Changing Modes in the Representation of Cult Images*
p. 9-46
Texte intégral
1The title of this article, changing modes in the representation of cult images, promises more, I think, than I can deliver. At the present time, I have more questions than answers – questions that have arisen from the representations of cult images, or possible cult images, in different media.
2In this paper I will concentrate on vase paintings, but will briefly touch upon some representations on reliefs.
3I have relied, of course, on the articles written by K. Schefold and E. Bielefeld.1 However, I hope that this survey is not just a repetition of their statements. When looking for representations of images i have, for instance, not limited myself to the Attic vase paintings as did Schefold and Bielefeld, but have also included South Italian examples.2 Since this is work in progress there are many gaps which hopefully will be filled in later. Only a small part of the material can be dealt with here. With this study I will test one method of approach to see if it is worthwhile to pursue it further.
4Regarding the representations of cult images a number of questions may be asked: are there any differences in the representations of the various deities when depicted as statues; are there differences in the representations of the same god in different scenes; are there only certain gods that appear as cult images, and do some of them appear only in particular situations, or may all gods be shown as cult images; can we correlate actual images with those depicted?
5The first task is to decide if a representation on a vase or a relief, or for that matter in any media, should be regarded as a picture of a statue and more specifically a cult image.3 The dividing line between representations of deities in “person”, or as a statue, or as in some way reflecting a statue, is in many cases very vague.4 I will include some questionable examples, where it may be argued that the painter or sculptor wanted to depict the god or goddess in person. On the other hand, I do not think that one can totally dismiss the possibility that a representation of a deity reflects the cult image even when the god is not shown as a statue. Schefold has spoken of “die lebenden Statuen”.5 The deities are statuesque in appearance but move and interfere in the events portrayed. The only way to determine with more certainty that a statue is intended is when the base, that some of them occupy or in some cases have left, is depicted. I will not go further into this question now and will merely mention a few examples of this kind. Another difficulty is the identification of a picture as a specific, actual cult image.
6The material may be divided according to the situation depicted and the way the deity is shown, that is, mythological scenes, cult scenes, and depictions of the deity alone. The last category is represented by figurines and depictions on coins.
7If we restrict ourselves to mythological and cultic scenes they may be subdivided and this can be done in various ways. In the mythological scenes, one may ask in which myths the representations of cult images appear, in which part of the myth told, and so on? In some mythological scenes the depiction of the divine statue or cult image is necessary for the telling of the story. It is what Schefold called “Bilder von Statuen die durch den Inhalt der Darstellung gefordert werden”.6 Ajax assaulting Kassandra who takes refuge by the image of Athena, and the theft of the Palladion, are examples of such representations. To a lesser degree also Menelaos pursuing Helen, who takes refuge at an image, and the Tauric Artemis may be counted among these representations. From one period to another, the same event is rendered in various ways and the image changes in appearance.
8In other mythological scenes the cult image does not necessarily play any part. The scene may be not only mythological but also cultic; that is, a sacrifice is shown in a mythological context. In other instances the image may act as a setting for the scene.7 I do not know if this disqualifies the image from being regarded as a cult image. Of course, not a specific cult image but a generic one.
9The cultic category can also be subdivided. The cult scenes may show different situations: sacrifice, processions, dances, prayer, tending the image, and so on.
The mythological scenes
10I mentioned earlier the mythological scenes where the image is necessary for the story and now I will discuss some of these examples. The representations of the Ajax and Kassandra episode alter with time, not only in style but also in other ways that changes the tone of the representation.
11On the black-figure vases, Athena is shown more as a living goddess although we know that Kassandra sought refuge at the image of Athena (Fig. la-b).8 Goddess and image are in a sense one. Athena is depicted life-size as Promachos and as large as Ajax. Kassandra is often much smaller and sometimes partially hidden by Athena’s shield. The combatants, Athena and Ajax, are meeting each other more or less face-to-face and Kassandra has almost been reduced to a subordinate person. With the Kleophrades Painter the situation is somewhat different (Fig. 2).9 Athena is still turned towards Ajax and brandishing her spear against him, but she is more similar to a Palladion with her feet closer together. Kassandra is kneeling down under the shield but is more conspicuous. As time goes by, and this is a very popular theme, much used by the South Italian vase painters, the image of Athena becomes smaller, sometimes standing on a high base, or a high column. She is depicted as a real statue, usually in a frontal position. Kassandra is clasping the image (Fig. 3).10 It appears to me that in these representations the protective force of the goddess is diminished. In some cases, one gains the impression that the goddess, when in the form of a statue, is totally uninterested in the events that take place around her. Sometimes she has her back turned towards the pleading Kassandra, and in no way confronts Ajax.11 Does this indicate the outcome of the episode?
12In the case of Menelaos and Helen (in some instances the interpretation of the characters involved is not quite certain) Apollon or a male deity is depicted. On an amphora from the middle of the fifth century, Helen clasps the image of the god who is shown as a kouros with the arms close by the sides; the archaizing features are quite clear (Fig. 4).12 On a slightly earlier vase by the Niobid Painter depicting the same event, Apollon is shown standing on a Doric column behind an altar (Fig. 5).13 His stance reminds one of the Kritios boy. This scene is an example of another trait that appears on several vase paintings, which we have met earlier; beside the image stands Apollon in person.14 In both instances he carries a laurel twig; the image is also holding a phiale. Helen is advancing towards the statue, but the god himself intervenes. The Athena that attends the scene is depicted as rather statuesque and could perhaps be regarded as a “lebende Statue”.
13The Palladion in the scenes with the theft of the image from Troy is, of course, always small and doll-like and more or less archaic or archaizing.15
14Another story where the image is essential is Orestes who takes refuge from the Erinyes at an image of Athena in Athens. On Fig. 6 the goddess is shown more as a high Classical statue than as an old Palladion, which one would perhaps expect, since the image is called bretas in the ancient literature, which might indicate a rather simple, old image.16
15To return to Apollon a gruesome story in which the god appears as a statue is that of Laokoon and his sons. In a couple of representations, we see Apollon standing on a base and at his feet are the severed limbs of Laokoon’s unhappy son. The serpent winds itself contentedly around the image (Fig. 7).17 The image of Apollon is rather stiff and similar to a kouros statue, especially on a bell-krater; on the fragment from Ruvo the god is resting his weight on his right leg. On the krater, Apollon is holding a bow, and on the fragment, a phiale in his right hand.
16To turn to another god, Zeus is represented only in a few instances. Whether he should be regarded as a cult image since he is shown by an altar though standing on a column, or as a votive statue, as has been suggested, is a matter of contention.18 However, his appearance in the scene shown in Fig. 8 is unnecessary, even if he may have had his own reasons to attend the finding of the egg from which Helen was born.19 The god is standing naked, holding a sceptre in his left hand and a bowl in his right. His stance and appearance are those of a Classical statue.
17In two cases he is shown in different attires at Priamos’ death, standing on a high pedestal.20 At the murder of Aegisthos, he stands on a high column with an eagle and a thunderbolt similar to the representations of the striding Zeus (Fig. 9), common as statuettes and on coins.21
18On a vase, where the sacrifice of Oinomaos is depicted, a Zeus of the striding type on a column is again used.22 One could argue that this scene is set at Olympia, where such representations of the god were common votives both as statuettes and as statues set up in the precinct. Is it equally possible to argue that the image functions in the picture as a cult image, although none of this type existed in the sanctuary? On the reverse of British Museum F 278 with the same motive, Zeus is shown standing, dressed in chiton and himation and holding a sceptre.23 It should be noted that none of the vases show the statue made by Phidias or the old warrior god standing in the Heraion.
19The appearance of Zeus in the form of a statue in the scene with Oinomaos’ sacrifice is not surprising. The sacrifice can, however, also be performed in front of an image of Artemis, as on a vase from 380/70 B.C. (Fig. 10).24 The pose and attire of the goddess should, as in other instances, probably allude to an old image. She is standing on a high column behind the altar and is holding a phiale and a bow, something that recurs in other representations of the goddess. Artemis appears also in person and as a cult image on a high base on an Apulian krater from the middle of the fourth century showing the Rhodope story (Fig. 11).25 The image looks old-fashioned here too. It holds a phiale in the left hand and a torch, barely visible, in the right.
20The Tauric Artemis is represented on several vases, on which she stands in or in front of a naïskos.26 The image of the goddess is shown almost life-size and half life-size as well as archaistic and more “modern”. To depict the cult image in a naïskos is very common on South Italian vases. Of the examples I have gathered so far only one is Attic.27
21Aphrodite is seen in person and as a statue on the well known vase by the Meidias Painter showing the abduction of the daughters of Leukippos (Fig. 12).28 In variance to the Aphrodite sitting at the altar, the probable cult image is also here shown in a rather stiff frontal position probably alluding to an old cult image, though the painter has not quite refrained from giving the lower part of the image a slightly swinging attitude. A South Italian vase with the same scene shows a more sturdy image without the narrowing of the dress at the feet (Fig. 13).29 On the latter vase the goddess is holding a phiale in her right hand and a sceptre in her left. Other vase-paintings show Aphrodite standing in a stiff frontal position with her feet together. In one case she is holding phialai in both hands, in another she raises her hands, probably with the palms turned outwards (Figs. 14–15).30 An Aphrodite more or less of this type is seen on many lekythoi from Athens which are interpreted as showing special cult images in the city, those of Aphrodite Urania.31
22The gesture, with palms turned outwards, which is also made by the Meidian Aphrodite with the left hand, is made by another image that is often referred to as an example of a cult image depicted in vase-painting. On a number of vases we see Herakles sacrificing to Chryse. On some of them there are inscriptions which secure the identification. Behind an altar built of boulders, the image is placed on a high column. It is stiff and frontal. Fig. 16 shows the vase, now in Vienna, from the end of the fifth century.32 The image is draped in a richly embroidered dress and wears a spiked crown. The goddess lifts her arms and turns the palms outwards with spreading fingers. The image is shown in the same position in representations of the same scene on other vases and it has been suggested that an actual image lies behind this representation.33
23The archaizing features are apparent in many cases, as we have seen, and it has been argued that this is due to nostalgia and also a new feeling for the old religion at the end of the fifth century, when this type of representation became popular.34 The type lived on, however, and is very popular in the fourth century in the South Italian repertoire. Has it become a topic, a standard version? It is possible to compare with the Athenas on the Panathenaic amphoras and other representations with an archaistic flavour to denote an old image or a cult image as such. What about contemporary images? Were they not depicted? Or are they the “living statues”?
24There are both similarities and differences in the representations on the Attic and the South Italian vases. In both cases the positioning of the image on a high base or column, often at an altar, is used. The naïskos is, however, far more common in the South Italian material.
Cult scenes
25The last example was Herakles sacrificing. This leads us to the cult scenes. I will refer to only a few examples, and begin with a Boeotian plate with a procession, an altar and Athena standing behind the altar; a column is also seen (see Scheffer, Fig. 7).35 I am quite aware of the fact that this may not be a representation of a cult image, just as is the case with the Athena on the vase in Berlin (see Nordquist, Fig. 3b).36 I will not go into the question of Athena’s early image on the Acropolis, even if there is the possibility that the vase representations were inspired by a statue.37 These depictions of Athena, just as the black-figure ones with Kassandra, show the goddess life-size. As yet, I do not have any example of Athena on a column at a sacrifice. Such an Athena (it has been suggested that it is a votive statue) is seen with a man standing in prayer in front of the image (Fig. 17).38
26On the other hand, Apollon appears on a column behind an altar. He is depicted in profile awaiting the sacrifice (Fig. 18).39 The vase is from the middle of the fifth century. The god is shown as rather stiff, standing with the feet close together. However, he does not give a completely kouros-like impression. On Fig. 19 we see Apollon seated in a rather leisurely manner on a throne in a shrine.40 He is holding a laurel twig. Does this represent a statue, since he is pictured inside a temple, with the throne standing on a base, awaiting a sacrificial procession? He seems more like a “god in person” and could be regarded as “living statue”.
27A well known Apulian fragment shows Apollon sitting on the ground and the statue of the god standing inside the temple, holding a phiale and bow (Fig. 20).41 Though the posture of the statue is relatively stiff, the muscles are well depicted on this vase from the early fourth century. There is thus a tension between his stance and the execution of his body.
28We have not yet met Dionysos. On the so-called Lenaion vases he is shown as a pole on which a mask and a dress are hung, often standing by a table where libations, offerings and dances are performed (Fig. 21).42 In one instance, we have a more conventional representation of the god’s cult image standing by a table and altar awaiting the sacrifice of a goat. The image is stiff and frontal, wearing a polos, and holding a kantharos and a thyrsos staff (Fig. 22).43
29Hermes in the form of herms is, I think, the most common representation of an image as the focus of a cultic event (Fig. 23).44 Many of the gods when depicted as statues are shown at a sacrifice, but there are also other representations, such as dancing and tending the image, as on a Corinthian vase (if it is a cult image as suggested by Romano),45 but the herms appear more often in various cult manifestations, such as sacrifices, prayer, dancing etc. So far there seems to be a difference between the deities when they are represented in a cult scene and when shown in mythological contexts.
30There is, on the whole, rather few images in cult scenes. I do not know if we should expect a greater number. Perhaps it was more in keeping with the Greek perception of the deities not to show them in the form of statues but to represent them in person at a sacrifice. The frequency with which different gods appear in mythological scenes may, on the other hand, depend on the popularity of the story told.
31To add a brief comment on images or reflections of cult images on reliefs, I will mention a couple of votive reliefs showing Artemis and Asklepios. The deities are not shown as statues, that is standing on bases, on the examples given (Fig. 24).46 However, for Asklepios, at least, there is a rather strong case for seeing a reflection of a statue or cult image in the representation of the god.
32To compare the representations of statues on vases with those on reliefs – and in this case it ought to be with those representations which I refrained from discussing, namely the “living statues” – is not easy. There is one thing that may be of interest, however, barring all the instances that I have yet to study. On the votive reliefs, perhaps depending on the conventions for that genre, the gods very often appear far larger than the human beings, their devotees. On the vase paintings the gods and devotees are of a more similar size. Or, if the deities are represented as “real” cult images, they are smaller than the devotees, especially, of course, when they are placed on a high column. Does this tell us anything about the relationship between the worshippers and the deities? Or is it merely conventions that rule the representations in these different media? It should, however, be pointed out that on one relief, the image is depicted as sitting in a naskos and smaller than the goddess in person that is seated beside the naïskos (the votaries are not preserved).47
33To conclude, I think that it is possible to see some differences between the gods, e.g., in the frequency in which they appear as cult images. So far (I must stress that I have not looked through the whole material, and, therefore, no statistics can be made), Athena, Apollon, and especially the herms seem to be more often depicted: Apollon and Athena in the mythological scenes, depending on the popularity of the themes where they appear, and the herms perhaps as a very familiar representation which was close at hand. On special types of vases we meet other gods as well; Dionysos on the Lenaion vases and Aphrodite on the lekythoi that may be connected with the cult of Aphrodite Urania.
Notes de bas de page
1 Schefold, “Statuen”; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”. Romano, Cult images, passim and 455–464 (a catalogue of vase paintings with representations of probable early cult images), has thoroughly discussed the representations of cult images in various media.
2 In this case I have used, among others, K. Schauenburg, “Zu Götterstatuen auf unteritalischen Vasen”, A4 1977, 285–297; G. Schneider-Herrmann, “Kultstatue im Tempel auf italischen Vasenbildern”, BABesch 47 (1972) 31–42. Moret, Ilioupersis, became available to me after I had delivered this lecture, He discusses several of the issues which I had raised. Schefold and Bielefeld have referred to South Italian vases but their central theme is Attic vase painting.
3 For a discussion of what constitutes a cult image see Romano, Cult images, and eadem, “Early Greek cult images and cult practice”, in Early Greek cult practice. Proceedings of the Fifth International Symposium at the Swedish Institute at Athens, June 26–29 1986, eds. R. Hägg, N. Marinatos & G.C. Nordquist (ActaAth-4°, 38), Stockholm 1988, 126–133.
4 This question has been discussed by several scholars, e.g., Schefold, “Statuen”, 33; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 379; Romano, Cult images, 22–24; H. A. Shapiro, Art and cult under the tyrants in Athens, Mainz am Rhein 1989, e.g., 27–36.
5 Schefold, “Statuen”, 33, 58–67; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 385, n. 39. See also Shapiro (supra n. 4), 27f. (for earlier black-figure).
6 Schefold, “Statuen”, 33.
7 Together with an altar it may be used to denote the place of a cultic event, to denote an outdoor sanctuary. See, e.g., R Miller Ammermann, “ΣΤΥΛΙΤAΙ in Magna Graecia: a coroplastic contribution to the history of columnar statue bases”, RdA 11 (1987) 25—33, esp. 27. That this is the case especially with statues on a column was argued at the colloquium. The image should not be regarded as a cult image in the real sense. I am, however, not totally convinced. That a cult image could be placed on a column is shown by the old image of Hera that stood on a column in the Argive Heraion. It could be argued, however, that the image, which was brought from Tiryns to Argos, acted more as a votive image in its new home and that it stood inside the temple, not outside by the altar. The question then arises, if it is possible to interpret the scene as a cult image taken out from the temple to be present at the sacrifice at the altar. We know that images were carried out of the temple on special occasions, for bathing etc. but were they taken out to the altar? However, whether this sometimes occurred or not, might it not be possible to look upon the image by the altar in the representations on the vases as a cult image in the situation depicted?
8 Two black-figured olpai: Paris, Cabinet des Médailles 181. CVA Paris, Bibliothèque Nationale 1, Pls. 34:7 and 35: 1 (= France 7, Pls. 318–319); Paralipomena, 19.3:4; LLMC I, 340, no. 36, PI. 257 = my Fig. la, permission requested: J Davreux, La légende de la prophétesse Cassandre d’après les textes et les monuments (Bibl. de la Faculté de Philosophie et Lettres de l’Université de Liège, 94), Liège & Paris 1942, 149, no. 79, Fig. 58; and Leiden PC 54 from Vulci of the Dot-ivy class, 530–520 B.C. CVA Leiden, Rijksmuseum van Oudheden 2, PL 82 (= Netherlands 4, PI. 176) = my Fig. lb, permission requested; Davreux, op. cit., 145, no. 69, Fig. 38. For further examples LIMC i, 34()f, nos. 16–35. 38–42, Pls. 253–258. On no. 38, PL 257, ibid., a hydria from 515–510 by the Priamos Painter in a private collection, Athena is shown more as a statue, smaller in proportion to the other figures than on the earlier vases but probably standing on a base (there is a lacuna in the vase) and therefore dominating the scene. K. Schauenburg, “Hiupersis auf einer Hydria des Priamosmalers”, RM 71 (1964) 60–70, PL 4; Paralipomena 147, no. 30; Moret, Ilioupersis, 12, n. 6. Davreux has gathered and discussed the representations of the Kassandra episode. For the Italic representations of the episode see Moret, Llioupersis, 11–27.
9 The so-called Vivenzio-hydria, Naples no. 8166,9 (H 2422). ARV2, 189, no. 74; Paralipomena, 341; LIMC I, Ajax II, 341, no. 44, PI. 259: Pfuhl, MuZ, Fig. 378; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 379.
10 Taranto, no. 52.665, Apulian kalyx-krater, close to the Painter of the Birth of Dionysos, 360–350 B.C. RVAp I, 39, no. 24; LIMC I, 343, no. 55, PI. 261 (= LIMC H, 967, no. 93, PL 713 = my Fig. 3, permission requested); Arias, RivIstArch n.s. 4 (1955) 111: 18, 113, Fig. 22; Moret, Llioupersis, 11, no. 3, Pls. 2–3. A similar representation, Naples, Mus. Naz. 82.923 (11.3230), Apulian volute-krater, the Milan Orpheus group, c. 350. LLMC I, 343, no. 56, PI. 261; RVAp I, 421, no. 43; Moret, llioupersis, 11, no. 4, Pls. 4–5. (On these kraters we also see Athena in person.) Other examples LIMC I. 343–345, nos. 54–77, Pls. 261–265, p. 347, nos. 95 and 97, PL 268. Moret also notes the difference in size and the tendency to depict the image as an image, Larger statues or more life-like representations can be seen on early red-figured vases, e.g., on an Attic plate, dated 520–510 (LIMC I, 342, no. 51, PI. 260; ARV2, 163, no. 4), where the goddess confronts Ajax in the black-figure tradition. On no. 53 (LLMC), a Campanian amphora from c. 350 B.C. (Capua 7554, CVA Capua, Museo Campano 1, PI. 22 [= Italia 11, PI. 530]; Moret, llioupersis, 11, no. 10, PI. 12:1) Athena is standing in a relaxed pose by the altar on which Kassandra takes refuge. For an Athena on a high column see Moret, ibid., Pls. 16:2, 17: 2, an amphora in British Museum, BM 1948.10–15.2 and on a high base on an Etruscan krater in Mainz, LIMC I, 347, no. 91, PL 268; Moret, ibid., 40f, PI. 18: 2. The scene on the last mentioned vase is not quite certain, it could also represent Helen and Menelaos.
11 One example is Ferrara VP T. 1.36, Attic or Italic red-figured volute-krater, 400–390 B.C. CVA Ferrara 1, PI. 13: 1 and 4 (= Italia 37, PI. 1657); LIMC I, 347, no. 91, PI. 268. Another where the goddess turns her head away is an Apulian volute-krater, London British Museum F160 by the llioupersis Painter, c. 350 B.C. LIMC I. 343, no. 59. PI. 262; Moret, llioupersis, 11, no. 2, Pls. 8 and 10:1. the interpretation of the scene as the goddess turning away depends on the identification of the persons involved and this is by no means clear.
12 London, British Museum li 336, Attic red-figured neck-amphora from Capua, by the Dwarf Painter. CVA British Museum 5, III Ic, PL 65: 2a (= Great Britain 7, PL 315): ARV2, 1010, no. 4; Schefold. “Statuen”, 44, Pig. 7; Simon, Götter, Fig. 116 = my Fig. 4; LIMC II, 189, no. 5, PL 182 = LIMC IV 550, no. 358, PI. 355. Another vase where Helen is running to the image of the god is seen on an Attic neck-amphora by the Berlin Painter, Vienna, Kunsthist. Mus. IV 741, c. 470 B.C. ARV2, 203, no. 101; CVA Wien 2, PI. 56:1–2 (= Österreich 2, PI. 56); LIMC II, 189, no. 6, PI. 182; Schefold, “Statuen”, 46. Apollon is seen in profile in the manner of a kouros without any attributes but with a “fuller” body, more pronounced breast and buttocks. Helen takes refuge also at the images of other deities, e.g., that of Athena. Three examples: Attic red-figured oinochoe from Vulci, Vatican, Museo Gregoriano Etrusco 16535 (11525), 430—425 B.G (ARV2, 1173; LIMC IV, 543, 272bis, PI. 340) and two Apulian volute-kraters, Zurich, Galleri Nefer (RVAp, suppl. 1, 151, no. 21a, PI. 29:4, end of 4th century) and Berlin, Staatl. Museen 1968.11, 350–340 B.C. (RVAp I, 475, no. 3; LIMC II, 141, no. 1482, PI. 144 = LIMC IV, 351, no. 359; Moret, llioupersis, 31, no. 17, pls. 22–23). On an Apulian volute-krater, Helen runs to the image of Aphrodite. London BM F 278, 320–310 B.C. (RVAp II, 931, no. 118; LIMC IV, 351, no. 360, PL 355 = LIMC II, 141, no. 1483, PL 145; Moret, llioupersis, 31, no. 7, PI. 21:2; K. Schauenburg, “Zur Symbolik unteritalischer Rankenmotive”, RM 64 (1957) PI. 40: 1 where the old restorations are still to be seen). On the London vase there are two other scenes depicted which belong to the llioupersis cycles, Ajax and Kassandra and the death of Priam (see below).
13 Bologna, Museo Civico Pell. 269, Attic red-figured volute-krater, 460–455 B.C. CVA Bologna, Museo Civico 5, PL 102:3–4 (= Italia 33, PL 1476) = my Fig. 5, permission requested; ARV2, 559, no. 8; LIMC IV, 541, no. 250, PL 336 = LIMC II, 240, no. 446, PI. 218; Schefold, “Statuen”, 46; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 380, η. 8. The same scene is shown on a rather damaged kalyx-krater from Spina, Ferrara, Museo Nazionale 2895 (T 936 VI) by the Niobid Painter, 450–440 B.C., where one can see the remaining parts the image of Apollon on a Doric column. The god is standing with his right hand on his hip and with a bow in his left hand. In front of Helen stands the god himself holding a laurel twig. CVA Ferrara 1, PI. 16 (= Italia 37, PI. 1660); ARV2, 601, no. 18, 1661; Paralipomena 395; LLMC IV, 544, no. 281, PL 342. One can compare the image on a Lucanian pelike (LLMC II, 214, no. 241, PL 104; LCS, 55, no. 283, PI. 25:5).
14 We will meet this trait in other examples. It occurs also, as we have seen, on the Apulian kraters from Taranto and Naples (supra n. 10 and Fig. 3) where Athena is sitting beside the shrine where Kassandra is seeking help at the goddess’s image. Athena is looking towards the event but in this case she does not intervene. Also on the Ferrara krater (supra n. 13).
15 See UMC II, 968, nos. 103–106, Pls. 714–715 and LIMC III, 401f., nos. 23–32, Pls. 286–287 for a few examples. Also Moret, llioupersis, 71–84, Pls. 29–41.
16 Berlin, Staatl. Museen 4565, Apulian bell-krater by the I Hearst Painter, 415–390 B.C. RVAp I, 12, no. 32; LIMC II, 969, no. 116, PL 716; Moret, llioupersis, 165f. no. 108, PL 91: 1; R. R. Dyer, “The evidence for Apolline purification rituals at Delphi and Athens”, JHS 89 (1969) PL 5:8 = my Fig. 6, permission requested.
17 Basel, Antikenmuseum, Coll. P. Ludwig, Lucanian bell-krater by the Pisticci Painter, c. 430 B.C. LIMC II, 217, no. 273, PI. 206 = my Fig. 7, permission requested; Schauenburg (supra n. 2), 294f., Fig. 10; Romano, Cult images, 457, no. 10; LCS, suppl. 2,154, no. 33a; A. D. Trendall, Early South Italian vase-painting, 1974, 28, A 27. Ruvo, Museo Jatta, fragment of an Apulian krater. LIMC II, 292, no. 883; Schauenburg, op. cit., 294; P. Moreno, “Il realismo nella pittura greca del iv secolo A.C”, RivIstArch n.s. 13/14 (1964/65) 27–98, esp. 38, Fig. 9; L. Séchan, Études sur la tragédie grecque dans ses rapports avec la céramique, Paris 1926, l60ff.
18 Miller Ammermann (supra n. 7), 26f.
19 Bonn, Akad. Kunstmuseum 78, Attic bell-krater from Gnathia by Polion, c. 425. CVA Bonn, Pls. 19: 1, 20:2, 4 (= Deutschland 1, Pis. 19–20) = my Fig. 8, permission requested; ARV2, 1171, no. 4; LIMC III, 583, no. 185, Pl. 471; Cook, Zeus I, Fig. 206; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 382; Schefold, “Statuen”, 46f.
20 London, British Museum F 278 (for references see supra n. 12). Cook, Zeus I, 39, n. 2, PL 4:2; Moret, llioupersis, 47–50, no. 7, PI. 20: 2; RVAp II, 931, no. 118. Zeus is dressed in a short himation or a short tunic and is holding a sceptre in his right hand; he is resting on his right leg. Louvre Κ 88, Apulian amphora by the Casque Painter, c. 310. RVAp II, 910, no. 12, Moret, llioupersis, 47–50, no. 20, Pls. 26:1, 27:1. On this vase the god is draped in a long himation. He is shown in a frontal position and looks massive.
21 Berlin, Staatl. Museen 3167 VI, Campanian neck-amphora by the Ixion Painter, 330–320 B.C. Cook, Zeus I, 39f, Fig. 11; LIMC I, 374, no. 22, PL 290 = my Fig. 9a, permission requested; N. Degrassi, Lo Zeus stilita di Ugento (Archeologica, 25), Roma 1981, PL 31b = my Fig. 9b; LCS, 338, no. 785, PL 131; 2; Moret, llioupersis, 174, no. 115, PL 93; 1.
22 London, John Soane museum 101L (= V538), Apulian krater, the “Cawdor vase”. Cook, Zeus I, 39, PI. 5; RVAp II, 931f., no. 119; Degrassi (supra n. 21), 131, PL 60b; Moret, llioupersis, 49, n. 13; Miller Ammermann, 27.
23 London, British Museum F278 (supra n. 12). Cook, Zeus I, 38f., PL 4:1; RVAp II, 931, no. 118, PL 365: 3; Moret, llioupersis, 49, n. 13, 50.
24 Naples, Mus. Naz. H. 2200, Attic bell-krater by the Oinomaos Painter from S. Agata de’ Goti. ARV2, 1440, no. 1; LIMC II, 736, no. 1441; Schefold, “Statuen”, 52; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 384; Metzger, Représentations, 323, PL 39; 4; Simon, Götter, 161, Fig. 146; Romano, Cult images, 461, no. 24. Moret, llioupersis, 34 and n. 14, claims that any statue will do in these mythological scenes.
25 Basel, Antikenmuseum S 34, Apulian kalyx-krater by the Darius Painter, 340–330 B.C. RVAp II, 501, no. 64; LIMC II, 731, no. 1391, PL 560 = my Fig. 11, permission requested; M. Schmidt, A. D. Trendall & A. Cambitoglou, Eine Gruppe apulischer Grabvasen (Veröffentl. des Antikenmuseums Basel, 3), Mainz 1976, 97 and n. 351, PL 25.
26 E.g., Moscow, Mus. Poushkin 504, Apulian kalyx-krater, Circle of Darius Painter, 350–340 B.C. RVAp II, 478, no. 8; LIMC II, 729f., no. 1379; Séchan (supra n. 17), 386, Fig. 114; A. D. Trendall & T. B. L. Webster, Illustrations of Greek drama, III. 3 30 (a); Romano, Cult images, 461, no. 25; F. Graf, “Das Götterbild aus dem Taurerland”, AntW 10: 4 (1979) 36, Fig. 4. Paris, Louvre Κ 404 (L 112, Ν 2771), Campanian bell-krater, School of Errera, 330–320 B.C. LIMC II, 729, no. 1375, PL 559; LCS, 321, no. 702; Trendall & Webster (ibid.), III. 331; Romano, Cult images, 462, no. 26. St Petersburg, Hermitage 1715 (St. 420), Apulian krater, Baltimore Painter, c. 320. RVAp II, 863, no. 18; LIMC II, 729, no. 1378, PL 560; Graf, op. cit., Fig. 2; Séchan (ibid.), 385, Fig. 113.
27 Ferrara, Mus. Naz. 3032, Spina Τ 1145, kalyx-krater, the Iphigeneia Painter, 400–380 B.C. S. Aurigemma, Il Reale Museo di Spina, 220, PL 118; LIMC II, 729, no. 1376; ARV2, 1440, no. 1; Metzger, Représentations, 287, no. 39, PL 39:3; A4 1932, 459, Fig. 3; Schefold, “Statuen”, 50; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 383; Graf (supra n. 26), 36, Fig. 3; Romano, Cult images, 460, no. 20.
28 London, British Museum Ε 224, hydria, end of fifth century B.C. CVA British Museum 6, III Ic, Pls. 91–92 (= Great Britain 8, Pls. 366–367); ARV2, 1313, no. 5; LIMC II, 14, no. 41, PL 7; Pfuhl, MuZ, Fig. 593; Schefold, “Statuen”, 52; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 382f.; Romano, Cult images, 457, no. 11; L. Burn, The Meidias Painter, Oxford 1987, 22, 26, Figs. 3, 5a–b.
29 Ruvo, Museo Jatta 1096, Apulian volute-krater, Sisyphos Painter, 400–375 B.C. Trendall (supra n. 17), 48, no. Β 48, Pl. 18b; LIMC II, 14, no. 42, PI. 8 = my Fig. 13, permission requested; Romano, Cult images, 461, no. 23; H. Sichtermann, Griechische Vasen in Unteritalien aus der Sammlung Jatta in Ruvo (Bilderhefte des Deutschen archâol. Instituts Rom, H. 3–4), Tübingen 1966, 35, PL 61.
30 E.g., Oxford, Ashmolean Mus. 1966.714 (MM 80) (earlier the Beazley collection), Attic red-figured squat lekythos, Manner of the Meidias Painter, late fifth century. ARV2, 1325, no. 51; LIMC II, 14, no. 44, PL 8 = my Fig. 14, permission requested; Langlotz, Aphrodite, 30, PL 6: 4; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 382f; Metzger, Représentations, 43, no. 9; Romano, Cult images, 458, no. 12; Burn (supra n. 28), 26, Fig. 13d. München, Staatl. AntikensammlungVI 2264, polychrome squat lekythos, early fourth century. LIMC II, 14, no. 52, PI. 8 = my Fig. 15. In both these cases Aphrodite is life-size. A goddess, that may be Aphrodite, is shown somewhat under life-size and in the same position as on the lekythos in München, that is with both hands raised and turned outwards, on an Attic red-figured hydria, Naples, H 2912, Meleagros Painter, c. 390. ARV2, 1412, no. 50; LIMC II, 14, no. 48; Langlotz, Aphrodite, 30f., PL 6:5; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 388; Schefold, “Statuen”, 52f., Fig. 12; Romano, Cult images, 463, no. 31; F. van Straten, “Did the Greeks kneel before their gods?”, BABesch 49, 1974,183, Fig. 31. Further examples LIMC I, 13f., nos. 45–53, Pls. 8–9.
31 Langlotz, Aphrodite, 29f; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 382f., 388. Bielefeld sees in the representations of Aphrodite “copies” of the images of Aphrodite Urania in her different shrines at Athens. Schefold, “Statuen”, 52f.
32 Vienna, Kunsthist. Mus. IV 1144, bell-krater from S. Agata de’ Goti, end of the fifth century. CVA Wien 3, PI. 118: 5–6 (= Österreich 3, PI. 118) = my Fig. 16, permission requested; ARV2, 1188; LIMC III, 280, no. 2, PI. 222; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 381, η. 16, 384, Fig. 2; Schefold, “Statuen”, 50; Ε. M. Hooker, “The sanctuary and altar of Chryse in Attic red-figure vase-paintings of the late fifth and early fourth centuries B.C.”, JHS 70 (1950) 35, no. 2, Fig. 2.
33 Other examples are: St Petersburg 43F, pelike attributed to the Kiev Painter, ARV2, 1346:1; LIMC III, 280, no. 4, PI. 223 (= Athena 532); Hooker (supra n. 32), 35, no. 4, Fig. 4; Schefold, “Statuen”, 50–52, Fig. 11; Romano, Cult images, 458, no. 14. Taranto, Mus. Naz. 52399, kalyx-krater, Manner of the Pronomos Painter, late fifth century. ARV2, 1337, no. 4; LLMC III, 280, no. 3, PI. 222; Schefold, “Statuen”, 50–52; Hooker (op. cit.), 35, no. 3, Fig. 3; Romano, Cult images, 458, no. 13. On the Taranto vase, as well as on the fragment of a bell-krater in London, BM Ε 494, c. 430 B.C., only the lower part of the image on the high column is preserved. Since the sacrifice is performed by Herakles on an altar built of boulders, it is probable that Chryse is depicted also on these vases. For the London fragment see JHS 9, 1888, Pl 1; ARV2, 1079, no. 3; UMC III, 280, no. 1, Pl. 222; Schefold, “Statuen”, 50–52, Fig. 10; Hooker (op. cit.), 35, no. 1, Fig. 1; Romano, Cult images, 458, no. 15. The goddess appears in the same position also in another scene, that depicts Philoktetes being bitten by the snake on Lemnos. Louvre G 342, kalyx-krater from Agrigento by the Altamura Painter, 460–450 B.C. CVA Louvre 2, III I d, PL 4: 2 (= France 2, PL 98); ARV2, 590, no. 12; UMC III, 280, no. 6, PI. 223; Schefold, “Statuen”, 52, n. 2; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 380f., Fig. 1. Louvre G 413, stamnos by Hermonax, 460–450 B.C. CVA Louvre 3, III I d, Pl. 18: 1 (= France 4, PL 179); ARV2, 484, no. 22, 1655; UMC III, 280, no. 7 (= UMC I [Agamemnon], 265, no. 43, pl. 196); Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 380f. On the stamnos the goddess is named Chryse. Bielefeld suggested that the image was a “copy” of the cult statue in Hephaistias on Lemnos (ibid. 386–388). I will not enter into the question of whether the image on the vases depicts a real image or not. However, I believe that a cult image is intended.
34 Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 399f; Burn (supra n. 28), 22. It is a comparatively short period during which we have more certain representations of images on Attic vases, from c. 470–370 B.C., according to Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 397f. (this does not include representations of the Palladion).
35 London, British Museum Β 80. CVA British Museum 2, III H e, PL 7: 4b (= Great Britain 2, PL 65); LIMC II, 1011, no. 586; Pfuhl, MuZ, Figs. 169–170.
36 Berlin 1686, Attic black-figured amphora, c. 550. ABV, 296, no. 4; LLMC II, 1010, no. 575; J. Boardman, Athenian black figure vases: a handbook, London 1974, Fig. 135.
37 This is a much discussed topic which I treated in Greek gods and figurines. Aspects of the anthropomorphic dedications (Boreas. Uppsala studies in Ancient Mediterranean and Near Eastern civilizations, 18), Uppsala 1989, 48–54. See also Shapiro (supra n. 4), 24–27, 32.
38 New York 08.258.25, Attic red-figured oinochoe, Group of Berlin 2415, c. 450. ARV2, 776, no. 3; G.M.A. Richter, Red-figured Athenian vases in the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New Haven 1936, Pl. 88, no. 84 = my Fig. 17; Schefold, “Statuen”, 46, Fig. 8; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 380; T. Β. L. Webster, Potter and patron in Classical Athens, London 1972, 131, PL 14; Romano, Cult images, 456, no. 5.
39 Frankfurt a.M. VFB 413, Attic red-figured bell-krater, the Hephaistos Painter, 440–425 B.C. CVA Frankfurt 2, Pls. 77–78:2 (= Deutschland 30, Pls. 1468–1469) = my Fig. 18, permission requested; ARV2, 1683 (1113, no. 31bis); LLMC II, 216, no. 272, PI. 206; AA 1910, 460–463, Figs. 4–5; Schefold, “Statuen”, 46; Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen”, 381; Romano, Cult images, 457, no. 9. On LIMC II, 298, nos. 952–955, Pl. 266 the god himself stands by the altar with a laurel staff.
40 Ferrara, Mus. Naz. 44894 (T 57C VP), Attic red-figured volute-krater, Kleophon Painter, 440–430 B.C. ARV2, 1143, no. 1; LIMC II, 220, no. 303, PI. 208; E. De Miro, “Nuovi contributi sul Pittore di Kleophon”, ArchCl 20 (1968) 238, PI. 89 = my Fig. 19; La cité des images. Religion et société en Grèce antique, Mont-sur-Lausanne 1984, Fig. 73. One can also compare the seated Apollon on a bell-krater from Agrigento by the same painter, end of the fifth cent., where the god sits on a throne within a temple holding a laurel staff (De Miro, ibid., PL 85). In this case the throne does not stand on any base. In front of the god we can see an altar with preparation for the sacrifice. Both these pictures have been interpreted as a sacrifice in the Delphic sanctuary.
41 Amsterdam, Allard Pierson Museum 2579, kalyx-krater, 400–385 B.C. RVAp I, 36, no. 10, PI. 9: 2a–b; UMC II, 239, no. 428, Pl. 216; Schefold, “Statuen”, 48f.; Schneider-Herrmann (supra n. 2), 31–34, Figs, la-b; Romano, Cult images, 460, no. 22.
42 E.g., Berlin, Charlottenburg F 2290, Attic red-figured kylix by Makron, c. 480 B.C. CVA Berlin 2, Pls. 87–88 (= Deutschland 21, Pls. 1016–1017); ARV2, 462, no. 48; Paralipomena, 377; Addenda 120; LIMC III, 427, no. 41; Frickenhaus, Lenäenvasen, 34, no. 11; Simon, Götter, 276, Fig. 264. Naples, Mus. Naz. 2419, red-figured stamnos, Dinos Painter, 420/410 B.C. ARV2, 1151f., no. 2; Paralipomena, 457; Addenda, 165; UMC III, 426, no. 33, PI. 298; Frickenhaus, ibid., 39, no. 29; Simon, Götter, 276, Fig. 265. For these vases see now also M. Halm-Tisserant, “Autour du mannequin dionysiaque”, Hephaistos 10 (1991) 63–88.
43 Naples, Mus. Naz. 82922 (H 2411), Apulian volute-krater from Ruvo, Painter of the Birth of Dionysos, c. 400 B.C. RVAp I, 35 no. 8; LIMC III, 495, no. 863, PI. 405; Trendall (supra n. 25), 53, no. 167; Schefold, “Statuen”, 54; Romano, Cult images, 460, no. 21.
44 Naples, Mus. Naz., Attic red-figured column-krater from Cumae, Pan Painter, c. 460. Beazley, ARV2, 551, no. 15; Pfuhl, MuZ, Fig. 477 = my Fig. 23; Simon, Götter, Fig. 296. Further examples, Simon, ibid., Figs. 294–295, 297; LIMC V, 301–304, nos. 92–156, Pls. 206–214; Shapiro (supra n. 4), 128–131, Pls. 58–59, 60b.
45 Paris, Bibl. Nat., I.ate Corinthian pyxis, first half of the sixth century. CVA Paris, Bibl. Nat. 1, Pl. 17:5 (= France 7, Pl. 301); Romano, Cult images, 455, no. 2.
46 Brauron, Mus. 1151. UMC ii, 695f., no. 974, Pl. 518. Copenhagen, Ny Carlsberg Glyptothek 462. LIMC ii, 881, no. 211, pi. 651 = my Fig. 24, permission requested.
47 Votive relief from the Acropolis, L. Beschi, “Contributi di topografia ateniese”, ASAtene 45–46 (NS 29–30) (1967–1968) 533f., Fig. 16.
Notes de fin
* In addition to the customary abbreviations, as listed in AJA 95 (1991) 4–16, the following will be used:
Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen” = li. Bielefeld, “Götterstatuen auf attischen Vasenbildern. Eine religionsgeschichtlich-archäologische Studie”, Wiss. Zeitschrifi tier E. Moritz Arndt-Universitat Greifswald (Gesellschafts-und sprachwiss. R. 4/4) 4 (1954/55) 379–403.
Frickenhaus, Lenäenvasen = A. Frickenhaus, Lenäenvasen (= Programm zum Winckelmanns-feste d. archaeol. Gesellschaft zu Berlin, 27), Berlin 1912.
Langlotz, Aphrodite = E. Langlotz, Aphrodite in den Garten (= SBHeid .38:2), Heidelberg 1953/54.
LCS = A. D. Trendall, The red-figured vases of Lucania, Campania and Sicily, Oxford 1967.
Metzger, Représentations = H. Metzger, Représentations dans la céramique attique du IVe siècle, (Diss.) Paris 1951.
Moret, Ilioupersis = J.-M. Moret, L’Ilioupersis dans la céramique italiote. Les mythes et leur expression figurée au IVe siècle (Bibliotheca Helvetica Romana, 14), Rome 1975.
Pfuhl, MuZ = li. Pfuhl, Malerei und Zeichnung der Griechen, München 1923.
Romano, Cult images = I.B. Romano, Early Greek cult images, Diss. Univ. of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia 1981.
RVAp = A. D. trendall & A. Cambitoglou, Red-figured vases of Apulia I—II, Oxford 1978–1982.
Schefold, “Statuen” = K. Schefold, “Statuen auf Vasenbildern”, Jdl 52 (19.37) 30–75.
Simon, Götter = E. Simon, Die Götter der Griechen, 2nd ed., München 1980.
Auteur
Department of Classical Archaeology and Ancient History
Gustavianum
S-753 10 UPPSALA
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