1 See Caneva (2016b), p. 126; on this topic, see also his paper in this volume, focusing on Attalid Pergamon.
2 I.Fayoum II 136 (= SB III 6155), lines 16–19.
3 I.Fayoum II 136, lines 14–15: μενούσης καὶ τῆς παρὰ | τῶν πλησίων ἱερῶν συνκεχ [ω] ρ̣ημένης ἀσυλίας.
4 On the context see: Heinen (1994); Scheuble-Reiter (2012), p. 306–308.
5 I.Fayoum II 135, lines 11-13: καὶ τῶν εἰθισ|μένων ἐπιτελεῖσθαι ὑπέρ τε ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν τέκνων | θυσιῶν καὶ σπονδῶν.
6 I.Fayoum II 136, lines 11–14: ὅπως αἵ τε [θ] υσίαι καὶ αἱ [σπ] ονδα [ὶ] | ἐπιτελῶνται, κτ [ι] σθέντος τοῦ σημαι|νομένου ἱεροῦ ὑπέρ τε σοῦ καὶ τῶν προ|γόνω [ν σ] οῦ.
7 I.Fayoum II 107, with Bingen (1991), p. 85: ὑπὲρ βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου | καὶ βασιλίσσης Κλεοπάτρας τῆς ἀδελφῆς | καὶ βασιλίσσης Κλεοπάτρας τῆς γυναικός, | θεῶν Εὐεργετῶν, καὶ τῶν τέκνων αὐτῶν, | Ἀγαθόδωρος Ἀγαθοδώρου Ἀλεξανδρεὺς | τῆς βʹ ἱπ (παρχίας) (ἑκατοντάρουρος) καὶ Ἰσιδώρα Διονυσίου ἡ γυνὴ καὶ τὰ τέκνα | τὸ πρόπυλον καὶ τὸν λίθινον δρόμον Πνεφερῶι θεῶι μεγά|λωι μεγάλωι, εὐχήν· (ἔτους) λδ Θῶυθ θ.
8 Pros. Ptol. II 2185 + 2747 + VI 16975; see also Scheuble-Reiter (2012), p. 304-305.
9 I.Fayoum II 135, lines 16-17: ἀναθεῖναι δὲ καὶ ὑμῶν τῶν μεγίστων βασιλέων | [εἰκ] όνας.
10 SEG XXXIX 1705 (55 BC): βασιλέα μέγαν Πτ̣ο̣λεμαῖον θεὸν Νέον Διόνυσον Φιλοπάτορα καὶ Φιλάδελφο̣ν· (ἔτους) κϛʹ, Φαρμο (ῦθι) ιβʹ. cf. Rondot (2004), p. 137–138; Stanwick (2002), no. E3.
11 Cf. Bingen (2007), p. 266–274. Texts on p. 266, n. 10; p. 267, n. 11; I.Fayoum II 112, lines 29–33 (93 BC) (with I.Fayoum II 113); I.Fayoum II 114, lines 15–31 (70 BC); I.Fayoum II 116, lines 14–20 (57 BC) (with I.Fayoum II 117 and 118); I.Fayoum III 152, lines 13–18 (95 BC): ἐν δὲ τούτωι ἀνακειμένω [ν] | σοῦ τε, μέγιστε βασιλεῦ, καὶ τῶν προγόνων | ἰκόνων γραπ<τ>ῶν, τῶν τε θυσιῶν καὶ σπονδῶν | καὶ τῶν ἄλλων τῶν νομιζομένων ὑπέρ τε σοῦ, | [ν] ικηφόρε βασιλεῦ, καὶ τῶν τέκνων διὰ νυκτὸς | καὶ ἡμέρας συντελουμένων; UPZ I 14, lines 27–31 (158 BC): ὅπως διευσχημονῶν δύνωμαι | ἐπιτελεῖν τὰς θυσίας ὑπέρ τε ὑμῶν | καὶ τῶν τέκνων, ὅπως κυριεύητε | πάσης χώρας, ἧς ὁ Ἥλιος ἐφορᾶι, τὸν | ἅπαντα χρόνον; UPZ I 19, lines 2–4 (163 BC): Θαυῆς κα [ὶ] Ταῦς δίδυμαι λειτου [ργοῦσ]\αι/ ἐν τῶι | πρὸς Μέμφει μεγάλωι Σαραπιείωι, τῶι Ὀσοράπει χοὰς σπενδουσῶν ὑπέρ τε | ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν ὑμετέρων τέκνων; UPZ I 41, lines 22–25 (163/162 BC): ἵνα πᾶν τὸ ἑξῆς ἔχουσαι ἐπιτελῶμεν | τὰς χοὰς τῶι μεγίστωι θεῶι Σαράπει καὶ τἆλλα τὰ | νομιζόμενα συντελῶμεν ὑπέρ τε ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν | ὑμετέρων τέκνων; UPZ I 42, cl. 2, lines 48–51 (162 BC): ἵνα πᾶν τὸ ἑξῆς ἔχουσαι πολλῶι μᾶλλον | τὰ νομιζόμενα τῶι Σαράπει καὶ τῆι Ἴσει | ἐπιτελῶμεν ὑπέρ τε ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν | ὑμετέρων τέκνων; P.Sorb. III 107 (219 BC); P.Enteux. 6, line 6 (220 BC); P.Enteux. 80, line 13 (217 BC); W.Chrest. 68, lines 50–53 (132 BC).
12 PSI V 539, line 3 (3rd cent. BC): τὰς θυσίας τῆι Ἴσι καὶ Ἀρσινόηι Φιλαδέλφωι ὑπὲρ τοῦ βασι̣ [λέως.
13 I.Philae I 19, lines 28–31 = OGIS I 137–139 = Pfeiffer (2015), no. 29: καὶ ἐκ τοῦ τοιούτου συμβαίνει ἐλαττοῦσθαι τὸ ἱερὸν καὶ | κινδυνεύειν ἡμᾶς τοῦ μὴ ἔχειν τὰ νομιζόμενα πρὸς τὰς | γινομένας ὑπέρ τε ὑμῶν καὶ τῶν τέκνων θυσίας | καὶ σπονδάς.
14 I.Philae I 12bis, lines 8–11 = Pfeiffer (2015), no. 26.
15 P.Tebt. I 6, lines 47–49 (Bagnall – Derow [2004], no. 136).
16 On this see Jim (2014), p. 617–638.
17 Bingen (2007), p. 276; Nilsson (19612), 182.
18 OGIS I 96 = SB V 8872 = CIJ 1443: ὑπὲρ βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου | καὶ βασιλίσσης Κλεοπάτρας | Πτολεμαῖος Ἐπικύδου | ὁ ἐπιστάτης τῶν φυλακιτῶν | καὶ οἱ ἐν Ἀθρίβει Ἰουδαῖοι | τὴν προσευχὴν | θεῷ Ὑψίστῳ. On hyper-dedications in Jewish milieus, see also Paganini in this volume.
19 See 1 Makk. 7.33.
20 Phil. Leg. 357.
21 See Price (1984a), p. 210 and 229.
22 OGIS I 332, lines 27–33 = IvP I 246, with the new integrations proposed by Caneva (2018a): τὸν στεφανηφόρον τῶν δώδεκα θεῶν καὶ θεοῦ βα|σιλέως Εὐμένου καὶ τοὺς ἱερεῖς καὶ τὰς ἱερε [ί] ας ἀνοίξαντας τοὺς ναοὺς τῶν θε|ῶν καὶ ἐπιθύοντας τὸν λιβανωτὸν εὔχεσ̣θαι νῦν τε καὶ εἰς τὸν ἀεὶ χρόνον | διδόναι βασιλεῖ Ἀττάλωι Φιλομήτορι καὶ Εὐεργέτηι ὑγίειαν σωτηρίαν νίκην | κράτος καὶ ἐ̣π̣ὶ̣ γ̣ [ῆ] ς κα<ὶ> [ἐπὶ] θ̣α̣ [λάσσης καὶ ὑπ] άρχοντι καὶ ἀμυνομένωι, καὶ τὴν βα|σιλείαν αὐτοῦ διαμ<έ>ν [ε] ι̣ν [εἰς] τὸν ἅπαντα αἰῶνα ἀβλαβῆ μετὰ πάσης ἀσφα|λείας. On this decree, see Caneva (2018a) and in this volume.
23 OGIS I 214, lines 18–21 = RC 5 = RICIS 304/1101: ἵνα ἔχητε σπένδειν | καὶ χρᾶσθαι ὑγιαινόντων ἡμῶν καὶ εὐτυχούν|των καὶ τῆς πόλεως διαμενούσης, ὡς ἐγὼ | βούλομαι καὶ ὑμεῖς.
24 Fraser (1972), I, p. 226: “by it the dedicant ‘recommended’ the monarch to the god”; Taeger (1957), I, p. 299: “Kultakt, der den göttlichen Schutz gewinnen oder dankbar bezeugen sollte”; Kyrieleis (1975), p. 146.
25 See P. Cair. Zen. I 59034 = PSI IV 435 = SB III 6713 (257 BC), with Caneva (2016b), p. 130.
26 P. Cair. Zen. I 59034, lines 7-8: κ̣α̣ [ὶ] ἱ̣ [ερέα] ἐ̣π̣ι̣σ̣τ̣ατεῖν κ̣ [αὶ] | ἐπιβωμίζειν ὑπὲρ ὑμῶν.
27 Bernand (1969), I, p. 91.
28 Caneva (2016b), p. 146.
29 Caneva (2016b), p. 146, and 148: “rituals hyper the royal house were felt as acts virtually performed by them as the traditional ritual agents in the temples, rather than more generally as rites celebrated by priests in their favour”.
30 See Bingen (2007), p. 276: “Moreover, in many inscriptions, ‘on behalf of’ applies to the queen and to the royal children, who have no religious function.”
31 SB I 3926, lines 11–15 = I.Prose 36 = C.Ord. Ptol. 67 = I.Asylia 226: τὸ κατεσκευ|ασμένον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡμετέρας σωτηρίας | ὑπὸ Καλλιμάχου τοῦ ἐπιστρατήγου | Ἰσίδειον ἀπὸ νότου Πτολεμαΐδος | ἀτελὲς καὶ ἄσυλον εἶναι.
32 I.Fayoum II 136, lines 12–14: ὅπως αἵ τε [θ] υσίαι καὶ αἱ [σπ] ονδα [ὶ] | ἐπιτελῶνται, κτ [ι] σθέντος τοῦ σημαι|νομένου ἱεροῦ ὑπέρ τε σοῦ καὶ τῶν προ|γόνω [ν σ] οῦ.
33 Cf. Hussy (2007), p. 70.
34 UPZ I 106, lines 11–15: χρείας πλείους κα] ὶ ἀναγκαί [ας] | [π] αρεχόμενος τοῖς προγεγραμμένοις θεοῖς τὰς χ [ε] ῖρ [ας α] ὐτ [οῖ] ς πρ [ο] σφέ [ρων καὶ τ] ὰς ὑπὲρ | [ὑ] μῶν, μέγιστοι θεοὶ κα [ὶ] νικηφόροι, εὐχὰς καὶ θυσία [ς ἐ] πιτελῶ [ν διδόναι ὑμῖ] ν ὑγίειαν | [ν] ίκην κράτος σθένος κυριείαν τῶν [ὑ] πὸ τὸν οὐρ [αν] ὸν χωρῶ [ν σκυλλόμεν] ος δὲ καὶ | διασειόμενος. (cf. UPZ I 108).
35 I.Fayoum III 152, lines 29–31: τὸν εὐχά|ριστον καὶ θεότατον βασιλέα, καθ’ ἣν ἔχεις | πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐ [σ] έβειαν; I.Fayoum II 112, lines 16–18: θεότατε βασιλεῦ, πρὸς τὸ θεῖον εὐσέβειαν, | μάλιστα πρὸς τὴν θεὰν Ἶσιν, διὸ δεόμεθά σου τοῦ νι|κηφόρου θεοῦ, εἰ δοκεῖ, ἐπιχωρῆσαι ἄσυλον; I.Fayoum II 136, lines 20–21: δέομαι σοῦ τοῦ νικη|φόρου θεοῦ, εἰ δ [οκ] εῖ.
36 OGIS I 90, lines 35–36: ἀνθ’ ὧν δεδώκασιν αὐτῶι οἱ θεοὶ ὑγίειαν, νίκην, κράτος καὶ τἄλλ’ ἀγαθ [ὰ πάντα], | τῆς βασιλείας διαμενούσης αὐτῶι καὶ τοῖς τέκνοις εἰς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον.
37 Urk. II 187, lines 6-7.
38 Cf. Posener (1960), p. 27, n. 4: “Il suffira de rappeler ici toutes les oraisons, toutes les offrandes aux dieux qui se faisaient pour le salut du roi.”
39 Papyrus Brooklyn 47.218.50, cl. III, line 20.
40 Cairo CG 34006, lines 5-6 = Urk. IV 80, lines 15-16; Beylage (2002), p. 415.
41 Esna III (= Sauneron [1975]), no. 209, line 27; no. 216, line 1; no. 217, line 19; see Derchain-Urtel (1997), p. 47–53; Kopp (2003), p. 49–53; Schott (1955), p. 289–295.
42 Esna III, no. 217, line 19.
43 Esna III, no. 209, line 73.
44 Caneva (2016b), p. 146: “Dionysodoros uses the hyper-formula in a context clearly meaning that the king should be considered as the virtual agent of this euergetic initiative.”
45 Lefebvre (1923-1924), I, p. 33–35.
46 Statue Louvre A 88; Thiers (1995), Doc. 5 = Gorre (2009), Nr. 41.
47 SB I 3926, lines 11–15 = I.Prose 36 = C.Ord. Ptol. 67 = I.Asylia 226: τὸ κατεσκευασμένον ὑπὲρ τῆς ἡμετέρας σωτηρίας ὑπὸ Καλλιμάχου τοῦ ἐπιστρατήγου Ἰσίδειον ἀπὸ νότου Πτολεμαΐδος ἀτελὲς καὶ ἄσυλον εἶναι. Cf. also SB I 684, below, n. 62.
48 SEG LVI 1986 = F. Kayser, BÉ 2007, no. 544; illustration in Goddio – Clauss (2007), no. 158: Βασιλεὺς Πτολεμαῖος Πτολεμαίου | καὶ ᾿Αρσινόης θεῶν ἀδελφῶν τὸ | [κω] μαστήριον ῾Ηρακλεῖ ὑπὲρ | αὑτοῦ καὶ βασιλίσσης Βερενίκης | τῆς ἀδελφῆς αὑτοῦ καὶ γυναικὸς | καὶ τῶν τέκνων.
49 Bingen (2007), p. 274; cf. Ma (2013), p. 17–24; Caneva (2016b) convincingly argues for a sociological explanation of the particular success that this formula met in Ptolemaic Egypt: unlike in other parts of the Hellenistic world, where the political and religious life was dominated by polis institutions, administrative interactions in the Egyptian chōra primarily took the form of interpersonal negotiations between various degrees of the royal and/or temple hierarchy; in this context, the use of the hyper-formula could function as a captatio benevolentiae promoting fruitful interactions between various agents.
50 Iossif (2005); Fassa (2015), p. 136: “The Egyptian background and its creative exploitation by the Ptolemies probably contributed significantly to the shaping of the mentality behind the dedications.”
51 Wilson (1997), p. 584.
52 Cairo CG 46341, line 19 = Gorre (2009), no. 70.
53 Abd el-Maksoud et al. (2015), p. 125–144, Inv. no. E211, 3 (BÉ [2016], no. 550): βασίλισσα [Βε] ρενί [κη ὑ] πὲρ βασιλέως Πτολεμαίου [τοῦ] αὑ [τῆς] ἀδελφοῦ καὶ ἀν [δρὸς καὶ τῶν] τούτων τέκνων [τὸν ναὸν καὶ τὸ τέμενος] καὶ τὸν [β] ωμὸν Βουβάστει.
54 Abd el-Maksoud et al. (2015), p. 125–144, Inv. no. E211, 3: nb.t tȝ.wj sȝ.t Rʿ (Brnygj) | rd.jt [...] ḥw.t [ḥnʿ] gȝy.t [...] ḥnʿ ḫʿw.t tn ḥr rn n nswt-bjt [(Ptwlmys ʿnḫ ḏ.t mry Ptḥ) | […] ḥnʿ ḥr rn=s ḥnʿ rn n ms.w=sn.
55 Farid (1988), p. 13–65; Vleeming (2001) = Short Texts I 179–202; Pasquali (2007), p. 187–192; cf. the entire text corpus in Reinach – Weill (1912), p. 1–24; with Spiegelberg (1914), p. 75–88.
56 Vleeming (2001) = Short Texts I 186; Farid (1988), p. 48.
57 SB V 8812: ὑπὲρ Τιβερίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ (ἔτους) ιη Ἐπεὶφ ια Κρόνωι θεῶι μεγίστωι Παρθένιος Παμ‹ί›νεως προστάτης Ἴσιδος.
58 Vleeming (2001) = Short Texts I 196; on Parthenios, see Pasquali (2007), p. 187–192; Grenier (2009), p. 171-176; Pasquali (2009), p. 385-395.
59 See Lippert – Schentuleit (2006), no. 43.
60 Chicago Demotic Dictionary, s.v. “j”, p. 23; Spiegelberg (1925), § 340–344; Spiegelberg (1914), p. 83: “deshalb wird die ägyptische Präposition etwa ‚für, zum Heile von‘ od. ä. bedeuten”; see also Gladić (2007), p. 124; 128; 135.
61 SB I 684: ὑπὲρ Τιβερίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ Ἀπο [λλ] ώνιος κωμογραμματεὺ [ς] ὑπὲρ ἑαυτοῦ καὶ γυναιξὶ (sic) καὶ τέκη (sic) ὅλα ἐποίησεν τὴν οἰκοδομὴν ἔτους ιζʹ Τιβερίου Καίσαρος Σεβαστοῦ, Τῦβ [ι ιηʹ]. For the Demotic text see Vleeming (2001) = Short Texts I 175 A.
62 Spiegelberg (1914), p. 84.
63 Vleeming (2001) = Short Texts I 175.
64 Vleeming (2001) = Short Texts I 129 A–B.
65 Bingen (2007), p. 276.
66 Lanciers (1986b), p. 84, n. 21: “Es ist zu beobachten, daß auch bei den privaten Weihinschriften der König im ägyptisch inspirierten Stelenbild vor den Göttern erscheint, wodurch der falsche Eindruck erweckt werden kann, daß es sich um eine offizielle Weihung handelt”; see I.Fayoum I 6, 14, 34, 35.
67 OGIS I 90, lines 40–41; translation by Bagnall – Derow (2004), p. 272
68 OGIS I 90, lines 41–42.
69 OGIS I 90, lines 42–43.
70 In the Hellenistic period, birthdays of sovereigns and of other benefactors could be celebrated either with a yearly rhythm (see, for example, IC III iv 4, with an annual celebration for Ptolemy III at Itanos) or every month (cf. IK Erythrai 207 A, lines 27-28, 33-35 for Antiochos I).
71 OGIS I 90, lines 46–48.
72 OGIS I 90, lines 49–50.
73 OGIS I 90, lines 50–52.
74 Hölbl (2001), p. 96.
75 Heinen (1994), p. 161.
76 Gladić (2007), p. 109; cf. CANEVA (2016b), p. 144: “Egyptians recording a ritual act concerning the Ptolemies in their own language seem to have simply by-passed the problem by ignoring the nuances expressed by hyper in Greek.”
77 See Fraser (1972), I, p. 226: “Such dedications are only indirectly indications of ruler-worship, but they are far more frequent than those direct dedications in which the name of the king, with or without that of his consort, occurs in the dative case.”
78 On the criteria and procedures concerning the hierarchical partition of offerings in Egyptian temples, known in Egyptology as Opferumlauf, see Altenmüller (1982).
79 OGIS I 212, lines 5–9 and 20 (281/280 BC); Iossif (2011), p. 244–245; cf. Caneva (2016b), p. 123– 124.
80 SEG IX 5, cl. 1, lines 8–13 = IGCyr011100 (109/108 BC).
81 SEG IX 5, cl. 1, lines 19–26; see also Marquaille (2003), p. 25–42.
82 Ael. Arist. 26.32.
83 Bénédite (1893-1895), I, 72,11–13; Berl. Photo 1044, Cassor-Pfeiffer (2017), 173-174.
84 UPZ I 20, lines 61–64: τούτου δὲ γενομένου δυνησόμεθα τὴν καθʼ ἡμᾶς | λειτουργίαν ἀμέμπτως τῶι μεγίστωι θεῶι Σαράπει | ἐπιτελεῖν, ὃς διδοίη σοι μετὰ τῆς Ἴσιος νίκην κράτος τῆς | οἰκουμένης ἁπάσης.
85 I.Fayoum III 152, line 18; cf. I.Fayoum II 112, lines 29–33 (93 BC) (with I.Fayoum II 113): ὅπ|ως πολλῷ μᾶλλον αἵ τε θυσίαι καὶ σπονδαὶ | καὶ τἆλλα τὰ νομιζόμενα ὑπέρ τε σοῦ | καὶ τῶν τέκνων καὶ τῶν προγόνων καὶ Ἴσι|δι καὶ Σαράπιδι ἐπιτελεσθῇ.