Appendix. Collection of texts
p. 207-237
Texte intégral
1 Testimonia on incubation rites frequently discussed in the text
1. Lex sacra from the cult of Amphiaraos at Oropos, 386–374 BC
2After IOropos 277 (= LSCG 69 = IG VII.235).
3Dated to 387–377 BC by Dittenberger in Syll.2 589; dated to 386–374 BC by Rhodes & Osborne 2003, 131.

4Translation (by Rhodes & Osborne [2003, 128–131, no. 27])

5Referred to on the following pages: 20, 41, 43, 45, 65–67, 73, 81, 88, 94, 98, 103, 120, 128, 129, 132, 133, 139, 148, 162, 163, 180, 190, 191, 192, 195, 209.
2. Regulations from the cult of Asklepios in Erythrai, 380– 360 BC
6After IK 2.205. (=LSAM 24, cf. Graf 1985, 250–257).
Dated to 380–360 BC, according to Wilamowitz (1909, 40–41) Lines 74–76 c. 281 BC.
Partly translated by Edelstein & Edelstein (T521).
7IEry 205

8Translation (after Edelstein & Edelstein [T521])

9Referred to on the following pages: 13, 30, 45, 51, 56, 68-69, 72–74, 103, 128, 135, 137, 187-188, 210.
3. Lex sacra from the cult of Asklepios in Amphipolis, c. 350– 300 BC
10After NGSL 13, cf. Veligianni 1994.
11Dated to the first half or around the middle of the fourth century BC by Veligianni (1994, 393–394, according to the letterforms).
12Translated by Lupu (NGSL 13) and Veligianni (1994).

133B. After SEG 44.505, cf. Veligianni 1994

14Translation (by E. Lupu from NGSL 13)
15(3) not sleep (4) pay (?) a drachma (5) sanctuary (?) whoever wishes (6) sacrifice to the gods (7) something else (8) sleep (9) sacrifice and place (10) thighs together with (11) the money (12) whoever does not 13) [shall pay/owe] double to the god (14) sacrifice to a god (?) (15) pay / present the customary (16) to Asclepius sa[crifice / offerings?] (17) to Asclepius (18) and if not
16Referred to on the following pages: 20, 44, 49–50, 67, 189, 211, 227.
4. Lex sacra from the cult of Asklepios in Piraeus, fourth century BC
17After IG II2 4962, cf. LSCG 21.
Dated according to letterforms. Lines 1–10 (side A of the stone) are dated to the early fourth century BC by Prott and Ziehen (LGS II 18), whereas the priest Euthydemos dates lines 11–18 (side B) to ‘several years’ later and the remaining lines to an unspecified date even later than that.
18face A front

19face B left

20face C top

21face D back
33 | νηφάλιοι. |
22Translation
Gods.
Pre-sacrifice according to this:
Three popana to Maleatas
Three popana to Apollo
Three popana to Hermes
Three popana to Iaso
Three popana to Panakeia
Three popana to the dogs
Three popana to the hunters
Euthydemos
of Eleusis
The priest of Asklepios
dedicated the stone slabs,
before the altars,
on which he first depicted
the popana, which are to be offered
as pre-sacrifice
To Helios
one arester kerion
To Mnemosyne
one arester kerion
Libations unmixed with wine on three altars.
Libations unmixed with wine on three altars.
23Short commentary
24One issue concerning this fourth-century lex sacra from the cult of Asklepios at Piraeus is that it does not explicitly concern rites before incubation.1 Even though the inscription deals with a pre-sacrifice of cakes prior to a sacrifice to Asklepios at a known incubation cult, the sacrifice to Asklepios need not precede incubation. The presence, however, of the whole family of Asklepios, as well as of the goddess of memory, Mnemosyne, among the gods receiving the cakes makes incubation one probable scenario (but not excluding that these cakes were also offered when making a vow).2 Mnemosyne, as the goddess of memory, would have helped the incubants to remember their dream and the prescriptions that Asklepios had given them. Hence, the inscription is included in this study.
25Referred to on the following pages: 52, 53, 56, 57, 58, 115, 116, 118, 119, 122, 130, 131, 168, 184-185, 213.
5. Selection of iamata from Epidauros, pertaining to rites
26After IG IV2 1, 121–124.
27From IG IV2 1, 121:

28From IG IV2 1, 122:

29From IG IV2 1, 123:

30From IG IV2 1, 124:

31Translation (by LiDonnici 1995, slightly modified)
32(A 1) Kleo was pregnant for five years. After the fifth year of pregnancy, she came as suppliant to the god and slept in the Abaton. As soon as she had left it and was outside the sacred area, she gave birth to a son who, as soon as he was born, washed himself at the fountain and walked about with his mother. After this success, she inscribed upon an offering: The wonder is not the size of the plaque, but the act of the god: Kleo bore a burden in her stomach for five years, until she slept here, and he made her well.
33(A 2) A three-year pregnancy. Ithmonika of Pellene came to the sanctuary for a family. Sleeping here she saw a vision. It seemed that she asked the god if she could conceive a daughter, and Asklepios answered that she would and that if she asked anything else that he would do that as well, but she answered that she didn’t need anything more. She became pregnant and bore the child in her stomach for three years, until she came again to the god as a suppliant, concerning the birth. Sleeping here, she saw a vision. The god appeared, asking whether everything she had asked had not happened and she was pregnant. She had not asked anything about the birth, and he had asked her to say whether there was anything more she needed and he would do it. But since now she had come to him as a suppliant for this, he said he would do it for her. Right after this, she rushed out of the Abaton, and as soon as she was outside the sacred area, gave birth to a daughter.
34(A 3) A man who was paralysed in all his fingers except one came as a suppliant to the god. When he was looking at the plaques in the sanctuary, he didn’t believe in the cures and was somewhat disparaging of the inscriptions. Sleeping here, he saw a vision. It seemed he was playing the knucklebones below the temple, and as he was about to throw them, the god appeared, sprang on his hand and stretched out the fingers. When the god moved off, the man seemed to bend his hand and stretch out his fingers one by one. When he had straightened them all, the god asked him if he would still not believe the inscriptions on the plaques around the sanctuary and he answered no. ‘Therefore, since you doubted them before, though they were not unbelievable, from now on’, he said, ‘your name shall be “Unbeliever”‘. When day came he left well.
35(A 4) Ambrosia from Athens, blind in one eye. She came as a suppliant to the god. Walking about the sanctuary, she ridiculed some of the cures as being unlikely and impossible, the lame and the blind becoming well from only seeing a dream. Sleeping here, she saw a vision. It seemed to her the god came to her and said he would make her well, but she would have to pay a fee by dedicating a silver pig in the sanctuary as a memorial of her ignorance. When he had said these things, he cut her sick eye and poured a medicine over it. When day came she left well.
36(A 5) A mute boy. He came to the sanctuary for a voice. He performed the opening sacrifices and did the required things and then the boy who carries fire for the god, looking over at the boy’s father, bid him to promise to sacrifice within a year, if what he came for occurred. Suddenly the boy said, ‘I promise’. The father was amazed and told him to repeat it. The boy spoke again and from this he became well.
37(A 6) Pandaros of Thessaly, with tattoos on his forehead. Sleeping here, he saw a vision. It seemed that the god bound a fillet around his tattoos and told him that when he was outside of the Abaton, to take off the fillet and dedicate it in the Temple. When day came he rose and took off the fillet, and he saw his face clear of the tattoos. He dedicated the fillet, which had the letters from his forehead, in the Temple.
38(A 7) Echedoros received the tattoos of Pandaros along with those he already had. He had taken money from Pandaros in order to make a dedication to the god at Epidauros for him, but he did not hand it over. Sleeping here, he saw a vision. It seemed to him that the god came to him and asked whether he had any money of Pandaros’ to make a dedication for Athena in the sanctuary. He answered that he had taken nothing of the kind from him, but that if he would make him well, he would have an image inscribed and dedicate it to him. At that the god seemed to tie Pandaros’ fillet around his tattoos and to order him, when he went outside the Abaton, to take off the fillet and wash his face at the fountain and to look at his reflection in the water. When day came, he went out of the Abaton and took off the fillet, which no longer had the letters, but when he looked into the water, he saw that his own face bore his original tattoos and had taken on the letters of Pandaros.
39(A 8) Euphanes, a boy of Epidauros. Suffering from stone, he slept here. It seemed to him the god came to him and said, ‘What will you give me if I should make you well?’ The boy replied, ‘Ten dice’. The god, laughing, said that he would make it stop. When day came he left well.
40(A 10) The cup. A baggage carrier was walking into the sanctuary, but he fell down near the ten stadia stone. Getting up, he opened his bag and looked at the shattered things. When he saw that the cup from which his master was accustomed to drink was broken into pieces, he grieved and sitting down, tried putting the pieces together. Some passerby saw him. ‘Why, fool, ’ he said, ‘are you fruitlessly putting that cup together? For not even Asklepios in Epidauros would be able to make that cup whole’. Hearing this the boy, having put the pieces into his bag, walked into the sanctuary. When he arrived he opened the bag and took out the cup, which had become whole. He explained to his master what had happened and what had been said. When he heard it, he dedicated the cup to the god.
41(A 11) Aischines, when the suppliants were already sleeping, went up a tree and peered over into the Abaton. Then he fell out of the tree and impaled his eyes on some fencing. In a dreadful state, having been blinded, he earnestly prayed to the god, slept there, and became well.
42(B 1 [21]) Arata of Lacedaimon, dropsy. For her sake, her mother slept here, while she remained in Lacedaimon, and she saw a dream. It seemed to her that the god cut off the head of her daughter and hung the body neck downwards. After much fluid had run out, he untied the body and put the head back on the neck. Having seen this dream she returned to Lacedaimon and found on her arrival that her daughter was well and that she had seen the same dream.
43(B 2 [22]). Hermon of Thasos. He came as a blind man, and he was healed. But afterwards when he didn’t bring the offering, the god made him blind again. Then he came back and slept here, and he restored him to health.
44(B 5 [25]). Sostrata of Pherai, false pregnancy. This woman, borne entirely on a litter, arrived at the sanctuary and slept here. But since she saw no clear dream she was carried homeward again. Later, around Kornoi, she and her attendants met up with someone, in appearance a handsome man, who, when he heard from them their bad luck, told them to set down the couch on which Sostrata was borne. Then he cut open her belly and took out lots and lots of creatures — two foot basins full. When he had sewn up her stomach and made the woman well, Asklepios revealed his presence to her and ordered her to send offerings to Epidauros.
45(B 16 [36]). Kaphisias ---- he laughed at the treatments of Asklepios ------ he paid no heed, saying that if he had the power, ----- he suffered punishment for this outrage, - ---- while sitting on the back of his bull-headed horse it trampled him underfoot and wounded him in the foot immediately and was in an even worse condition than before. Much later, after he had earnestly prayed to the god (?), he became well.
46(B 18 [38]). Diaitos of Kyrna. This man happened to be paralysed in the knees. Sleeping here, he saw a dream. It seemed to him the god ordered his servants to lift up and carry him out of the adyton and set him down in front of the temple. After they carried him outside, the god yoked up some horses to a cart and went around him three times in a circle and trampled him with the horses, and his knees immediately became strong. When day came he left well.
47(C 3 [46]). Kallikrateia, treasure. This woman, after her husband had died, learned that gold had been buried somewhere by her husband; but since she couldn’t find it by searching, she came into the sanctuary concerning the treasure and sleeping here she saw a vision. It seemed to her the god came to her and said, ‘In the month Thargelion in the noontime, within the lion lies the gold’. When day came she left and when she arrived at home, she first searched the head of the stone lion, because nearby there was an ancient monument set up which had a stone lion. But when she didn’t find it, a seer declared to her that the god had not meant the treasure would be inside the stone head but in the shadow that would come from the lion in the month Thargelion at around midday. After this, making another search for the gold in that way she found the treasure, and she sacrificed the customary things to the god.
48(C 4 [47]). The fishmonger Amphimnastos. While bringing fish into Arcadia, this man swore that he would give a tenth of the profit from the fish to Asklepios, but he didn’t do it, as he should. When he was in the agora in Tegea, suddenly the fish were struck by lightning, and their bodies were burning up. With a big crowd standing around this spectacle, Amphimnastos made clear the whole deception that he had done connected with Asklepios, and when he had earnestly prayed to the god, the fish appeared to live again, and Amphimnastos dedicated the tenth part to Asklepios. (D 2 [68]). ------andros of Crete. This man…
49(sacrificed) the customary things…
he became well and…
(he brought) in a mina of silver… (into the treasury)
of Asklepios.
(D 3 [69]). Alk------…
being in (one or the other) eye…
to sacrifice to the god…
within the treasury…
beca (me well).
50Short commentary
51The most detailed commentary on the language and style of the iamata is to be found in Nehrbass 1935. See LiDonnici 1995 for a full translation and commentary on the text, as well as a stylistic analysis and a discussion of the dating.
52Referred to on the following pages: A1: 141, 171, 173, 189; A2: 27, 80, 171, 173; A3: 107, 141, 171, 189; A4: 105, 105, 141, 141; A5: 53, 64, 103, 129-130; A6: 80, 97, 101, 102, 105, 134, 145, 173, 185, 198; A7: 97, 101, 102, 107, 134, 171, 173, 185, 198; A8: 105, 145, 171, 175; A10: 105, 126, 159, 170, 171; A11: 80, 123, 171, 173; B1: 96, 171, 182; B2: 102, 102, 134, 171, 185, 221; B5: 48, 74, 100, 101, 102, 108, 126, 134, 170, 185; B16: 73, 141, 141, 170; C3: 100, 103, 159, 171; C4: 73, 102, 134, 185; D2: 102, 134, 170, 185; D3: 64.
6. Lex sacra from the cult of Asklepios at Epidauros, late fourth century BC
53After Peek 1969, no. 336, SEG 11.419 add. et corr. = LSS 22.
Dated to the late fourth century BC by Peek (1969, no. 336).

54Translation

55Short commentary
56Nothing is said about incubation, or healing for that matter, in this inscription, although the context of Epidauros in the fourth century would suggest it. Sokolowski claims that the inscription concerns a sacrifice before medical treatment or before incubation, and not, as has been stated by Papadimitriou a sacrifice to Apollon before the main sacrifice to Asklepios.3 Wörrle and Casabona interpret this inscription as an example of an animal sacrifice before incubation, the term προθυόμενοι referring to visitors sacrificing before incubation.4 Since the worshippers must have supplied the sacrificial animal themselves, the priests helped by supplying a wreath, wood and the grains needed for the κατάρχεσθαι and for the subsequent burning of the god’s portion. In my view, incubation must certainly be among the important events before, ‘πρός’, which a sacrifice was made, since incubation was the central ritual in this sanctuary. The testimonium is hence included.
57Referred to on the following pages: 45, 46 and 68.
7. Lex sacra from the cult of Asklepios at Pergamon, dated to the late first/early second century AD, partly copied from a Hellenistic original
58After IvP III 161 A.
Dated to the late first/early 2nd century AD, partly copied from a Hellenistic original by Wörrle (1969, 187).
Translated by Wörrle (1969, 171) and Petsalis-Diomidis 2007, 202–203.

59Translation (after Petsalis-Diomidis 2007)

60Short commentary
61Some controversy surrounds the dating of the Lex sacra Hallenstrasse. The inscription has been dated by Wörrle to the turn of the first and second centuries AD, and he considered it a copy of an earlier Hellenistic original.5 Lupu believes that the inscription is a compilation of rules and regulations of the sanctuary, from different times and locations in the sanctuary.6 I follow the dating of Wörrle, and include the Lex sacra Hallenstrasse as a testimonium which was essentially created before the birth of Christ. I have, however, kept the caveat that some parts of the Lex sacra Hallenstrasse may be of a later date.
62Referred to on the following pages: 25, 30, 44, 51, 54, 55, 60, 61, 74, 84, 87, 102, 103, 118, 119, 127, 129, 128, 130, 131, 132, 134, 135, 139, 140, 144, 181, 188, 190.
8. Lex sacra from the cult of Asklepios, Yüntdağ, c.200–150 BC
63After Müller 2010, 440.
Dated to c.200–150 BC by Müller (2010, 428 and 447).
Translated by Müller (2010, 443).

64Translation
65… he who enters the sanctuary for the sake of health should purify; from sex by washing from head down; from a corpse or from a funeral by [waiting to enter] for two days and the same applies after a miscarriage. But when someone come to enter the enkoimeterion in the sanctuary…
66Referred to on the following pages: 14, 28, 190.
9. Asklepios at Piraeus: The Ploutos of Aristophanes, lines 654–747

67Aristophanes. Aristophanes Comoediae, eds. F.W. Hall and W.M. Geldart, vol. 2. F.W. Hall and W.M. Geldart. Oxford. Clarendon Press, Oxford. 1907.
68Translation (by A.H. Sommestein, 2001, with permission of the author)

69Short commentary
70The Ploutos of Aristophanes (performed in 388 BC) includes references to incubation in the cult of Asklepios at Piraeus (or Athens).7 The location of the incubation scene in the Ploutos has been a matter of debate: it could be either the Asklepieion of Athens or that of Piraeus. In the document supporting the foundation of the Asklepieion in Athens in 420/19 BC, it is said that Asklepios was brought from the Zea harbour, which has been seen as an indication that the Piraean Asklepieion was there first.8 There is, however, no solid evidence for the existence of an Asklepieion in Piraeus before a fourth century inscription which relates inventories and the organization of the sanctuary in Piraeus.9
71The argument in favour of Ploutos, the incubant in the play, using the Athenian Asklepieion states that an inhabitant of Athens (Ploutos) could hardly have ignored the Asklepieion in Athens, which was founded in 420/419, especially if the Asklepieion at Piraeus was under construction in 388 BC (when the play was performed). On the other hand, l. 656 in the Ploutos clearly states that Ploutos is washed in the sea, and Parker gives little credence to thalassa (sea) denoting a basin of Poseidon on the Akropolis.10 Also, the organization of the Piraean sanctuary which is described in the inscription could just as well a reorganization of an already existing sanctuary. Since there are no strong arguments against the existence of a sanctuary to Asklepios at Piraeus in 388, it is my opinion that the word thalassa in the Ploutos denotes that Ploutos was bathed in the sea, by the Piraeus sanctuary.11
72Referred to on the following pages: 16, 18, 20, 36, 39, 52, 53, 55, 57, 62, 76, 79, 86, 87, 94, 95, 114, 119, 123, 127, 132, 133, 140, 141, 144, 145, 181, 182, 184, 185, 186.
10. The cult of Kalchas in Daunia: Timaios of Tauromenion FGrHist IIIB, frg. 566, F56 (c. 350–300 BC) = Pseudo-Lycophron Alex. 1047–1051
‘Ο δ’ Αὐσονείων ἄγχι Κάλχαντος τάφων,
δυοῖν ἀδελφοῖν ἅτερος, ψευδηρίων
ξένην ἐπ’ ὀστέοισιν ὀγχήσει κόνιν.
δοραῖς δὲ μήλων τύμβον ἐγκοιμωμένοις
χρήσει καθ’ ὕπνον πᾶσι νημερτῆ φάτιν·
νόσων δ’ ἀκεστὴς Δαυνίοις κληθήσεται,
ὅταν κατικμαίνοντες Ἀλθαίνου ῥοαῖς
ἀρωγὸν αὐδήσωσιν Ἠπίου γόνον
ἀστοῖσι καὶ ποίμναισι πρευμενῆ μολεῖν.
73Translation (by A.W. Mair, Loeb 1960)
74And near the Ausonian false-tomb of Calchas, one of two brothers shall have an alien soil over his bones and to men sleeping in sheepskins on his tomb he shall declare in dreams his unerring message for all. And healer of diseases shall he be called by the Daunians, when they wash the sick with the waters of Althaenus and invoke the son of Epius to their aid, that he may come gracious unto men and their flocks.
75Referred to on the following pages: 59, 72, 89, 113, 133, 140, 157.
11. The cult of Kalchas and Podaleirios in Daunia: Strabo 6.3.9
76δείκνυται δὲ τῆς Δαυνίας περὶ λόφον ᾧ ὄνομα Δρίον, ἡρῷα, τὸ μὲν Κάλχαντος ἐπ᾽ ἄκρᾳ τῇ κορυφῇ˙ ἐναγίζουσι δ᾽ αὐτῷ μέλανα κριὸν οἱ μαντευόμενοι, ἐγκοιμώμενοι ἐν τῷ δέρματι˙ τὸ δὲ Ποδαλειρίου κάτω πρὸς τῇ ῥίζῃ, διέχον τῆς θαλάττης ὅσον σταδίους ἑκατόν˙ ῥεῖ δ᾽ ἐξ αὐτοῦ ποτάμιον πάνακες πρὸς τὰς τῶν θρεμμάτων νόσους.
77Translation (by F. Lasserre, Budé 1967)
78On montre encore dans cette région de Daunie, sur une colline connue sous le nom de Drion, deux sanctuaries de héros. L’un des deux, situé tout au sommet, est voué à Calchas. On y prend l’oracle en sacrifiant au héros un belier noir et en dormant ensuite dans sa peau. L’autre, celui de Podalire, est situé tout en bas, au pied de la colline, à 100 stades environ de la mer. Il s’en échappe un ruisseau don’t l’eau guérit toutes les maladies du jeune bétail.
79Referred to on the following pages: 71, 89, 113, 140, 152, 157.
12. The Plutonium at Acharaka: Strabo 14.1.44
80Ἐν δὲ τῇ ὁδῷ τῇ μεταξὺ τῶν Τράλλεων καὶ τῆς Νύσης κώμη τῶν Νυσαέων ἐστὶν οὐκ ἄπωθεν τῆς πόλεως Ἀχάρακα, ἐν ᾗ τὸ Πλουτώνιον ἔχον καὶ ἄλσος πολυτελὲς καὶ νεὼν Πλούτωνός τε καὶ Κόρης, καὶ τὸ Χαρώνιον ἄντρον ὑπερκείμενον τοῦ ἄλσους θαυμαστὸν τῇ φύσει˙ λέγουσι γὰρ δὴ τοὺς νοσώδεις καὶ προσέχοντας ταῖς τῶν θεῶν τούτων θεραπείαις φοιτᾶν ἐκεῖσε καὶ διαιτᾶσθαι ἐν τῇ κώμῃ πλησίον τοῦ ἄντρου παρὰ τοῖς ἐμπείροις τῶν ἱερέων, οἳ ἐγκοιμῶνταί τε ὑπὲρ αὐτῶν καὶ διατάττουσιν ἐκ τῶν ὀνείρων τὰς θεραπείας. οὗτοι δ᾽ εἰσὶ καὶ οἱ ἐπικαλοῦντες τὴν τῶν θεῶν ἰατρείαν ˙ ἄγουσι δὲ πολλάκις εἰς τὸ ἄντρον καὶ ἱδρύουσι μένοντας καθ᾽ ἡσυχίαν ἐκεῖ καθάπερ ἐν φωλεῷ σιτίων χωρὶς ἐπὶ πλείους ἡμέρας. ἔστι δ᾽ ὅτε καὶ ἰδίοις ἐνυπνίοις οἱ νοσηλευόμενοι προσέχουσι, μυσταγωγοῖς δ᾽ ὅμως καὶ συμβούλοις ἐκείνοις χρῶνται ὡς ἂν ἱερεῦσι˙ τοῖς δ᾽ ἄλλοις ἄδυτός ἐστιν ὁ τόπος καὶ ὀλέθριος.
81Translation (by H.L. Jones, Loeb 1960)
82On the road between the Tralleis and Nysa is a village of the Nysaeans, not far from the city, Acharaca, where is the Plutonium, with a costly sacred precinct and a shrine of Pluto and Corê, and also the Charonium, a cave that lies above the sacred precinct, by nature wonderful; for they say that those who are diseased and give heed to the cures prescribed by these gods resort thither and live in the village near the cave among experienced priests, who on their behalf sleep in the cave and through dreams prescribe the cures. These are also the men who invoke the healing power of the gods. And they often bring the sick into the cave and leave them there, to remain in quiet, like animals in their lurking-holes, without food for many days. And sometimes the sick give heed also to their own dreams, but still they use those other men, as priests, to initiate them into the mysteries and to counsel them. To all others the place is forbidden and deadly.
83Referred to on the following pages: 20, 21, 24, 237, 34, 35, 97, 99-100, 122,128, 133, 134.
Notes de bas de page
1 IG II2 4962 = LSCG 21 = LGS II 18. Found in Piraeus.
2 According to Prott & Ziehen (LGS II 18, n. 2), this cannot be a sacrifice just before incubation, since Asklepios is not mentioned (not sacrificing to Asklepios before incubating is unlikely). Instead, they believe it to be a pre-sacrifice before an animal sacrifice to Asklepios, which may have preceded incubation. Sokolowski (commentary to LSCG 21) does not believe that this is a sacrifice before incubation. Petropoulou, however, believes that the bloodless offerings of the LSCG 21 preceded incubation (Petropoulou 1985, 175, n. 37).
3 Sokolowski’s commentary on LSS 22; Papadimitriou 1949, 369.
4 Casabona 1966, 105–106; Wörrle 1969, 172 (LSCG 22 must be a mistake; it should be LSS 22).
5 This dating relies on the rule in the inscription, to pay a phokais; this was a coin which was much used in Classical and Hellenistic times, was not minted after Alexander, but was still used in the Hellenistic period due to its previous popularity. See Wörrle 1969, 186–187, nn. 96 and 97 with extensive bibliography.
6 Lupu in NGSL, 61.
7 Sommerstein 1983, 1.
8 SEG 25.226 [Beschi] = SEG 47.232 [Clinton] = Wickkiser 2008, 67–70. Burford (1969, 25–26 and 51) is in favour of the idea that the cult at Piraeus was established before the one at Athens. For the opinion that both sanctuaries were founded at the same time, see Garland 2001, 115.
9 IG II2 47; Parker 1996, 181–182 with a summary of the state of research. See also Semeria 1986, 943; Garland 2001, 208, n. 115, appendix III; von Eickstedt 2001; Riethmüller 2005, vol. 2, 25–35, no. 10.
10 Parker 1996, 181, n. 102.
11 Also, in ll. 625–626 of the Ploutos, as the party takes off for the Asklepieion, Chremylus tells his servant to bring out mattresses, Ploutos himself, and ‘all the other things that have been got ready in there’, καὶ τἄλλ᾽ ὅσ᾽ ἐστὶν ἔνδον ηὐτρεπισμένα. The editor and translator, Sommerstein, interprets these as being requisites for the trip to Piraeus. I agree that this is a likely interpretation: had they just bathed Ploutos at Piraeus, and then returned to Athens to incubate, there would really not have been any need to bring along the mattresses or other requisites (such as offerings and something to eat on the way) to the sea. The play has to make sense practically, and no doubt many in the audience had incubated in the sanctuary at Piraeus, carrying along mattresses, cakes for the sacrifice, and a picnic.
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The Iconography of Greek Cult in the Archaic and Classical Periods
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