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The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods

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Robin Hägg

Boeotian Festival Scenes: Competition, Consumption and Cult in Archaic Black Figure

Charlotte Scheffer

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1For some time, I have been interested in Boeotian pottery and I have begun to question more and more the justification of the many disparaging remarks made about the slow wit, lack of technical proficiency and generally imitative disposition of the Boeotian painters. The quality of Boeotian pottery is, in general, rather second rate and it is quite obvious that the Boeotian painters were strongly influenced by Corinth and Athens. But did they imitate the motifs?

  • 1 The Boeotian vases as well as the comparative material will be found in a list at the end. A befor (...)

2In order to test the originality of the Boeotian painter, I decided to compare a Boeotian motif with its counterparts in Corinth and Athens. The motif I chose was the festival scene in Archaic black figure. Although few in number, these scenes seemed of a sufficient complexity to make comparison valuable.1

3My investigation was in two parts. First, I compared the actual cult scenes, i.e., the religious core of the festival (Table 1). Secondly, I looked at the context, i.e., what other stages of a festival were associated with the cult scene or with each other (Table 2).

4Considering the cult scenes, i.e., the sacrificial procession, because the actual sacrifice is never shown in these scenes, there are three Boeotian vases that qualify. One is a skyphos of the Boeotian Silhouette Group in Laon (B 4).

5It is unpublished and apparently damaged. The only thing known about the cult scene is that there is a procession of men leading a bull to sacrifice. I chose to exclude this vase in the first part of the investigation.

Table 1. Significant features of the sacrificial procession

Table 1. Significant features of the sacrificial procession

Abbreviations
Β = bovine animal, G = goat, Ρ = pig, S = sheep, M = male, F = female, L = person leading a sacrificial animal, Pr = priest, Prss = priestess.
Priests and priestesses are not always easy to recognize. Only cases which are reasonably certain have been noted. All participants are male, when not stated otherwise. One F means one female participant besides the possibly female kanephoros or priestess. A21 thus has two women present. One M means that only one person is present in total.

Table 1. (Continued)

Table 1. (Continued)

6Of the other two, the first is a tripod kothon of the Boeotian Dancers Group in Berlin (Β 1) from about 570 B.C. (Fig. 1). The whole vase can be described as a festival programme and we shall have reason to return to it later. It is sufficient for now to describe the cult scene itself. On the right-hand side of the scene there is an altar complete with a burning fire. Towards it moves a procession of four men preceded by an enormous pig. One of the men is playing the double flute.

  • 2 For a survey of the motifs in the group, see Ch. Scheffer, “Why Boeotian? Reflections of the Boeot (...)

7The second cult scene is found on a lekane of the Boeotian Silhouette Group in the British Museum (B 2) from around 550 B.C. (Figs. 7-8). On the right-hand side of the cult scene there is a temple denoted by a Doric column. In front of it is a snake on a stand and a statue of a goddess resembling an Athena Promachos, armed with shield and spear. In front of her is the altar with the fire burning. On top of the altar is perched a large bird, obviously not an owl or an eagle. It has been suggested that it is a raven and that the sanctuary is that of Athena Itonea near Koroneia.2 Walking towards the altar is a solemn procession of men preceded by a female kanephoros. The sacrificial victim is a bull. One man plays the double flute. Some of the participants are in a mule cart.

8The two scenes are similar in spirit and execution. The British Museum lekane is more elaborate, in spite of its artist being inferior to the painter of the kothon. The Boeotian vase painter helps us to become involved in the different stages of the festival: the arrival, probably from afar, in the mule cart, the solemn procession to the temple, in front of which stands the impressive statue of the goddess with her two familiars, the snake and the bird. From the presence of the victim and the kanephoros we can surmise what is to come: the sacrifice. The two scenes show a lively interest both in details and in the actual functioning of the religious ceremony.

Fig. 1. Sacrificial procession. Tripod kothon of the Boeotian Dancers Group, Berlin F1727 (Β 1). Courtesy, Antikenmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Photograph I. Luckert.

  • 3 A column does not necessarily denote a temple. In late Athenian vase painting it can be the border (...)

9In the comparative material I decided to look for seven components: the temple, represented most often by a column,3 the altar, the fire burning on top of the altar, the god (or goddess) in person or represented by a statue, the victim, the kanephoros and the musical accompaniment.

Fig. 2. Banquet. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow.

Fig. 3. Reverly. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph I. Luckert.

  • 4 I. Jucker, “Frauenfest in Korinth”, AntK 6 (1963) 47-61. Most of the vases show only women dancing (...)
  • 5 To the male bull attendants, add Perachora II (supra n. 4), 212-213, no. 2066, Pl. 77, and G. Welt (...)

10Let us consider the Corinthian vases first. In the Boeotian cult scenes all the participants are male, except for the female kanephoros, but on the Corinthian almost all the participants are female.4 The only men allowed are the attendants of the bulls. Smaller animals are led by a child or carried by a woman. Obviously men were only tolerated when their greater strength was needed to cope with the bulls.5

11There are no fixed structures such as temples and altars, but neither is there a god present to welcome the procession. In one instance seated women spinning or minding small children have been considered goddesses (C 4); in another a small feminine figure standing on a stool has been given the same interpretation (C 1). In the first instance, the seated women probably help to underline the feminine character of the cult; in the second, one may think of some coming of age rite. In short, there is no indication of the goal of the processions. Apparently the activities of the participants are considered more important than the reason behind them.

12If we now turn to Athenian vase painting, the picture is different. Let us start with the five scenes portraying sacrifices to Athena (A 1-5). All five are rich in details. One (A3) has all the looked for components; two have all but one; and none has less than four. Normally Athena stands or sits on the right-hand side as on the Boeotian lekane and looks towards the procession coming up from the left-hand side. The sacrificial victim is a bull (or cow). The music is performed on the double flute. The only exception is A1, where the procession walks from right to left, the victims are three (a bull, a ram and a boar) and the music is both double flute and chitara. Although differently distributed, the ingredients are the same.

  • 6 For the farmer’s cart, which was probably pressed into service on the holidays, see H. L. Lorimer, (...)

13All five scenes with Athena are rather similar to the British Museum lekane, but none can be said to be an obvious source of inspiration. None shows details such as the mule cart, the bird and the snake on a stand. In Athenian vase painting carts are not used for transporting participants of festivals.6 They were used, of course, but the Athenians probably found this a prosaic detail of no interest. In none of these five scenes is a bird present. In A 5 there is a snake wriggling behind Athena’s shield, but this tame snake is far from the snake “put on display” on the lekane. Although the cult practices seem to be very similar, such details must mean that the Boeotians did not slavishly copy other people’s motifs but composed their own from their own experiences. There is also the question of precedence. The Boeotian tripod kothon is the oldest of all the cult scenes, barring some of the Corinthian. The oldest cult scenes with Athena are contemporary with the lekane in the British Museum.

Fig. 4. Boxing. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow

Fig. 5. Wrestling. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow

  • 7 The following fragments give some additional information: B. Graef, Die antiken Vasen von der Akro (...)

14Other scenes with similar subjects in Athenian black figure (A 6-29) are generally simpler but seem on the whole to have more in common with the Boeotian vases than with the Corinthian.7 The participants are predominantly male, although kanephoroi are more often female. Music is made by males, except in one case (A 13), where a female flutist appears on the less important side. There are some probable priestesses, i.e., women who are the only female present and standing in close proximity to the altar, generally in the opposite direction from that of the procession (A 1-2, A 5 and A 10). The god is less important, when not Athena; there are three cases of herms (A 12-14), one case of two sitting female figures (A 11, Demeter and Kore?) and one of a single sitting male (A 25). Dionysos in his ship cart hints at the goal of the procession, a Dionysian sanctuary (A 19-20). Temples and altars are dispensable. The preferred victim is a bovine. In short, the paintings are abbreviated versions of ceremonies, which are close in conception to the Boeotian ones. The later ones come down to the bare necessities: a victim and a worshipper (ex. A 15). It should be remembered here that most of these vases are considerably later than the Boeotian ones, which means that one must take into consideration a change of taste from detailed, plurifigural scenes to simple scenes with few figures.

  • 8 There are indications of a similar, predominantly female cult also in Athenian vase painting, see, (...)

15It is without question that the Athenian and Boeotian scenes are very similar, in details as in general conception, but this may be the result of similar cult practices rather than artistic imitation. The Corinthian scenes are different, probably because they have preferred to represent a different cult.8

16For the second part of my investigation, I decided to divide the festival into five stages (Table 2): procession, sacrifice, banquet, revelry and games, although they were, of course, not necessarily taking place in that order. By procession I mean a train of people moving purposefully together or dancing forwards in a controlled fashion. The actual sacrifice is not shown on any of the vases cited here, but I think it is safe to deduce it from the presence of sacrificial victims in the procession, the participation of kanephoroi and the waiting altar with the fire. Wreaths, garlands or twigs and such minor gifts have not been taken into account. The revelry is orgiastic, abandoned dancing, most often in the nude. The exception is of course the famous padded dancers of Corinth. Banquets and games are fairly easily identifiable. All vases with at least two of the components have been included, although we cannot be sure that the scenes were always meant to be seen as associated.

Table 2. Significant moments of the festival scenes

Table 2. Significant moments of the festival scenes

Abbreviations
Β = boxing, W = wrestling, D = discus throwing, Η = horse riding, F = footrace, J = jumping, Ja = javelin throwing.
Comments
All horse riding is not necessarily racing but may be part of the young men’s training. On Β 8 and A 33 neither the sacrifice (i.e., the sacrificial animal) nor the banquet is shown explicitly but is implied by the transportation or preparation of food and drink. On A33 the event of the games is not certain as the scene is fragmentary. The games are, however, securely identified by the prizes, judges and nude participants. On A 32 a satyr is leading a bull as if to sacrifice.

Table 2. (Continued)

Table 2. (Continued)

17The Boeotian vases which qualify amount to eight, of which the foremost is the kothon in Berlin (Β 1). Besides the sacrificial procession with the large pig described above, banquet, revelry and games are represented (Figs. 2-6). The banquet scene shows two couches with two persons, two young men serving wine, a flutist and a large mixing vessel. The revelry scene shows five nude men abandoning themselves to reckless dancing led by a similarly nude flutist. The sports depicted on the three feet of the vase are boxing, wrestling and discus throwing.

18Β 2 is the lekane in the British Museum (Fig. 8). Besides the cult scene described above there is a revelry scene with six nude men dancing around an overgrown goat. Some of the men are carrying wreaths. There is no wine in sight. Such men are, however, standard figures in the Boeotian Silhouette Group and always associated with the drinking of wine. Therefore it is probably fairly safe to assume a similar occupation here.

19Β 3 is a skyphos of the Boeotian Silhouette Group in Berlin (Figs. 9-10). A procession of solemn-looking men with wreaths in their hands are converging upon a woman. The woman also holds a wreath. She has no other attributes, but judging from the dearth of women on all vases of the Boeotian Silhouette Group, this must be an important person, most likely a priestess, maybe standing in for her mistress. In the upper register there is a banquet in progress. We see three couches with banqueters who are obviously slightly tipsy. A row of so far reasonably sober men preceded by a flutist move towards the couches. On the other side the revelry has started. The krater is in the centre and men dance around it holding wreaths and various vessels. In the register below, there are two boxers fighting over a tripod. Β 4 is the skyphos in Laon mentioned above. It has boxers and wrestlers as well as revellers in its decoration, besides the sacrificial procession.

Fig. 6. Discus throwing. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow.

Fig. 7. Sacrificial procession. Lekane of the Boeotian Silhouette Groupe, London B 80 (B 2). Courtesy, the British Museum.

Fig. 8. Revelry (and end of sacrificial procession). Same as Fig. 7.

Fig. 9. Banquet and procession. Skyphos of the Boeotian Silhouette Group, Berlin F 3320 (Β 3). Courtesy, Antikenmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Photograph I. Luckert.

Fig. 10. Revelry and boxing. Same as Fig. 9.

20Three other vases show a combination of revelry and athletics. Two belong to the Boeotian Dancers Group (B 5-6) and have boxers and wrestlers and boxers (Fig. 11), respectively. The third vase, a pyxis of the Boeotian Silhouette Group (B 7) shows a horseman beside a tripod.

  • 9 Transport amphorae for wine are rarely depicted in Athenian vase painting. The only ones known to (...)
  • 10 Cf. for the leg, the cutting-up scene on the Corinthian Eurytos crater Louvre Ε 635, Sympotica. A (...)

21Β 8 is an amphora of the late 6th century in Paris. This a unique piece and doubts have been raised about its Boeotian origins. It seems, however, to suit the Boeotian tradition rather well. On the shoulder are athletes: a pair of boxers. The interpretation of the main scene is problematic. There is a mule cart carrying what I think may be wine amphorae or barrels seen from the side.9 Other men carry loads of meat: a piece identifiable as a leg and what looks like a steak encased in a net.10 I think it is possible to interpret the meat as having come from a sacrifice and the wine transport as preparations for the banquet.

  • 11 See J.-J. Maffre, “Collection Paul Canellopoulos (VIII): vases béotiens”, BCH 99 (1975) 434, nos. (...)

22On the three vases Β 2-4 the different motifs are obviously meant as parts of the same story. They are found more or less mixed together. Β 1 with its elaborate programme must also be meant to be seen as a whole. All the participants are men, with the exception of the priestess and the kanephoros. The most popular games are boxing and wrestling but this is probably because of the space. Horse racing and chariot races are both motifs found in the Boeotian Silhouette Group.11

  • 12 On C 8 the female participants are clothed but are otherwise taking part wholeheartedly in the goi (...)

23In the Corinthian comparative material the processions and sacrifices are in the hands of women (C 1-7). The only men allowed are the attendants of the bulls. Usually men and women do not take part in the same proceedings. An example of a men’s “procession” may be only a fairly sober walk to the banquet (C 8); the women are walking in the opposite direction. Banqueting, revelling and games are naturally almost wholly a male occupation. In a few cases women are present at the revelry, but these women are hardly respectable citizen women celebrating in honour of their god but hetairai, who are part of the men’s consumption.12

Fig. 11. Boxing and revelry. Tripod kothon of the Boeotian Dancers Group, Dallas Museum of Art 1981.170 (B 6). From Ancient art in the Norbert Schimmel collection, Mainz 1974, no. 53.

  • 13 Jucker (supra n. 4), 59 with n. 91, and PL 22:6.

24What we see here is a very segregated world. It is quite possible that the solemn dancing of women holding hands and the wild abandoned antics of the padded men are two aspects of the same cult, as they are sometimes found on the same vases (C 8).13 We are perhaps told more of the Corinthian way of looking at the relations between the sexes than of the actual cult. Games do not seem to be an important ingredient of it. On an amphora in Philadelphia (C 5) the banquet, the prerogative of the male, is shown in the uppermost zone, the dancing of the women in the middle one and a horse race in the lowermost one. Maybe this is a picture of Corinthian society rather than the depiction of a festival showing us the master of the oikos at his banquet (with his lady sitting beside him spinning), the women dancing in honour of a god (or goddess) and the young men busy with their athletic training. On C 6 tripods show that the young horsemen are taking part in a race. Above them women are dancing accompanied by a flute player and a kanephoros.

  • 14 On one amphora in the Louvre, CVA Louvre 1, PL 4:1 and 9 (France 1, PL 34), there is a one-person (...)

25In Athenian vase painting, I have come upon only one sacrificial scene combined with a banquet (A 2). The thematic and chronological counterparts of most of the Boeotian vases should be the Tyrrhenian amphorae, but, although they have scenes with revellers (29 ex. in ABV), horse race (4 ex.), athletes (3 ex.), they never combine these motifs with anything which looks like a cult scene.14 The motifs are not even associated, except on one amphora (A 31), on which both a horse race and revellers can be seen, and another (A 32) with both a banquet and revelry. We cannot know, however, if these two motifs are supposed to be seen together.

26A rather interesting vase is a dinos in Paris (A 33), where the motifs of banquet and revelling are found in a narrow field just below the rim and a horse race further down. We start with a scene of revelry taking place around a large krater standing on the ground. The participants are human. This motif fades into another where satyrs accompany Hephaistos. One of the satyrs leads a bull as if in a mock sacrificial procession. The return of Hephaistos merges into a satyric revelry around an oversize goat and suddenly we are in the banqueting hall with only humans in sight. This lack of distinction between different motifs and between human and divine creatures is far from the Boeotian’s sober way of looking at reality.

27A similar message is transmitted by a second, very fragmentary vase, a krater found on the Acropolis in Athens (A 34). Dionysos is somehow present in a scene which includes satyrs and maenads, dancing and fetching wine from a large mixing bowl; human males are boiling food in a large cauldron and preparing spits; tripods and dinoi represent prizes and some naked human males accompanied by a flute player may be participants in the games; two fully dressed males, one with a staff, may be the judges.

  • 15 The mixing of the two motifs is apparently found fairly often in the last third of the sixth centu (...)

28Some vases (A 35-42) show banquets with revelry starting or going on between the couches, on which people are still drinking. Generally, the two motifs are totally interlocked and not seen as two distinct moments as on the Boeotian vases.15

  • 16 These stamnoi, most of which belong to the so-called Perizoma Group, seem very closely related. Ma (...)

29Most of the Athenian vases of interest to us belong to a group of stamnoi from the late 6th century (A43-56).16 All show banquets on the shoulders and revellers or games on the belly. All activities, except of course the sports, seem to be open to both sexes. Again, however, to judge from their scant clothing, the female participants are hetairai.

  • 17 Durand (supra n. 10), 133-165; idem (supra n. 1), 89-143; G. Berthiaume, Les rôles du mageiros. Ét (...)
  • 18 A31 seems to be the closest we come to such a combination: Dionysiac revelry associated with human (...)
  • 19 For a discussion of the role of the banquet, see lately Schmitt-Pantel (supra n. 18), 14-26.

30In Athenian vase painting there are hardly any scenes showing the actual sacrifice, but the preparations afterwards for the banquet seem to have been considered a more suitable subject for the vase painter.17 It appears that such scenes have been considered unsuitable to mix with scenes of banquets, revelling or sports,18 although we know from the Panathenaic amphorae that sports go well with the service of a god. Symposia, on the other hand, go well with hoplite fighting or young men hunting. One is left with the impression that we are being shown the ideals of civic behaviour for various age groups. The Athenian society was urban and sophisticated and much concerned with the propagation of the ideals of citizenship. In the depiction of these banquets, the stress is perhaps less on the sacrificial meal than on the shared consumption as the backbone of social integration.19

31One reason why the Athenians avoided the combination of different festival scenes might have been the shape of the vases. Most Athenian vase shapes would seem to favour one large single motif, not a chain of related motifs. Such an hypothesis is, however, proved wrong by the Tyrrhenian vases. Also band cups could easily have accommodated more complex scenes.

32Another reason for the singular disinterest among the Athenians for the several different stages of a festival may be the Athenian way of depicting not what actually happened, one stage after another, but all events together in a fused version of the whole story. Athenian pictures are very often to be read almost like pictograms.

  • 20 Athens, Kanellopoulos collection 384, Maffre (supra n. 11), 467, no. 16, Fig. 29, and Athens, Serp (...)
  • 21 G. Barbieri, “La tomba Golini I e la cista di Bruxelles. Due rappresentazioni di ‘cucina’”, in L’a (...)
  • 22 Maffre (supra n. 11), 467 and 470, no. 16, Fig. 29.

33The Boeotians, on the other hand, were more than interested in the totality of the happening and they were also interested in the most prosaic details. They did not hesitate to show the transportation to the probably rural sanctuary or the actual carrying around of the sacrificial meat. In fact, I also believe that two scenes of food preparation, on a lekythos of the Boeotian Silhouette Group and a skyphos in the Kanellopoulos collection in Athens, do not show “daily life” but preparations for the sacrificial banquet.20 The motif on the lekythos seem to show bread making by women (kneading the dough, pestling and baking in the oven, to music); the skyphos shows two women at the mortar in the presence of a woman spinning. Comparative material with preparations for the sacrificial banquet, besides those already mentioned, are the well-known Ionic hydria in the Villa Giulia and, although much later, the Tomba Golini in Orvieto.21 The first shows all the preparations for the meal and the second not only the preparations but the meal itself with Hades and Persephone as the honoured guests. If the pestle and mortar scene is part of the preparation for a sacrificial banquet, it should be considered if the scene on the other side of the skyphos, a woman washing her hair, may not be purifying before a holy ceremony.22

34The Boeotians, perhaps less used to breaks in the routine of their daily lives, seem to make the most of their festive occasions. They seem also genuinely interested in showing what is going on, stage by stage. This sense of realism is apparent in most Boeotian vase painting to varying degrees. In the next century it will pass over into a sort of super-realism expressed in the caricatures of the Kabiric vases. The Boeotians were technically inferior to their great neighbours, but they are shown to have been original, not so much in the way they painted their motifs, which probably mirror contemporary cult practices common to all Greeks, but in the stress they laid on the totality of the festival procedure.

Appendix. List of vases referred to in the text and Tables 1-2

35Β Boeotian C Corinthian A Athenian

36Β 1 Berlin, Staatl. Mus. F 1727, tripod kothon, CVA Berlin 4, Pls. 195-196 and 197: 5-7 (Deutschland 33, Pls. 1621-1623); K. Kilinski II, Boeotian black-figure vase painting of the Archaic period, Mainz am Rhein 1990, 15-17, no. 1, Pl. 7: 1-2; ABV 29, no. 1. Here Figs. 1-6.

37Β 2 London, Brit. Mus. Β 80, lekane, CVA British Museum 2, III H e, Pl. 7: 4a-b (Great Britain 2, Pl. 65); Maffre (supra n. 11), 432, no. 1. Here Figs. 7-8.

38Β 3 Berlin, Staatl. Mus. F 3320, skyphos, Maffre (supra n. 11), 433, no. 13; CVA Berlin 4, Pl. 200:3-6 (Deutschland 33, PL 1622). Here Figs. 9-10.

39Β 4 Laon 37.995, skyphos, Maffre (supra n. 11), 433, no. 16; Kilinski (supra No. Β 1), Pl. 22: 4.

40Β 5 Boston, MFA 01.8110, tripod kothon, K. Kilinski II, “The Boeotian Dancer Group”, AJA 82 (1978) 181, no. 1, Fig. 13; idem (supra No. Β 1), 17, no. 1.

41Β 6 Dallas, MusArt 1981.170, ex Norbert Schimmel coll., tripod kothon, Ancient ar of the Norbert Schimmel collection (ed. O. W. Muscarella), Mainz 1974, no. 53; Kilinski (supra No. Β 1), 19, no. 4, Pl. 11: 1.

42Β 7 Athens, NM 289, tripod pyxis, Maffre (supra n. 11), 434, no. 35.

43Β 8 Paris, Louvre CA 3279, neck amphora, CVA Louvre 17, Pls. 30 and 31: 1-2 (Franc 26, Pls. 1153-1154).

44C 1 Paris, Bibl. Nat. 94, pyxis, CVA Bibliothèque National 1, Pl. 17 (France 7, PI. 301).

45C 2 Perachora 1578, aryballos, Perachora II (supra n. 4), 50, no. 1578, PI. 61.

46C 3 Oslo, Univ. Mus. of Ethnography 6909, amphoriskos, CVA Norway, III C, PI. 4.

47C 4 Munich 7741, pyxis, CVA München 3, Figs. 6-9, Pls. 144: 5-6 and 145: 1-2 (Deutschland 9, Pls. 426-427).

48C 5 Philadelphia MS 552, amphora, Ε. H. Dohan, Italic tomb groups in the University Museum, Philadelphia 1942, 99-100, no. 10, Fig. 68, Pl. 54; eadem, “Some unpublished vases in the University Museum, Philadelphia”, AJA 38 (1934) 523-526, Figs. 1 and 3, PL 22.

49C 6 Politis coll., amphora, Ch. Papadopoulou-Kanellopolou, Συλλογή Κάρολου Πολίτη (Δημοσιεύματα του Αρχαιολογικού Δελτίου, 40), Athena 1989, 87-90 and 93, no. 86, Figs. 86-91, Pl. 14.

50C 7 Taranto 20703, skyphos, F. G. Lo Porto, “Ceramica arcaica dalla necropoli di Taranto”, ASAtene 37-38 (1959-60) 156-159, Figs. 132 and 134-136.

51C 8 Berlin, Staatl. Mus. 4856, pyxis, Jucker (supra n. 4), 59, Pls. 22: 2, 4-5 and 7.

52C 9 Athens NM 951, plate, D. Callipolitis-Feytmans, “Évolution du plat corinthien”, BCH 86 (1962) 150, no. 4, Pl. 5.

53C 10 London, Brit. Mus. Β 41, amphoriskos, II. Payne, Necrocorinthia. A study of Corinthian art in the Archaic period, Oxford 1931, 324, no. 1359, PL 38: 1 and 5; Seeberg (supra n. 12), 48, no. 240, Pl. 2.

54C 11 London, Brit. Mus. 61.4 - 25. 45, lekanoid bowl, D. A. Amyx, “The Medaillon Painter”, AJA 65 (1961), Pls. 8 and 12b; Payne (supra No. C 9), no. 717.

55C 12 Paris, Musée Rodin TC 503, mastos, CVA Musée Rodin, fasc. unique, Pl. 7: 4-6 and 9 (France 16, Pl. 695).

56A 1 Priv. coll., band cup, Miinzen und Medaillen A.G., Basel, Schweiz. Kunstwerke der Antike. Auktion XVIII, 29 Nov. 1958, no. 85, Pl. 22; Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 9a-b.

57A 2 Berlin 1686, amphora, D. von Bothmer, “A Panathenaic amphora”, Metropolitan Museum Art Bulletin 11-12 (1953), Fig. on pp. 54f.; Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 9c-d; AB 296, no. 4.

58A 3 Athens NM 2298, lekythos, Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 10a.

59A 4 London, Brit. Mus. 1905.7-11.1, Vraona oinochoe, H. B. Walters, “Vases recently acquired by the British Museum”, JHS 31 (1911) 8-9, Figs. 7-8; Hemelrijk (supra η. 1), Figs. 48-49; ABV 443, no. 3.

60A 5 Lost, kalpis, Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 10c; ABV 393, no. 20.

61A 6 Uppsala, Gustavianum coll. 352, hydria, C. Melldahl & J. Flemberg, “Eine Hydria des Theseus-Malers mit einer Opferdarstellung”, in From the Gustavianum collections in Uppsala 2, 1978 (Boreas. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 9), Uppsala 1978, 57-79, Figs. 1 and 12; ABV 519, no. 15. Cover ill. of this volume.

62A 7 Priv. coll., neck amphora, Miinzen und Medaillen A.G., Basel, Schweiz. Kunstwerke der Antike. Auktion XXVI, 5 Okt. 1963, no. 103, Pl. 32; A. Malagardis, “Deux temps d’une fête athénienne sur un skyphos attique”, AntK 28 (1985) 83, Pl. 22: 1-2.

63A 8 Taranto I.G. 4346, Siana cup, H. A. G. Brijder, Siana cups and Komast cups (Allard Pierson Series, 4), Amsterdam 1983, 238, no. 23, Pls. Ile and 12a; ABV 54, no. 70.

64A 9 Paris, Louvre F 10, hydria, CVA Louvre 6, III H e, Pl. 62: 1 and 4-5 (France 9, Pl. 401).

65A 10 Munich 1441, neck amphora, H. Mommsen, Der Affecter (Kerameus, 1), Mainz am Rhein 1975, no. 106, Pls. 118-119; Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 43d-e; ABV 243, no. 44.

66A 11 Athens NM 493, lekythos, ABL 21, no. 1, Pl. 7: 1a-b; CVA Athènes 1, Pl. 7: 1-3 (Grèce 1, Pl. 15).

67A 12 Athens NM 12351, skyphos, Malagardis (supra No. A7), Pl. 19; Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 60b.

68A 13 Paestum, pelike, K. Lehnstaedt, Prozessionsdarstellungen auf attischen Vasen, Diss. München 1970, Pl. 3: 3; Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 59c.

69A 14 Priv. coll., neck amphora, Shapiro (supra η. 8), Pl. 58d.

70A 15 Cracow, Univ. Coll. 110, oinochoe, CVA Cracovie, fasc. unique, Pl. 7: 1 (Pologne 2, Pl. 80); ABV 438, no. 2, top.

71A l6 Athens NM 816 (from the Acropolis), fragmentary amphora, Graef (supra n. 7), Pl. 49.

72A 17 Priv. coll., skyphos, D. von Bothmer (ed.), Ancient art from New York private collections, New York 1961, no. 221, Pl. 76; ABV 704, no. 27 ter.

73A 18 Stuttgart KAS 74, skyphos, CVA Stuttgart 1, Pl. 19 (Deutschland 26, Pl. 1231).

74A 19 London, Brit. Mus. Β 79, skyphos, A. Frickenhaus, “Der Schiffskarren des Dionysos in Athen”, Jdl 27 (1912), Beilage 1: II A-B; ABL 250, no. 30.

75A 20 Bologna 130, lekythos, CVA Bologna 2, Pl. 43 (Italia 7, Pl. 342); ABL 253, no. 15.

76A 21 London, Brit. Mus. Β 648, skyphos, Lehnstaedt (supra No. A13), Pl. 4:3; Frickenhaus (supra No. A 19), Beilage I: IV; ABL 267, no. 14.

77A 22 Gallatin coll., lekythos, CVA Gallatin and Hoppin collections, Pl. 8: 1 and 3 (USA 1, Pl. 28); ABL 247.

78A 23 Corinth 324-4 (T 814), lekythos, C. W Blegen, H. Palmer & R. S. Young, Corinth 13. The North cemetery, Princeton (N.J.) 1964, Pl. 95.

79A 24 New Orleans, Coll. of Tulane Univ., lekythos, Art, myth and culture. Greek vases from southern collections (intr. and cat. by H.A. Shapiro), New Orleans 1981, 106-107, no. 41.

80A 25 Paris, Louvre CA 1837, lekythos, ABL 252, no. 60, PI. 43: 2a-b.

81A 26 Athens NM 18568, lekythos, Hemelrijk (supra η. 1), Figs. 50-51; Para 216.

82A 27 Copenhagen ABc 26, lekythos, CVA Copenhague 8, Pl. 328: 5 (Danemark 8, Pl. 331).

83A 28 London, Brit. Mus. Β 585, lekythos, Lehnstaedt (supra No. A13), Pl. 4:2; ABV 496, no. 175.

84A 29 Athens NM 598, lekythos, H. Heydemann, Griechische Vasenbilder, Berlin 1870, Pl. 11: 2; ABL 269, no. 63.

85A 30 Berlin, Staatl. Mus. F 1690, amphora, S. Karouzou, The Amasis Painter, Oxford 1956, Pl. 9; ABV 151, no. 11.

86A 31 Rome, Villa Giulia 74961, Tyrrhenian amphora, Civiltà degli etruschi (ed. M. Cristofani), Milano 1985, 203, no. 3, Fig. on p. 204.

87A 32 Stanford 61.66, Tyrrhenian amphora, T. B. L. Webster, “Greek vases in the Stanford Museum”, AJA 69 (1965) 64, Pl. 17: 1.

88A 33 Paris, Louvre F 876, dinos, CVA Louvre 2, Pls. 21-23 (France 2, Pls. 70-72); ABV 90, no. 1.

89A 34 Athens NM 654 (from the Acropolis), volute krater?, Graef (supra n. 7), Pls. 41-42.

90A 35 Heligoland, Kropatschek coll., Siana cup, W Hornbostel et al., Kunst der Antike. Schätze aus norddeutschem Privatbesitz, Mainz am Rhein 1977, no. 239A; Sympotica (supra n. 10), Pl. 14b and 17a.

91A 36 Taranto MN 110339, Siana cup, F. G. Lo Porto, “Vasi attici a figure nere da una tomba tarantina”, BdA 44 (1959) 14-15, no. 8, Figs. 10-12.

92A 37 Taranto I.G. 4339, Siana cup, Brijder (supra No. A8), 240-241, no. 53, Pl. l6c; ABV 52, no. 28.

93A 38 Bari 2959, Siana cup, Brijder (supra No. A8), 253, no. 176, Pl. 35a-b; ABV 53, no. 38 and 59, no. 8.

94A 39 Syracuse 49271, Siana cup, Brijder (supra No. A8), 246, no. 117, Pl. 23d; ABV 53, no. 30.

95A 40 Frankfurt, Hist. Mus., band cup, H. Schaal, Griechische Vasen aus Frankfurter Sammlungen, Frankfurt am Main 1923, Pl. 18b.

96A 41 Rome, Vatican 326, band cup, C. Albizzati, Vasi antichi dipinti del Vaticano (Monumenti vaticani di archeologia e d’arte, 2), Roma, Vaticano 1922-42, 115-116, Pl. 38.

97A 42 Athens NM 359, Droop cup, CVA Athènes (Musée National) 3, Pls. 40-41 (Grèce 3, Pls. 138-139).

98A 43 Paris, Louvre F 314, stamnos, B. Philippaki, The Attic stamnos, Oxford 1967, PI. 7: 1; CVA Louvre 2, III H e, Pl. 6 (France 2, Pl. 78); ABV 388, no. 1.

99A 44 Rome, Villa Giulia, stamnos, Philippaki, Pl. 11:3-4.

100A 45 Paris, Cab. Méd. 252, stamnos, Philippaki, Pl. 14: 1; ABV 344, no. 1.

101A 46 Oxford, Ashmolean Mus. 1965.97, sta mnos, Philippaki (supra No. A41), Pls. 11: 1-2; ABV 343, no. 6.

102A 47 Würzburg 328, stamnos, E. Langlotz, Griechische Vasen in Wilrzburg, München 1932, Pl. 100; ABV 343, no. 2.

103A 48 Brussels 251, stamnos, Philippaki, Pl. 9; ABV 388, no. 2.

104A 49 Maplewood, ex. New York, Noble coll., stamnos, Philippaki, Pls. 9: 4 and 13: 1; ABV 696, no. 2bis.

105A 50 Würzburg 327, stamnos, Langlotz (supra No. A 47), Pl. 99; ABV 343, no. 5.

106A 51 Rome, Vatican 414, stamnos, Albizzati (supra No. A40), 184, Fig. 124, Pl. 62; ABV 343, no. 3.

107A 52 Orvieto, Faina coll. 58, stamnos, Philippaki, Pl. 10:1; ABV 344, no. 2.

108A 53 Oxford 1919.46, stamnos, Philippaki, Pl. 10: 2; ABV 344, no. 3.

109A 54 Stockholm NM 1757, stamnos, to be published in CVA Stockholm 2.

110A 55 Los Angeles A 5933.50.8, stamnos, Philippaki, PI. 8; ABV 343, no. 1.

111A 56 Tarquinia, stamnos, G. Cultrera, “Tarquinia. Scoperte nella necropoli”, 162, NSc 1930, Pl. 7: 3-4; ABV 345, no. 5.

Notes

1 The Boeotian vases as well as the comparative material will be found in a list at the end. A before a number denotes Athenian, Β Boeotian and C Corinthian. Only scenes with sacrificial animals have been included. Certain scenes in Athenian vase painting show animals standing by an altar or a louterion, singly, in pairs or more, J.-P. Durand, Sacrifice et labour en Grèce ancienne. Essai d’anthropologie religieuse (Images à l’appui, 1), Paris & Rome 1986, 91-103; G. Bakalakis, “Das Zeusfest der Dipolieia auf einer oinochoe in Saloniki”, AntK 12 (1969) 56-60, Pls. 31-32; J. Hemelrijk, “The Gela Painter in the Allard Pierson Museum”, BABesch 49 (1974), esp. 140-150. These vases have also been omitted. Further excluded are two scenes with sacrificial animals which do not show a procession but a moment close to the actual sacrifice, Durand, 105-107, Figs. 24-25 (an alabastron in Berlin VI.3419 and a Caeretan hydria in Copenhagen NM 13.567). Durand calls attention to the flexed legs of the figure carrying the axe and the position of the axe on the hydria as well as the bowed heads of the animals. Sacrificial animals in processions hold their heads high, as do all walking animals. The Caeretan hydria, otherwise, shows all the traits common to a sacrificial procession: altar, fire, kanephoros, flute player. Fragments and very fragmentary vases, and vases of which no useful illustrations are available have been excluded.

2 For a survey of the motifs in the group, see Ch. Scheffer, “Why Boeotian? Reflections of the Boeotian Silhouette Group”, in From the Gustavianum Collections 3 (Boreas. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis) [in press].

3 A column does not necessarily denote a temple. In late Athenian vase painting it can be the border of the scene, for instance, on A 26. No difference has been made between bulls and cows; all are termed Β for bovine animal. It is almost impossible to differentiate between the sexes in vase painting and it is quite obvious that in many cases identification has depended on preconceived ideas of the festival depicted. Only occasionally, as on A 9, can we be certain that a cow has been depicted. Anyone carrying an item like a tray or a kanoun has been called kanephoros, as their function as carriers of sacrificial implements is the same, regardless of vessel.

4 I. Jucker, “Frauenfest in Korinth”, AntK 6 (1963) 47-61. Most of the vases show only women dancing or walking forwards holding each other by the hand, but some of the scenes also have kanephoroi, Jucker, Pls. 17 and 20: 1-2; Perachora II. The sanctuaries of Hera Akraia and Limenia (ed. T.J. Dunbabin), Oxford 1962, 194, no. 1951, Pl. 77. One fragment shows a female kanephoros accompanied by two males, a most unusual combination, T. L. Shear, “Excavations in the theatre district of Corinth in 1926”, AJA 30 (1926) 448, Fig. 3.

5 To the male bull attendants, add Perachora II (supra n. 4), 212-213, no. 2066, Pl. 77, and G. Welter, Aigina, Berlin 1938, Fig. 35.

6 For the farmer’s cart, which was probably pressed into service on the holidays, see H. L. Lorimer, “The country cart of ancient Greece”, JHS 23 (1903) 132-151.

7 The following fragments give some additional information: B. Graef, Die antiken Vasen von der Akropolis zu Athen I: 1-4, Berlin 1909-1925, no. 607, Pl. 33, no. 674, Pl. 43, no. 842, Pl. 52, Fig. on p. 102, no. 1582, Pl. 82, no. 2009, Pl. 89, and no. 2290, Pl. 96. C. Roebuck, “Pottery from the North slope of the Acropolis 1937-1938”, Hesperia 9 (1940) 182-183, no. 80, Fig. 22, and 184-185, nos. 119 and 120, Fig. 28. C. Watzinger, Griechische Vasen in Tübingen (Tübinger Forschungen zur Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte, 2), Reutlingen 1924, nos. D 23-24, Pl. 10. From the fragments we learn of a second bull/sheep/pig sacrifice; as on the complete vases bovines are the most popular sacrificial victim, but there are cases of sheep, pigs and one goat as well. Musicians are male, but there are two female kanephoroi. Other participants are exclusively male. In two cases objects which have been interpreted as knives are being carried in the procession (Graef, no. 607 and Roebuck, no. 80).

8 There are indications of a similar, predominantly female cult also in Athenian vase painting, see, for instance, L. Kahil, “Le “cratérisque” d’Artémis et le Brauronion de l’acropole”, Hesperia 50 (1981) 253-263; eadem, “Autour de l’Artémis attique”, AntK 8 (1965) 20-33. See also the fragment with a seated goddess (Demeter?) in H. A. Shapiro, Art and cult under the tyrants in Athens, Mainz am Rhein 1989, Pl. 38d-e. The theme of dancing girls can be traced far back into the Geometric period and would certainly bear investigation.

9 Transport amphorae for wine are rarely depicted in Athenian vase painting. The only ones known to me are two examples of carts with amphorae standing up: Ρ Wolters & G. Bruns, Das Kabirenheiligtum bei Theben, Berlin 1940, Pl. 11, and Durand (supra n. 1), Fig. 89c.

10 Cf. for the leg, the cutting-up scene on the Corinthian Eurytos crater Louvre Ε 635, Sympotica. A symposium on the symposion (ed. O. Murray), Oxford 1990, Pl. la; a pelike in Naples 3358, Shapiro (supra n. 8), Pl. 38f; a hydria in Boston 99257 and a cup in the Louvre C 10918, J. P. Durand, “Bêtes grecques. Proposition pour une typologie des corps à manger”, in M. Detienne & J. P. Vernant, La cuisine du sacrifice en pays grec, Paris 1979, Figs. 8 and 19; a krater in London Brit. Mus. B 267, idem (supra n. 1), Fig. 38.

11 See J.-J. Maffre, “Collection Paul Canellopoulos (VIII): vases béotiens”, BCH 99 (1975) 434, nos. 35-36. No. 35 is our Β 7. No. 36 is a pyxis in a private collection in Athens showing two bigae in course.

12 On C 8 the female participants are clothed but are otherwise taking part wholeheartedly in the goings-on. For the presence of females in the revelry, see A. Seeberg, Corinthian komos vases (BICS, Suppl. no. 27), London 1971, 46-48 and 106, nos. 231-240. The inclusion of females and especially nude ones is considered an Atticizing trait.

13 Jucker (supra n. 4), 59 with n. 91, and PL 22:6.

14 On one amphora in the Louvre, CVA Louvre 1, PL 4:1 and 9 (France 1, PL 34), there is a one-person banquet on one side; on the other a solemn file of men moves toward a tripod. This vase has not been included, as the connection with games is very tenuous or non-existent and the procession, in any case, is not sacrificial. At least one Tyrrhenian painter was interested in sports, as testified by an amphora in Geneva, MF 156 (CVA Genève 2, III H, PL 43 (Suisse 3, PL 99): tripods, judges, footrace, jumping, boxing, wrestling, javelin throwing, and possibly discus throwing; in a register above are young men horse riding, whether competitive or not is hard to say.

15 The mixing of the two motifs is apparently found fairly often in the last third of the sixth century and I have not found it necessary to include all possible examples, as the subject is already well treated by B. Fehr, Orientalische und griechische Gelage (Abhandlungen zur Kunst-, Musik- und Litteraturwissenschaft, 94), Bonn 1971; J.-M. Dentzer, Le motif du banquet couché dans le Proche-Orient et le monde grec du viie au ive siècle avant J.-C. (Bibliothèque des Écoles Françaises d’Athènes et de Rome, 246), Rome 1982, 108f., table 4.

16 These stamnoi, most of which belong to the so-called Perizoma Group, seem very closely related. Mature men, conspicuously lacking in athletic suppleness, take part in sports, always dressed in white loin-cloths. In the banquets and revelry scenes they wear a sort of kerchief wound around the head in the manner of a turban. It seems near at hand to surmise that these old boy vases were commissioned for some special cultic event (or an Etruscan market, see M. McDonnell, “The introduction of athletic nudity: Thucydides, Plato and the vases”, JHS 111 (1991) 186-189, with n. 25). Only illustrated vases have been included.

17 Durand (supra n. 10), 133-165; idem (supra n. 1), 89-143; G. Berthiaume, Les rôles du mageiros. Étude sur la boucherie, la cuisine et le sacrifice dans la Grèce ancienne (Mnemosyne, Suppl. 70), Leiden 1982, 44-53.

18 A31 seems to be the closest we come to such a combination: Dionysiac revelry associated with humans preparing food and taking part in games. For a list of banquet scenes and their “backsides”, see P. Schmitt-Pantel, “Sacrificial meal and symposion: Two models of civic institutions in the Archaic city?”, in Sympotica (supra n. 10), 27-30.

19 For a discussion of the role of the banquet, see lately Schmitt-Pantel (supra n. 18), 14-26.

20 Athens, Kanellopoulos collection 384, Maffre (supra n. 11), 467, no. 16, Fig. 29, and Athens, Serpieri collection, Maffre, 435, no. 42, B. A. Sparkes, “The Greek kitchen”, JHS 82 (1962) 122 and 126, PL 7: 2. Several mortar and pestles scenes are known: Pausanias V18.2 (the Kypselos chest); Leningrad 2265, E. Bohr, Der Schaukelmaler (Kerameus, 4), Mainz am Rhein 1982, 51 and 96, no. 113, PL 116; Boston 13 205, A. Fairbanks, “An Ionian deinos in Boston”, AJA 23 (1919) 281 and 283, Fig. 1; Eleusis 1055, W. von Massow, “Die Kypseloslade”, AM 41 (1916) 58, Fig. 13. The scene on the Ionian dinos shows a man and a woman at the mortar, accompanied by flute music; other persons bring wine in pitchers and more solid foodstuff in vessels and a string bag; a large dinos on a stand and a youth jumping for joy contribute to the festive atmosphere. It is easy to believe that scenes of this kind represent some cultic ceremony, as suggested by Bohr (above), 51, and Shapiro (supra n. 8), 82. It is interesting that two of these scenes are Boeotian, especially as there also exist Boeotian terracotta figurines with the same motif, S. Mollard-Besques, Musée du Louvre. Catalogue raisonné des figurines et reliefs en terre-cuite grecs, étrusques et romains I. Époques préhellénique, géométrique, archaïque et classique, Paris 1954, nos. Β 120-121.

21 G. Barbieri, “La tomba Golini I e la cista di Bruxelles. Due rappresentazioni di ‘cucina’”, in L’alimentazione nel mondo antico. Gli etruschi, Roma 1987, 119-122. S. Steingraber, Catalogo ragionato della pittura etrusca, Milano 1985, 284-285, no. 32, Pls. 3-7. For the hydria, see Berthiaume (supra n. 16), 44-53, Pls. 1-5; Durand (supra n. 16), 133-143, Pls. 1-4; L’alimentazione, 156-157.

22 Maffre (supra n. 11), 467 and 470, no. 16, Fig. 29.

Table des illustrations

Titre Table 1. Significant features of the sacrificial procession
Légende AbbreviationsΒ = bovine animal, G = goat, Ρ = pig, S = sheep, M = male, F = female, L = person leading a sacrificial animal, Pr = priest, Prss = priestess.Priests and priestesses are not always easy to recognize. Only cases which are reasonably certain have been noted. All participants are male, when not stated otherwise. One F means one female participant besides the possibly female kanephoros or priestess. A21 thus has two women present. One M means that only one person is present in total.
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Titre Table 1. (Continued)
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Légende Fig. 1. Sacrificial procession. Tripod kothon of the Boeotian Dancers Group, Berlin F1727 (Β 1). Courtesy, Antikenmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Photograph I. Luckert.
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Légende Fig. 2. Banquet. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow.
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Légende Fig. 3. Reverly. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph I. Luckert.
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Légende Fig. 4. Boxing. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow
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Légende Fig. 5. Wrestling. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow
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Titre Table 2. Significant moments of the festival scenes
Légende AbbreviationsΒ = boxing, W = wrestling, D = discus throwing, Η = horse riding, F = footrace, J = jumping, Ja = javelin throwing.CommentsAll horse riding is not necessarily racing but may be part of the young men’s training. On Β 8 and A 33 neither the sacrifice (i.e., the sacrificial animal) nor the banquet is shown explicitly but is implied by the transportation or preparation of food and drink. On A33 the event of the games is not certain as the scene is fragmentary. The games are, however, securely identified by the prizes, judges and nude participants. On A 32 a satyr is leading a bull as if to sacrifice.
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Titre Table 2. (Continued)
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Légende Fig. 6. Discus throwing. Same as Fig. 1. Photograph J. Tietz-Glasgow.
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Légende Fig. 7. Sacrificial procession. Lekane of the Boeotian Silhouette Groupe, London B 80 (B 2). Courtesy, the British Museum.
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Légende Fig. 8. Revelry (and end of sacrificial procession). Same as Fig. 7.
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Légende Fig. 9. Banquet and procession. Skyphos of the Boeotian Silhouette Group, Berlin F 3320 (Β 3). Courtesy, Antikenmuseum Berlin, Staatliche Museen Preussischer Kulturbesitz. Photograph I. Luckert.
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Légende Fig. 10. Revelry and boxing. Same as Fig. 9.
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Légende Fig. 11. Boxing and revelry. Tripod kothon of the Boeotian Dancers Group, Dallas Museum of Art 1981.170 (B 6). From Ancient art in the Norbert Schimmel collection, Mainz 1974, no. 53.
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Department of Classical Archaeology
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