wrestling and thus as an occasion for Herakles to set aside all of his equipment. On a black-figure neck-amphora of the Leagros group in Syracuse with Herakles and the boar on one side of the neck and the frightened king Eurystheus on the other, the hero is surrounded by all of his attributes as he struggles with the squirming beast.26 With no convenient tree to house them,27 the quiver and sword levitate above the boar’s back; the club is propped up behind the hero, and the Nemean lion’s skin hangs above in a frontal motive recalling Euphronios’ vignette (cf. fig. 1).

  • 28 London, British Museum Β 226, ABV 273,116; Schefold, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 125-126, fig. 158.
  • 29 Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, inv. 3812; ABV 289,23; D. Noël, Du vin pour Hérakles, in F (...)

9The lion skin may also be removed in Late Archaic art during moments when the hero is at ease. In the peaceful encounter of Herakles and the centaur Pholos on the Antimenes Painter’s black-figure neck-amphora in the British Museum,28 of ca 520-510 B.C., the lion skin, carefully folded, with the beast’s head on the inside, hangs from the club resting on the hero’s shoulder. This unusual motif contrasts with the small game hanging from the centaur’s leafy branch. Prevailing upon Pholos’ hospitality, Herakles may recline without his lion skin as he unwittingly drinks the wine that will incite the onslaught of the other centaurs. On a black-figure amphora in Florence, attributed to the Group of Wurzburg 199 (fig. 3), Herakles reclines before Pholos like a Greek sympo siast – bare-chested and with a himation draped across his lower body – on a mat set on the ground.29 Here his identifying weapons and his set-aside lion skin hang above, framing the hero’s head.

  • 30 CVA Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum, 2, p. 33-34, pl. 79.
  • 31 London, British Museum Β 301; ABV 282; LIMC, I, s.v. Alkmene, p. 555, n° 17* (A.D. Trendall). For (...)
  • 32 London, British Museum Β 446 (1864.10-7.1686); ABV 520,32; Verbanck-Pierard, art. cit. (n. 30), p. (...)

10Beyond this specific narrative context, other Late Archaic vases also depict Herakles reclining to drink wine without wearing his lion skin. On an unusual black-figure mastoid cup of ca 510 B.C. in the J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu (figs. 4-7),30 Herakles (fig. 5) reclines in the nude directly on the ground, between Athena (fig. 6) and Iolaos (fig. 4), who holds the club, while Hermes (fig. 7) fetches the wine. Levitating above the hero are his quiver, bow and cloak, as well as his frontal lion skin (fig. 5). On a black-figure hydria in the British Museum, as Herakles reclines alone, but looking like a symposiast at a formal banquet,31 his set-aside club, quiver and bow are propped up beneath the kline and dining table, while his sword and frontal lion skin hang above. Here all the names are inscribed: The hero is greeted by his mother Alkmene, as Athena, accompanied by Hermes, prepares to crown him. Herakles also reclines beneath the Nemean lion’s skin in order to drink with the gods Dionysos and Hermes, as on both sides of the Theseus Painter’s black-figure cup in the British Museum.32

  • 33 The Art Museum, Princeton University, yl70, J.D. Beazley, Paralipomena, Oxford, 1971, p. 145; LIMC (...)
  • 34 F. Brommer, Satyrspiele, Berlin, 19592; G.K. Galinsky, The Herakles Theme, Totowa, N.J., 1972, p. (...)
  • 35 See the interpretations supra n. 30.

11On a Leagran black-figure kalpis near the Madrid Painter, in the Art Museum, Princeton University,33 the hero served wine by a satyr, reclines before his set-aside club, quiver and hanging frontal lion skin. The resting Herakles’ set-aside equipment, of course, provided satyrs with a perfect opportunity for theft, and representations of Herakles with satyrs and/or Dionysos have long been associated with the influence of satyr plays.34 Depictions of the resting Herakles, however, are not always merely pretexts for comedy, and, even in the Archaic period (figs. 4-7), they often appear to allude to the hero’s ultimate apotheosis, and his afterlife of ease,35 in which weapons and the protective skin of the Nemean lion are required no longer.

  • 36 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 705, and n. 79.
  • 37 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 710; B. Ashmole, N. Yalouris, Olympia, The Sculptures of the Temple of (...)
  • 38 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 713-714 and n. 121; figs. 16.1, 17.1.

12In Classical cult the resting hero was undoubtedly not solely a laughing matter. The establishment of a cycle of Herakles’ twelve labors enhanced the conception of the hero as progressing toward an ultimate state of immortality. The first cycle preserved in art or literature occurs on the relief metopes, of before 457/456 B.C., from the Temple of Zeus at Olympia. I, as well as others, have argued that the architectural sculpture of this temple may well have been Athenian in production and/or inspiration.36 In any event, at Olympia, so far as can be determined given the metopes’ present state of preservation, Herakles’ lion skin does not appear to have been represented at all.37 And rather than the traditional lion fight in which the outcome is not yet clear, Olympia introduces the beardless young hero resting after successfully completing his first labor, leaning on his club and standing over the corpse of the Nemean lion.38 Thus, here, under the supervision of Zeus’ divine children Athena and Hermes, though Herakles is unaware of his own fate, his victorious path toward immortality is assured at the outset; and this significant innovation obviates the hero’s subsequent need for the protection afforded by the Nemean lion’s skin. Eliminating the cumbersome skin, of course, also enhances the eloquent simplicity of this temple’s Early Classical sculptural embodiment of the Labors.

  • 39 Palermo, Museo Nazionale; ARV2 613,4. J. Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases, the Classical Period (...)
  • 40 Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco Η 531; ARV2 623, 72. Simon, art. cit. (n. 24), p. 136-137, belie (...)
  • 41 S. Karouzou, Ηρακλησ Σατυρικοe, in BCH, 60 (1936), p. 152-157 (structure - altar); Brommer, op. ci (...)

13The nude hero resting after killing the Nemean lion can be documented directly in Athenian art before the mid-fifth century B.C. An intriguing red-figure calyx-krater in Palermo, attributed to the Painter of the Woolly Satyrs, apparently depicts more than one moment in both time and place:39 Herakles is seated above the dead lion at the right, yet at the left Iolaos stands before King Eurystheus already bearing the Nemean lion’s skin draped over his shoulder. On the red-figure hydria in the Vatican of ca 460 B.C., attributed to the Villa Giulia Painter (fig. 8), the nude young hero, shown resting on top of an ashlar structure sometimes interpreted as the wall of Nemea, leans against what must clearly be the flayed lion’s skin, while satyrs steal his quiver, bow and club.40 This vase painting has generally been regarded as the reflection of a satyr play;41 I shall return to the Vatican hydria shortly and consider its other associations.

14Whether initially enacted in satyr plays, or ultimately told in Classical tragedy, details of Herakles’ biography newly prominent in Athenian art during the fifth century B.C. affect the representation of the Nemean lion’s skin. These fresh themes all have in common scenario’s in which the hero takes the lion skin off.

  • 42 Zürich, Archaologische Sammlung der Universitat, L 1045 (ΕΤΗ 19); ARV2 661,94; F. Brommer, Herakle (...)

15The earliest Athenian representations of Herakles and Syleus precede the satyr play of Euripides, yet in them the hero was already envisioned in servitude and working in Syleus’ vineyard. On a cup-skyphos of ca 460 B.C. in Zurich (fig. 9), attributed to the Painter of the Yale Lekythos, Herakles toils in the nude, over-zealously wielding a pick-axe amid the vines. Meanwhile, Syleus’ daughter Xenodike, recalling satyrs on other vases, has taken advantage of this opportunity to run off with the club and the lion skin, which the working hero must have set aside.42

  • 43 Soph., Trach., 248-257.
  • 44 Ovid, Heroid., 9, 55 sq.
  • 45 See F. Wulff Alonso, L’Histoire d’Omphale et d’Héraklès, in C. Jourdain-Annequin, C. Bonnet (eds.) (...)
  • 46 London, British Museum, Ε 370; ARV2 1134,7; R. Vollkommer, Herakles in the Art of Classical Greece (...)
  • 47 Ibid., p. 34, fig. 42 (right).

16The besting of Herakles by a woman brings to mind the hero’s servitude to Omphale, Queen of Lydia, mentioned by Sophokles in the Trachiniae.43 In Ovid the two exchange clothes.44 While preserved depictions of Omphale wearing the Nemean lion’s skin and bearing Herakles’ club date after the fifth-century B.C., a similarly late date may not necessarily be true for the version of the story in which the queen forces the hero to do women’s work.45 And Rainer Vollkommer would see the clothing exchange between Herakles and Omphale, carried out by a servant of the queen, on a red-figure pelike in the manner of the Washing Painter of ca 430-420 B.C. (fig. 10).46 On this vase in the British Museum a nude Herakles extends the crumpled skin of the Nemean lion toward a female figure who extends a crumpled cloth garment toward him; another female figure stands on side B.47

  • 48 ARV2 1134, 7; T.H. Carpenter, Art and Myth in Ancient Greece, a Handbook, London, 1991, p. 133, fi (...)
  • 49 Soph., Trach., 659-1262.
  • 50 Cf. Galinksy, op. cit. (n. 33), p. 29.

17John D. Beazley and others have interpreted the hastily drawn scene on side A of the British Museum’s pelike (fig. 10) as Herakles’ wife Deianeira giving him the fateful cloak that she had smeared with the centaur Nessos’ blood tainted by poisonous hydra venome from the hero’s fatal arrows.48 According to Sophokles, rather than turning out to be a potent love charm as the dying Nessos had cunningly promised Deianeira, this treated cloak burned the hero’s flesh so painfully that he chose to end his plight by self-immolation on the pyre.49 Whatever is depicted on the London pelike, the vase suggests that in taking off the protective skin of the Nemean lion, Herakles places himself at the mercy of a woman. If the woman on side A is Deianeira, here Herakles’ removal of the lion skin not only renders him vulnerable, but literally leads to his death.50

18In one of the earliest known Attic depictions of Herakles on the pyre, however, he still wears the lion skin. This image, before 450 B.C., on a fragmentary Athenian red-figure bell-krater in the Villa Giulia, Rome, has been described powerfully by Annie-France Laurens and François Lissarrague:

  • 51 Le bûcher d’Héraclès : l’empreinte du dieu, in A.-F. Laurens (ed.), Entre hommes et dieux, Paris, (...)

Le feu a été allumé et le corps d’Héraklès mort semble jeté par-dessus le pyré : les bras ballants, inertes, pendent par devant, tandis que le visage est présenté de face, entièrement frontal à l’intérieur de la gueule de la léonté nouée autour du cou. Ainsi s’emboîtent l’une dans l’autre deux de ces images énonciatrices de mort, dans un redoublement intensif unique dans l’art grec, qui écrase l’une dans l’autre dans une même dimension, dans une même signification la gueule de la bête, le visage du héros et la face de la mort.51

19For an ancient viewer the body of Herakles, draped over the pyre frontally with arms dangling limply downward surely brought to mind the image of the hanging lion skin itself (figs. 1, 3, 5), In this vase painting the death of the hero is likened to the fate of the supposedly invulnerable Nemean lion.

  • 52 LIMC, VII (1994), s.v. Philoktetes, p. 378, n° 4 (M. Pipili); LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 128, n° 2 (...)

20A Classical Athenian red-figure psykter of ca 460 B.C. in a New York private collection preserves a quite different vision of Herakles on the pyre (fig. 11): the still-living hero giving his bow and quiver to Philoktetes before his immolation on Mount Oita.52 The central motif of the continuous frieze on this psykter’s body, like the contemporaneous frieze of the Vatican hydria (fig. 8), introduces a new fifth-century context for the lion skin when Herakles is not wearing it – the nude hero reclining upon it.

21On the psykter (fig. 11), the Nemean lion’s skin, impressively sketched with relief line and richly colored with dilute glaze, is an important participant in the red-figure composition: draped laterally over the pyre, with legs and paws dangling downward; its massive head is placed where, in different situation, a symposiast’s cushion would be (cf. figs. 3, 5). The lion’s head (fig. 11) is subtlely captured in three-quarter view, with an open, toothy jaw, and gaping, black eye-sockets. It seems to be disconcertingly attentive, even growling in despair over the coming conflagration that will mark the end of its vital role as protector of the hero in his adventures.

  • 53 Cf. Kroisos’ pyre: Paris, Louvre G 197, Myson, ARV2 p. 238,1; M. Denoyelle, Chefs-d’oeuvre de la c (...)
  • 54 Cf. the olive tree in depictions of the apotheosis, e.g., New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 52. (...)

22Herakles’ pyre (fig. 11) is shown as a haphazard pile of tree trunks with still-leafy branches, rather than a solidly built construction of carefully arranged logs like the pyres of other human figures in Greek art.53 This self-composed Herakles betrays no sign of the agony after donning Deianeira’s poisoned cloak reported by Sophokles, and his makeshift pyre is the primary indicator of an emergency lying behind the hero’s immanent immolation. Significantly, here Herakles, reclining upon his lion skin on the pyre, is neither dressed in a short tunic nor semi-draped like a symposiast, but entirely nude, and the still-living olive tree may allude to the hero’s apotheosis after his human death.54 The grandeur in conception of this red-figure image may betoken its dependence upon lost monumental painting.

  • 55 Berlin, Antikenmuseum, Staatliche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz, F 2278; ARV2 21, 1; Euphronios, (...)
  • 56 E. Tagalidou, Weihreliefs an Herakles aus Klassischer Zeit, Jonsered, 1993, p. 185-86, 189, nos 3, (...)
  • 57 London, British Museum Ε 224, ARV2 1313, 5; L. Burn, The Meidias Painter, London, 1987, p. 19-24, (...)
  • 58 Rome, Villa Albani 100; J. Boardman, Greek Sculpture, The Classical Period, London, 1985, fig. 239 (...)
  • 59 E.g., LIMC, IV, s.v. Herakles, p. 777, and for later sculptural examples, p. 777-778, nos 1017*, 1 (...)

23Resting directly on an animal’s skin has specific, well-known connotations in Athenian art. Sitting on the skins of wild felines was already a perquisite of the gods ca 500 B.C.: on the red-figure cup in Berlin, signed by the potter Sosias, that depicts an Archaic version of the introduction of Herakles to Olympos.55 In Athenian art of the later fifth and early fourth century popular new contexts celebrating Herakles’ attainment of immortality depict him nude, beardless and at ease, and in the preserved examples he frequently sits on a rock, over which the Nemean lion’s skin is draped. This motive, which also occurs on Attic votive reliefs,56 may have developed in representations of the version of the Labor of the Apples of the Hesperides, in which Herakles went to the garden himself to fetch the golden apples that bestow immortality, as on the exquisite red-figure hydria attributed to the Meidias Painter in the British Museum, of ca 410 B.C.,57 and the Roman copy in the Villa Albani, reflecting a lost Classical three-figure relief.58 With the emphatic shift in the Athenian visualization of Herakles from victorious hero to immortal deity at rest, the Nemean lion’s skin evolves from a splendid suit of armor into a seat cushion. And these images of the nude, immortal Herakles sitting on the lion skin - all of them later than the Parthenon -have been believed to precede the invention of an image of a nude, immortal Herakles reclining on his lion skin. Scholars maintain that the latter was undoubtedly a fourth-century addition to Herakles’ iconography patterned on the god Dionysos.59 It is necessary to reconsider this assumption.

  • 60 Art. cit. (n. 50), p. 91.

24A.-F. Laurens and F. Lissarrague associate the young Herakles resting on the Vatican hydria by the Villa Giulia Painter (fig. 8) with images of Herakles on the pyre, by correctly emphasizing the relationship between sleep and death in the Greek imagination.60 And this is relevant here. The depiction of the young hero reclining against the Nemean lion’s skin after his first labor necessarily evokes the contemporary image of the mature hero reclining on the Nemean lion’s skin on his pyre (cf. figs. 8, 11). And satyrs making off with the resting Herakles’ weapons cannot but recall the hero’s own ultimate mortal act of giving away his bow and quiver.

  • 61 See A. Verbanck-Pierard, Le double culte d’Héraklès : légende ou réalité ?, in Laurens (ed.), op. (...)
  • 62 Laurens-Lissarrague, art. cit. (n. 50), p. 86-91; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 128-129, nos 2916-291 (...)

25In the later fifth century Herakles’ attainment of immortality, a significant feature of his cult in Athens and Attica,61 is expressed in visual art not only by the romantic version of the Hesperides labor, but by a new version of the hero’s introduction to Olympos. Now the apotheosized Herakles is whisked directly from his still-smoldering funeral pyre to Mount Olympos in a chariot driven by Athena or Nike.62 In the visual vocabulary of the Classical period, the imagery of a nude young Herakles reclining upon the Nemean lion’s skin after the lion fight (fig. 8) and the mature Herakles reclining upon the lion skin on the pyre (fig. 11) could well have been complemented by a parallel image showing the rejunvenated, nude immortal Herakles reclining on the skin of the Nemean lion after his physical death: a fitting epilogue to his biography. Thus comedy and tragedy, suffering and eternal hope, ever woven together in the fabric of life, were all embodied by the iconography of ancient Greece’s favorite hero in the creative art of fifth-century Athens, where he was worshipped as a god.

  • 63 Athena and Athens in the East Pediment of the Parthenon, in AJA, 71 (1967), p. 41.
  • 64 The Pediments of the Parthenon, Leiden, 1993, p. 60, Appendix a, and p. 19-20, interpretations inc (...)
  • 65 H. Lloyd Jones, Herakles or Dionysus?, in AJA, 74 (1970), p. 181; Woodford, op. cit. (n. 56), p. 2 (...)
  • 66 Elgin Marbles. Letter from the Chevalier Antonio Canova on the Sculptures in the British Museum, a (...)

26The most famous Classical Athenian image of a beardless, athletic, nude male reclining upon the skin of a feline is figure D from the sculptural representation of the birth of Athena on the Parthenon’s east pediment of the 430s B.C. (fig. 12). Evelyn B. Harrison, while identifying this sculpture as Herakles in 1967, commented, “it has become almost a communis opinio to see Dionysos in the powerful male figure, D.”63 In 1993 Olga Palagia charted thirty years of identifications of east pediment figures: Thirteen of the sixteen scholarly opinions on D cited, including Palagia’s own, favor the god Dionysos.64 Yet Harrison’s 1967 identification of D as Herakles, did find favor with Hugh Lloyd-Jones and several other scholars.65 And D was first associated with Herakles in modern times by Ennius Quirinus Visconti in 1816.66

  • 67 Op. cit. (n. 63), p. 19.

27Space does not permit a review of the evidence pertaining to interpretation of D’s identity here. In short, lacking his hands and whatever they may have held, D is generally seen as a symposiast on the basis of his pose. Palagia, however, notes, “His nudity is iconographically embarrassing since no naked sym-posiasts are attested for this period though both Dionysos and Herakles enjoy their cups, sometimes in unison, in Attic vase-painting of the first half of the fifth century.”67

  • 68 See, recently, Palagia, op. cit. (n. 63), p. 20, and E. Pochmarski, Zur Deutung der Figur D im Par (...)
  • 69 See I.D. Jenkins, A.P. Middleton, Paint on the Parthenon Sculptures, in ABSA, 83 (1988), p. 188-19 (...)

28Recently, the key to D’s identity has been believed to lie in ascertaining the breed of cat on whose skin he reclines (fig. 12) – a difficult task because the beast’s head is not given. While scholars admit that the cloak thrown over the skin could hide all traces of a lion’s mane, the feline’s hairless claws and tail have been held to belong to a panther rather than a lion.68 It is unwise, however, to base the skin’s (and hence the reclining male figure’s) identification on minutiae that could hardly have been seen clearly from the ground, particularly when the sculpture lacks originally painted details,69 and when lions, probably extinct in Greece itself by the fifth century B.C., were not always captured with anatomical perfection in Greek art.

  • 70 Palagia, op. cit. (n. 63), p. 20. On the limited early associations of Dionysos with felines see T (...)
  • 71 For an Archaic Athenian tradition of Herakles’ presence at the birth of Athena, see Palagia, op. c (...)

29Most significantly, no pre-Parthenonian visual context is known for a panther (or leopard skin) spread beneath a nude, beardless Dionysos reclining as a symposiast;70 however, when viewed from the perspective of the Nemean lion’s skin, figure D (fig. 12) is entirely in accord with fifth-century Athenian depictions of Herakles (cf. figs. 8, 11). As we have seen, before the Parthenon, a feline skin with a nude male figure resting upon it had multiple, rather than solely sympotic, associations in the mortal hero Herakles’ journey toward immortality – a journey graced by the patronage of the goddess Athena. Classical viewers would readily have understood that the pedimental sculpture of a youthful male figure reclining on a feline skin represents Herakles after his apotheosis (fig. 12), assuming his hard-won place in the Athenian pantheon of deities on Olympos, resting upon his lion skin with immortal ease in the timeless space of the cosmic day depicted on the Classical Temple of Athena’s east pediment.71 In this powerful divine image, the skin of the Nemean lion’s archaic function as a hero’s protective identifying attribute has appropriately receded, and thus today we can barely recognize it.

List of Figures

30Fig. 1: Paris, Musée du Louvre G 103. Handle zone B/A: Herakles’ set-aside weapons and the Nemean lion’s skin. Attic red-figure calyx-krater, Euphronios. Photo: Museum.

31Fig. 2: Herakles and Antaios, side A of calyx-krater in fig. 1.

32Fig. 3: Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale inv. n° 3812. Herakles and Pholos. Panel on side Β of Attic black-figure amphora of type B, Group of Würzburg 199. Photo: Soprintendenza Archeologica per la Toscana - Firenze.

33Figs. 4-7: The J. Paul Getty Museum, Malibu, California 86.AE.148. Herakles reclining. Attic black-figure mastoid, ca 510-500 B.C., terracotta, H: 9.62 cm. Photos: Museum.

34Fig. 4: Iolaos, detail of Herakles reclining. View of mastoid.

35Fig. 5: Herakles reclining. View of mastoid in fig. 4.

36Fig. 6: Athena, detail of Herakles reclining. View of mastoid in fig. 4.

37Fig. 7: Hermes, detail of Herakles reclining. View of mastoid in fig. 4.

38Fig. 8: Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco Η 531. Herakles resting after killing the Nemean lion as satyrs steal his weapons. Detail of Attic red-figure hydria, Villa Giulia Painter. Photo: Monumenti Musei e Gallerie Pontificie, Vatican City.

39Fig. 9: Zürich, Archäologische Sammlung der Universität inv. L 1045 (ΕΤΗ 19). Herakles in the vineyard of Syleus. Attic red-figure cup-skyphos, Painter of the Yale Lekythos. Photo: Silvia Hertig, Archäologische Sammlung der Universität Zürich.

40Fig. 10: London, British Museum Ε 370. Herakles and a woman (Deianeira or Omphale?). Attic red-figure pelike, Washing Painter. Photo: Courtesy Trustees of the British Museum.

41Fig. 11: New York, Private Collection. Herakles on the pyre. Attic red-figure psykter, ca 460 B.C. After photo: Private Collection.

42Fig. 12: London, British Museum. Reclining male figure, D, from the sculpture of the east pediment of the Parthenon, Athens, ca 438-432 B.C. Photo: Courtesy Trustees of the British Museum.

Notes

2 LIMC, V (1990) s.v. Herakles, p. 16 (J. Boardman et al.) on literary accounts of the labor; Theokr., 25, 272-279 for the skinning.

3 Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek 2085; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 27, n° 1916* (with illustration). Cf. Greek men and ritually slaughtered animals on the East Greek black-figure hydria, Rome, Villa Giulia, M. Detienne, J.-P. Vernant (eds.), La cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, Paris, 1979, pl. 1.

4 B. Cohen, From Bowman to Clubman: Herakles and Olympia, in ABull, 74 (1994), p. 696-697, 699.

5 LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 189, with bibliography; the important series of articles by J. Boardman begins with Herakles, Peisistratos and Sons, in RA (1972), p. 52-72. See also A. Verbanck-Pierard, Héraclès l’Athénien, in A. Verbanck-Pierard, D. Viviers (eds.), Culture et Cité, L’avènement d’Athènes à l’époque archaïque, Brussels, 1995, p. 103-125.

6 Infra, n. 62-68, 70.

7 On Herakles’ fashions of wearing the skin see Cohen, supra n. 3, p. 696-697; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 185.

8 D. Williams, J. Ogden, Greek Gold: Jewelry of the Classical World, New York, 1994, p. 64-65; 80-81, 196-197, 251.

9 Lydos: Rome, Museo Nazionale di Villa Giulia 50683; ABV 108, 14; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 74, n° 2463*; Exekias: Orvieto, Faina 78, ABV 144, 9; UMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 91, n° 2607; see K. Schefold, Götter- und Heldensagen der Griechen in der spätarchaischen Kunst, Munich, 1978, p. 114, fig. 142 and p. 121, fig. 151.

10 E.g., in Attic head vases of the Vatican and Sabouroff Classes, ARV2 1538-1539, 1545; LIMC, IV (1988), s.v. Herakles, p. 743, nos 244-245* and 246-247* (J. Boardman et al.).

11 See LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 184. Carefully delineated examples occur in vase paintings by the Andokides Painter, e.g., Orvieto, Faina 64, ARV2 3,5, Schefold, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 111, figs. 138-139.

12 Orvieto, Faina 64, loc. cit. (n. 10).

13 Boston 99 538, red-figure side, Andokides Painter, ARV2 4, 12, Schefold, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 104, fig. 129, and LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 185.

14 Both tail and paws tucked up, e.g., Boulogne 406, Priam Painter, ABV 332, 21; Schefold, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 124, fig. 156; Athens, National Museum, Acropolis 325, Makron, ARV2 460, 20; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 38, n° 2037*.

15 E.g., Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 698, fig. 3; p. 699, fig. 7; p. 701, fig. 9.1, and p. 704, fig. 13.1. See D. von Bothmer, The Subject Matter of Euphronios, in M. Denoyelle (ed.), Euphronios Peintre, Paris, 1992, p. 29, and LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 185.

16 E.g., D. von Bothmer, Amazons in Greek Art, Oxford, 1957, passim.

17 Α. Stewart, Greek Sculpture: An Exploration, New Haven-London, 1990, figs. 216-17, Herakles and the Hind, metope of the Athenian Treasury, Delphi.

18 Stewart, op. cit. (n. 16), fig. 257, Herakles and an Amazon, metope of temple E, Selinus.

19 K.A. Schwab, Parthenon East Metope XI: Herakles and the Gigantomachy, in AJA, 100 (1996), p. 81-90, figs. 1, 6.

20 Cf. Bothmer, art. cit. (n. 14), p. 29. For a compositional association with the fight of Herakles and Triton see M. Denoyelle, Autour du cratère en calice Louvre G 100, signé par Euphronios, in Denoyelle (ed.), op. cit. (n. 14), p. 47-60.

21 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 697.

22 E.g., Munich, Staatliche Antikensammlungen und Glyptothek 1708, Leagros Group, ABV 360, 5; Schefold, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 131, fig. l69; LIMC, I (1981), s.v. Antaios I, p. 802, n° 5* and p. 809-810 (R. Olmos/L.J. Balmaseda). Cf. the pankration on the fourth-century B.C. Panathenaic amphora, Athens, National Archaeological Museum 20045, O. Tzachou-Alexandri (ed.), Mind and Body: Athletic Contests in Ancient Greece, Athens, 1989, p. 289-290, n° 178.

23 Paris, Louvre G 103; ARV2 14, 2.

24 The potent image of the head of the Nemean lion’s skin when set aside has not been included in discussions of frontal faces, cf. infra n. 50.

25 Paris, Cabinet des Médailles, 397; ARV2 285, 8; Ε. Simon, Satyr-plays on Vases in the Time of Aeschylos, in D.C. Kurtz, B.A. Sparkes (eds.), The Eye of Greece, Cambridge-New York, 1982, p. 130-131; K. Schefold, F. Jung, Die Urkönige, Perseus, Bellerophon, Herakles und Theseus in der klassischen und hellenistischen Kunst, Munich, 1988, p. 167, fig. 203.

26 Syracuse, Museo Archeologico Regionale 21 965, ABV 375, 218; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 44, n° 2105*.

27 Cf. London, British Museum Ε 44, Onesimos, ARV2 318-319, 2; Schefold-Jung, op. cit. (n. 13), p. 145, fig. 183.

28 London, British Museum Β 226, ABV 273,116; Schefold, op. cit. (n. 8), p. 125-126, fig. 158.

29 Florence, Museo Archeologico Nazionale, inv. 3812; ABV 289,23; D. Noël, Du vin pour Hérakles, in F. Lissarrague, F. Thelamon (eds.), Image et céramique grecque, Rouen, 1983, p. 141-150, fig. 2; Β. Fehr, Orientalische und griechische Gelage, Bonn, 1971, p. 72, 154, n° 197.

30 CVA Malibu, J. Paul Getty Museum, 2, p. 33-34, pl. 79.

31 London, British Museum Β 301; ABV 282; LIMC, I, s.v. Alkmene, p. 555, n° 17* (A.D. Trendall). For Herakles reclining see Fehr, op. cit. (n. 28), p. 71, 83; J. Boardman, Image and Politics in Sixth Century Athens, in Ancient Greek and Related Pottery: Proceedings of the International Vase Symposium 12-15 April 1984, Amsterdam, 1984, p. 243-245; H.A. Shapiro, Art and Cult under the Tyrants in Athens, Mainz, 1989, p. 16O-161; A. Verbanck-Pierard, Herakles at Feast in Attic Art: a Mythical or Cultic Iconography?, in R. Hägg (ed.), The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods, Athens-Liège, 1992 (Kernos, Suppl. 1), p. 85-106.

32 London, British Museum Β 446 (1864.10-7.1686); ABV 520,32; Verbanck-Pierard, art. cit. (n. 30), p. 94-95, figs, 1a-b; on side B, the lion skin hangs in profile view.

33 The Art Museum, Princeton University, yl70, J.D. Beazley, Paralipomena, Oxford, 1971, p. 145; LIMC, IV, s.v. Herakles, p. 819, n° 1511*.

34 F. Brommer, Satyrspiele, Berlin, 19592; G.K. Galinsky, The Herakles Theme, Totowa, N.J., 1972, p. 81-83; and infra n. 41.

35 See the interpretations supra n. 30.

36 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 705, and n. 79.

37 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 710; B. Ashmole, N. Yalouris, Olympia, The Sculptures of the Temple of Zeus, London, 1967, p. 25.

38 Cohen, art. cit. (n. 3), p. 713-714 and n. 121; figs. 16.1, 17.1.

39 Palermo, Museo Nazionale; ARV2 613,4. J. Boardman, Athenian Red Figure Vases, the Classical Period, London, 1989, p. 14, fig. 14.; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 27, n° 1917*.

40 Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco Η 531; ARV2 623, 72. Simon, art. cit. (n. 24), p. 136-137, believes the dead lion itself is represented, but cf. LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 156, n° 3234*.

41 S. Karouzou, Ηρακλησ Σατυρικοe, in BCH, 60 (1936), p. 152-157 (structure - altar); Brommer, op. cit. (n. 33), p. 34-36; Simon, art. cit. (n. 24); Schefold-Jung, op. cit. (n. 24), p. 140.

42 Zürich, Archaologische Sammlung der Universitat, L 1045 (ΕΤΗ 19); ARV2 661,94; F. Brommer, Herakles und Syleus, in JDAI, 59-60 (1944-45), p. 74, 76-77; F. Brommer, Herakles II, Die Unkanonischen Taten des Helden, Darmstadt, 1984, p. 36; Schefold-Jung, op. cit. (n. 24), p. 205.

43 Soph., Trach., 248-257.

44 Ovid, Heroid., 9, 55 sq.

45 See F. Wulff Alonso, L’Histoire d’Omphale et d’Héraklès, in C. Jourdain-Annequin, C. Bonnet (eds.), IIe Rencontre Héracléenne, Héraclès, les femmes et le féminin, Brussels-Rome, 1996, p. 103-120, and N. Loraux, Herakles, The Super-male and the Feminine, in D.M. Halperin, J.J. Winkler, F.I. Zeitlin (eds.), Before Sexuality: The Construction of Erotic Experience in the Ancient Greek World, Princeton, 1990, p. 33-36.

46 London, British Museum, Ε 370; ARV2 1134,7; R. Vollkommer, Herakles in the Art of Classical Greece, Oxford, 1988, p. 31-32.

47 Ibid., p. 34, fig. 42 (right).

48 ARV2 1134, 7; T.H. Carpenter, Art and Myth in Ancient Greece, a Handbook, London, 1991, p. 133, fig. 228; cf. Boardman, op. cit. (n. 38), fig. 212. On a scientific basis for combustible cloaks in antiquity see A. Mayor, Fiery Finery, in Archaeology, 50, 2 (1997), p. 55-58.

49 Soph., Trach., 659-1262.

50 Cf. Galinksy, op. cit. (n. 33), p. 29.

51 Le bûcher d’Héraclès : l’empreinte du dieu, in A.-F. Laurens (ed.), Entre hommes et dieux, Paris, 1989, p. 85 and fig. 2. LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 128, n. 2909*. Cf. Herakles, with the lion skin over his head, shown in frontal face while fighting or sleeping, F. frontisi-Ducroux, Du Masque au Visage : Aspects de l’identité en Grèce ancienne, Paris, 1995, p. 82, 126, figs. 25, 100, and Y. Korshak, Frontal Faces in Attic Vase Painting of the Archaic Period, Chicago, 1987, p. 16, 60, n. 161, and 61, n. 169 (as “comic victim”).

52 LIMC, VII (1994), s.v. Philoktetes, p. 378, n° 4 (M. Pipili); LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 128, n° 2910; Carpenter, op. cit. (n. 47), fig. 229; J. Boardman, Herakles in Extremis, in E. Bohr, W. Martini (eds.), Studien zur Mythologie und Vasenmalerei, Mainz, 1986, p. 128; Brommer, op. cit. (n. 41), p. 95; Laurens-Lissarrague, art. cit. (n. 50), p. 81-83; on the style see J.R. Guy, Herakles and Philoctetes, in Lissarrague-Thelamon (eds.), op. cit. (n. 28), p. 151. I shall discuss this red-figure psykter in detail elsewhere.

53 Cf. Kroisos’ pyre: Paris, Louvre G 197, Myson, ARV2 p. 238,1; M. Denoyelle, Chefs-d’oeuvre de la céramique grecque dans les collections du Louvre, Paris, 1994, 120-121; Andromache’s pyre: London, British Museum F 149, Paestan red-figure bell-krater, ca 340 B.C., Carpenter, op. cit. (n. 47), fig. 167. However, cf. Herakles’ pyre on the Villa Giulia bell-krater, loc. cit. (n. 50).

54 Cf. the olive tree in depictions of the apotheosis, e.g., New York, Metropolitan Museum of Art 52.11.18, Attic red-figure calyx-krater, Boardman, art. cit. (n. 51); Schefold-Jung, op. cit. (n. 24), p. 223, fig. 276. On the significance of his cult on Mt. Oita see H.A. Shapiro, Heros Theos: The Death and Apotheosis of Herakles, in CW, 77 (1983-1984), particularly p. 15-17.

55 Berlin, Antikenmuseum, Staatliche Museen Preußischer Kulturbesitz, F 2278; ARV2 21, 1; Euphronios, der Maler, Milan, 1991, p. 247, 249, n° 59.

56 E. Tagalidou, Weihreliefs an Herakles aus Klassischer Zeit, Jonsered, 1993, p. 185-86, 189, nos 3, 6, pl. 2; cf. p. 236-237, cat. n° 37, pl. 17.

57 London, British Museum Ε 224, ARV2 1313, 5; L. Burn, The Meidias Painter, London, 1987, p. 19-24, figs. la, 2c, 3; see also S. Woodford, Exemplum Virtutis: A Study of Heracles in Athens in the Second Half of the Fifth Century B.C., Diss. Columbia University, 1966, p. 134.

58 Rome, Villa Albani 100; J. Boardman, Greek Sculpture, The Classical Period, London, 1985, fig. 239, 4.

59 E.g., LIMC, IV, s.v. Herakles, p. 777, and for later sculptural examples, p. 777-778, nos 1017*, 1021*, 1025*, 1039*, 1045*, 1048*, 1049*,1050*, and the Attic red-figure calyx-krater, Athens, National Archaeological Museum 14902, LIMC, IV, s.v. Herakles, p. 802, n° 1372*.

60 Art. cit. (n. 50), p. 91.

61 See A. Verbanck-Pierard, Le double culte d’Héraklès : légende ou réalité ?, in Laurens (ed.), op. cit. (n. 50), p. 43-65; and art. cit. (n. 4), p. 118-120. On veneration of Herakles see Ε. kearns, The Heroes of Attica, London, 1989, p. 45, 97-98, 166, and S. Woodford, Cults of Heracles in Attica, in D.G. Mitten, J.G. Pedley, J.A. Scott (eds.), Studies Presented to George M.A. Hanfmann, Mainz, 1971, p. 211-225.

62 Laurens-Lissarrague, art. cit. (n. 50), p. 86-91; LIMC, V, s.v. Herakles, p. 128-129, nos 2916-2918; Boardman, art. cit. (n. 51); Woodford, op. cit. (n. 56), p. 133, 135.

63 Athena and Athens in the East Pediment of the Parthenon, in AJA, 71 (1967), p. 41.

64 The Pediments of the Parthenon, Leiden, 1993, p. 60, Appendix a, and p. 19-20, interpretations include Hermes, Ares and Theseus, as well as Dionysos. See also T.H. Carpenter, On the Beardless Dionysos, in T.H. Carpenter, C.A. Faraone (eds.), Masks of Dionysos, Ithaca-London, 1993, p. 206.

65 H. Lloyd Jones, Herakles or Dionysus?, in AJA, 74 (1970), p. 181; Woodford, op. cit. (n. 56), p. 245-247; M. Robertson, Two Question Marks on the Parthenon, in G. Kopcke, M.B. Moore (eds.), Studies in Classical Art and Archaeology. A Tribute to Peter Heinrich von Blanckenhagen, Locust Valley, N.Y., 1979 p. 76. See also K.K. Jeppeson, Evidence for the Restoration of the East Pediment Reconsidered in the Light of Recent Achievements, in E. Berger (ed.), Parthenon-Kongreß Basel, Mainz, 1984, I, p. 275-276, Herakles/Orion, II, p. 436. According to Harrison, art. cit. (n. 62), p. 45, n. 147, Otto Brendel persuaded her “that the Parthenon figure represents Herakles.”

66 Elgin Marbles. Letter from the Chevalier Antonio Canova on the Sculptures in the British Museum, and Two Memoirs Read to the Royal Institute of France by the Chevalier Visconti, with the Report from the Select Committee of the House of Commons, Minutes of Evidence, Appendix, & c, London, 1816, p. 35-38.

67 Op. cit. (n. 63), p. 19.

68 See, recently, Palagia, op. cit. (n. 63), p. 20, and E. Pochmarski, Zur Deutung der Figur D im Parthenon-Ostgiebel, in Berger (ed.), op. cit. (n. 64), I, p. 280; II, p. 440-441, n. 54-63. See also Jeppeson, art. cit. (n. 64), p. 437.

69 See I.D. Jenkins, A.P. Middleton, Paint on the Parthenon Sculptures, in ABSA, 83 (1988), p. 188-190, 197-198, 202, 204, 207, and p. 190, fig. 2.

70 Palagia, op. cit. (n. 63), p. 20. On the limited early associations of Dionysos with felines see T.H. Carpenter, Dionysian Imagery in Archaic Greek Art: Its Development in Black-figure Vase Painting, Oxford, 1986, p. 65-69. Unlike Herakles, Dionysos reclining with a set-aside feline skin does not extend back to sixth-century imagery, e.g., cf. side Β with side A of Florence inv. 3812, (fig. 3) and Noël, art. cit. (n. 28), fig. 1.

71 For an Archaic Athenian tradition of Herakles’ presence at the birth of Athena, see Palagia, op. cit. (n. 63), p. 18-20; Harrison, art. cit. (n. 62), p. 44-45, n. 145, and Pochmarski, art. cit. (n. 67), p. 278. Cf. Woodford, op. cit. (n. 56), p. 245, and Volkommer, op. cit. (n. 45), p. 48.

Notes de fin

1 My thanks go to H.A. Shapiro for reading a draft of this article and making several valuable suggestions, and, for special help in providing photographs, to M. Denoyelle (Paris), M. Iozzo (Florence), Private Collection (New York), D. Williams (London), H.P. Isler, E.C.M. Mango (Zurich), and J. Burns (Malibu).

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