1 Strootman (2007), p. 54–91.
2 Olbrycht (2011). Older numismatic literature often emphasized the alleged ‘Greek’ origin and nature of satrapal coinages, but it seems more realistic to speak of a more inclusive, and entangled, Aegean koine of coinage. For discussions of these satrapal coinages, see Casabonne (2000), Mildenberg (2000), Bodzek (2014), and Tuplin (2014). On Hekatomnid coinage, consult Konuk (2013).
3 On Hekatomnid-Argead relations, see Hornblower (1982), p. 218–222. See also Pedersen (2009) and (2013).
4 An exceptional prominence of royal women (and brother-sister marriage) is another one, on which see Carney (2005). On Hekatomnid relations with cities, see Hornblower (1982), p. 107–137.
5 Maddoli (2007), p. 11–13; Nafissi (2015a). On Iasos’ relations with the Hekatomnids, see Fabiani (2015).
6 Maddoli (2010), p. 127–128; cf. Fabiani (2013), p. 317; Fabiani (2015).
7 Williamson (2014b); cf. Hoepfner (1996), Nielsen (1998) and Strootman (2014a), p. 188–191, on andrones and ritualized feasting in Hellenistic palaces. Henry (2017a) in fact interprets these as palatial spaces.
8 On this ‘West Achaemenid koine’ of interconnected local dynasties, see Kaptan (2013), p. 30; cf. Dusinberre (2003).
9 On the Hekatomnids, see Hornblower (1982); Ruzicka (1992); Carstens (2009). Hekatomnos probably was the first of the Hekatomnids to use the title of basileus, and was unique in being the only local dynast within the Achaemenid Empire to obtain the official title of satrap: see Nafissi (2015b) and Henry (2017b).
10 On Hekatomnid patronage of the sanctuaries of Sinuri and Artemis, see among others Robert (1945), p. 102; Hornblower (1982), p. 274–293; Pedersen (1991), p. 100–107 and Williamson (2013).
11 Kaletsch (2005).
12 Summarized in Henry (2017a).
13 E.g. Hellström (2011), p. 355: “I suggest that both andrones were erected during the lifetime of Maussollos, that Andron B was built in the 370’s and that Andron A was dedicated not later than 351/0, before Artemisia died and Idrieus became satrap.”
14 The festival is called the panēgyris in I.Mylasa 3, line 5; see Hellström (2011), p. 149–150. The festival is further mentioned in I.Labraunda 54 with a list of the events day by day—unfortunately this is too fragmented to be of any use here, although Crampa, p. 85, understands it to include five days altogether. The incomplete lists of names in I.Labraunda 53–54 and 67 are interpreted as envoys to the festival. I.Labraunda 53–54 are furthermore imperial copies of a festival decree from the fourth century BC, inviting all Karians to participate in the festival, although the lists of names at the sanctuary imply that most derived from Mylasa—see below on the scope of the sanctuary.
15 I.Mylasa 3. This attempt on Maussollos’ life was the third atrocity against the satraps; in I.Mylasa 1 a plot against Maussollos was discovered, in 367/6 BC, and in I.Mylasa 2 a statue of Hekatomnos had been vandalized, in 361/0 BC.
16 On the stadion, Roos (2011).
17 Hellström (1996a), p. 136, describing Maussollos’ andron, notes how the temple-like character emphasized its function for “super-prestigious, ritual banqueting.” Also Karlsson (2013).
18 On the andrones in general, see Hellström (2007), p. 90, 131–132. Idrieus’ andron was similar to that of his brother Maussollos; both were larger than the temple of Zeus, with raised floors around the edges 1 m in width: Hellström (1989), p. 101–104. Hellström (1996a), argues that the andrones represent a new “élite, non-egalitarian way of banqueting” as intended by the satraps; see also Hellström (2007), p. 271 and Hellström (2011). Carstens (2009), p. 75–100, believes the andrones functioned as royal reception halls, but also believes the various Karian federations probably met at Labraunda. The mixture of Ionic and Doric orders with Achaemenid-like sculpture in any event reflects cross-cultural influences and may well indicate the international ambitions of the Hekatomnids, Hellström (1996b), p. 136; Held 2011; Karlsson (2013).
19 I.Labraunda 14 (transl. Crampa): Μαύσσωλλος Ἑκατόμνω [ἀνέθηκε τὸν ἀ] νδρῶνα [κα] ὶ τὰ ἐνεόντα Διῒ Λαμβραύνδωι. Maussollos also dedicated a stoa, with no mention of its contents, I.Labraunda 13: [Μ] αύ̣σ̣σ̣ω̣λ̣λ̣ο̣ς̣ Ἑκα [τόμνω] ἀνέθηκε τὴν στοιὴν Διῒ Λαμραύνδωι (inscribed on one of the antae). Idreius’ dedication of his andron (A) also makes no mention of its contents, although the inscription is poorly preserved: [Ἰδριεὺς Ἑκατόμνω Μυλασεὺς ἀν] έθηκ [ε τὸν] ἀ․νδρῶ [να Διῒ Λαμραύν] δωι, I.Labraunda 15 (transl. Crampa).
20 Williamson (2014b).
21 As told to Philip V by the Mylasan envoys in I.Labraunda 5.
22 Discussed in Hellström (2007), p. 117.
23 Hellström (2007); Henry (2017a).
24 Fehr (1969/1970), p. 38–39; Pedersen (1991), p. 114–115. Also Williamson (2014a).
25 Conze – Schazmann (1911), p. 10, 20-21: Φιλεταῖρος Ἀττάλου Μητ [ρ] ὶ θεῶν; Schalles (1985), p. 26–31.
26 Pimouguet-Pédarros (2000). On the fortifications of Labraunda, Karlsson (2011); Vergnaud (2014).
27 Hellström (1996b); Carstens (2009), p. 86–91 and Carstens (2011a).
28 Henry (2017a).
29 Henry (2014) and Henry (2017a), p. 568 n. 62 with references.
30 On Hekatomnid altars, Ameling (2013); Maddoli (2007); on the coinage, Konuk (2013) and Henry (2017b), with references.
31 Rumscheid (2010).
32 E.g. http://www.haberler.com/uzunyuva/ (accessed 30.11.2018).
33 Pace Carstens (2013), p. 180. On Maussollos’ imperial activities in Asia Minor and the Aegean, see Hornblower (1982), p. 123–136; on his position within the Achaemenid Empire, Marek (2015).
34 Strootman (2014b), p. 314–315; on the imperial ambitions of Ptolemy I also see Meeus (2014).
35 On Alexander’s visit to Halikarnassos, see Hornblower (1982), p. 258–261.
36 Strootman (2014a), p. 58–59, 75–77. On the historical background to the foundation of Alexandria, see recently Erskine (2013) and Howe (2014).
37 Vitr. 2.8.11, transl. Morgan (2014): is autem locus est theatri curvaturae similis. itaque in imo secundum portum forum est constitutum; per mediam autem altitudinis curvaturam praecinctionemque platea ampla latitudine facta, in qua media Mausoleum ita egregiis operibus est factum, ut in septem spectaculis nominetur.
38 Diod. 17.52.3; Strab. 17.1.8; Plin. NH 5.62; Plut. Alex. 26.5. On chlamys-shaped Alexandria, see Papadopoulou (2015), arguing that this image mirrors Eratosthenes’ view of the entire world as chlamys-shaped, thus creating an image of Alexandria as the cosmopolitan center of a universal empire. On universalistic and cosmopolitan ideologies in the Hellenistic empires see Strootman (2014c). On the foundation myths of Alexandria, Ogden (2013); also consult the important article by Howe (2014), showing how the foundation myths of Alexandria served a Ptolemaic political and ideological agenda.
39 Vitr. 2.8.10, transl. Morgan (2014): item Halicarnasso potentissimi regis Mausoli domus, cum Proconnensio marmore omnia haberet ornata, parietes habet latere structos, qui ad hoc tempus egregiam praestant firmitatem ita tectoriis operibus expoliti, uti vitri perluciditatem videantur habere.
40 Plin. NH 36.6.
41 Trying to make sense of Vitruvius’ confused description of the city’s layout, Hoepfner (2013) proposed a different location for Maussollos’ palace. This proposal is backed by little archaeological confirmation, however, and does not take into account Pedersen’s identification of the foundation blocks underneath the Castle of St. Peter as the remains of Maussollos’ palace: Pedersen (2009); cf. C. Piok-Zanon in BMCR 2014.04.06.
42 Pedersen (1994).
43 Pedersen (2013), p. 36–37.
44 Carstens (2011b), p. 374; cf. Nielsen (1994), p. 11. As Carstens shows, such palaces were common in Karia, but they were usually located on hill tops, e.g. at Alazeytin, Ören Avlusu and Girel Kalesi; the royal house at Halikarnassos seems to be in a category of its own.
45 The useful definition of a palace, or rather a court, as the place where the “sovereign power of the monarchy is supposed to reside” has been borrowed from Rodríquez-Salgado (1991), p. 207.
46 Nielsen (1994), p. 81–101; Strootman (2014a), p. 59–66.
47 Strootman (2007), p. 54–91; and (2014a), p. 74–81, 83–88. Ritualized feasting in Alexandria took place in pavilions set up in the king’s gardens: see Callixeinos, FGrH 627 F 2 (Ath. 5.196a–197c); cf. Calandra (2011). The religious nature of the Attalid basileia at Pergamon is also stressed by Zimmer (2012).
48 Pedersen (2009).
49 Polyb. 15.31.2: τὸν χρηματιστικὸν πυλῶνα τῶν βασιλείων.
50 Allen (2005), p. 62.
51 Petrovic (2017), p. 147.
52 Bertelli (1986), p. 17.
53 Hornblower (1982), p. 223–274.
54 Rumscheid (2010); cf. Hoepfner (2013).
55 Plin. NH 36.4.5.
56 Pedersen (1991); Jeppesen (2000).
57 On these finds, see Højlund – Aaris-Sørensen (1982).
58 Carstens (2016).
59 Henry (2009); Carstens (2013); Descat (2013); cf. Rumscheid (2010); Nováková (2016).
60 Starting with Alexander’s plans for a monumental tomb for Hephaistion, which was inspired by the Maussolleion at Halikarnassos; see Palagia (2000).
61 Pedersen – Isager (2015). The theater was enlarged and partly rebuilt in the second century BC.
62 Strootman (2014a), p. 46–49; on the Hellenistic inclination to make public life more ‘theatrical’, see Chaniotis (1997); cf. Chaniotis (2013a) and (2013b) on the emotional aspects of this theatricality.
63 Hornblower (1982), p. 353.
64 E.g. Lauter (1986), p. 85.
65 A parallel may be found in 16th-century El Escorial, near Madrid, which was at once monastery, royal burial place for Charles V, and palace for Philip II.
66 Further discussed in Pedersen (2013), p. 41.
67 See generally Strootman (2014a), p. 31–38, and specifically on traveling kings participating in local festivals Strootman (2013) and (2018).