• Contenu principal
  • Menu
OpenEdition Books
  • Accueil
  • Catalogue de 16092 livres
  • Éditeurs
  • Auteurs
  • Facebook
  • X
  • Partager
    • Facebook

    • X

    • Accueil
    • Catalogue de 16092 livres
    • Éditeurs
    • Auteurs
  • Ressources numériques en sciences humaines et sociales

    • OpenEdition
  • Nos plateformes

    • OpenEdition Books
    • OpenEdition Journals
    • Hypothèses
    • Calenda
  • Bibliothèques

    • OpenEdition Freemium
  • Suivez-nous

  • Lettre d’information
OpenEdition Search

Redirection vers OpenEdition Search.

À quel endroit ?
  • Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté
  • ›
  • Les Cahiers de la MSHE Ledoux
  • ›
  • JADE. Tomes 1 et 2
  • ›
  • Cinquième partie. Résumé général et base...
  • ›
  • Abstract
  • Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté
  • Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté
    Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté
    Informations sur la couverture
    Table des matières
    Liens vers le livre
    Informations sur la couverture
    Table des matières
    Formats de lecture

    Plan

    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Introduction 1. The Europe of Jade 2. The context of large jade axeheads 3. Long distance transfers, social inequalities and control of religious rituals Auteurs

    JADE. Tomes 1 et 2

    Ce livre est recensé par

    Précédent Suivant
    Table des matières

    Abstract

    Résumé

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera, Lutz Klassen, Anne-Marie Pétrequin et Alison Sheridan

    p. 1431-1436

    Texte intégral Introduction 1. The Europe of Jade 2. The context of large jade axeheads 3. Long distance transfers, social inequalities and control of religious rituals Auteurs

    Texte intégral

    1During the 5th and part of the 4th millennium BC, the circulation of long axeheads of jade (that is, jadeitite, omphacitite and eclogite) demonstrates an extraordinary phenomenon featuring the long-distance transfer of these objects, over distances up to 1700 kilometres – and in some cases over 2000 kilometres – from the source areas as the crow flies. The Neolithic networks that extended outwards from these source areas (the massifs of Mont Viso and Mont Beigua) spanned some 3000 kilometres, from the Atlantic to the west to the Black Sea to the east.

    2It would be hard to explain the movement of these oversized polished axeheads from a purely technological or economic point of view, since the success of these objects across western Europe is due to a different kind of value : their conceptual value. We propose to explore the social significance of large polished jade axeheads, by investigating the context of discovery of some 1800 examples that have been recorded to date. For the most part, these precious objects were not deposited in conventional archaeological contexts, but instead were often deposited close to rivers, marshes and stretches of water, or sometimes in front of rock shelters or isolated boulders, or in a fissure, or at the foot of a standing stone. Our hypothesis is that they constituted sacred signs, which clearly belonged within the domain of religious beliefs and practices. If this hypothesis is correct, we then have to try to assess the social status of the men to whom people sacrificed large jade axeheads, breaking or burning them, as is the case in some exceptional graves within the largest mounds in the Carnac region of the southern coast of Brittany. It is in this region, moreover, that the phenomenon of megalithism first saw the light of day in western Europe, with large axeheads being represented on monumental stelae, associated with other signs in the religious grammar of the Carnac region.

    3Given the social (religious) significance of the long polished jade axeheads, technological and economic approaches have little heuristic value in explaining why these ‘object-signs’ were produced in small numbers and reserved for use by specific people in markedly inegalitarian societies. The elites’ power and prestige would have been founded on powerful imaginary structures, not on technological factors or economic forces. This system of power involved the manipulation of jade axeheads that were destined to be consecrated for communicating with the Otherworld and for ensuring the reproduction of society. Furthermore, it operated within a western, ‘jade’ Europe which existed in opposition to an eastern Europe of copper and gold.

    Introduction

    4When Graham Clark published his Prehistoric Europe : the Economic Basis in 1955 – an indispensible volume that merits repeated reading, especially when teaching – he considered economy from a prehistorian’s perspective. He listed techniques of production while leaving questions of output, and of the social significance of the phenomena that he was describing, to a large extent in the shade. In other words, like most other prehistorians who sought to reconstruct the techniques, the chaînes opératoires and the timing of work, Clark was interested in the infrastructures of production; these are the simplest elements to identify among long-disappeared societies. He attached a low importance to certain superstructures which seem to us to be indispensible, and in particular the social conditions of production and the perspective of the users. In effect, the value of products – as is well known among sociologists, economists and publicists – is an essential aspect of the relative success of production. The advertisements which encourage people to Be worthy of your car, and which are directed towards drivers who mostly have no idea of the techniques involved in building and running a motor, remind us that the value of goods is to be measured not only in terms of their technical efficacy but also with regard to imaginary social concepts, which ensure the momentary success of a product or an idea.

    5Thus, it is the question of the social context of production and of the product (ch. 24 : 1194) that we wish to develop as regards certain types of polished stone axeheads and their circulation around Europe. This is not to deny the importance of studying the techniques of production and the investment of time in manufacturing these axeheads; but to us these seem insufficient to account for the temporary success or for the abandonment of certain types of stone axehead. For this reason, the theoretical calculations that had been attempted regarding the production of axeheads of type A metadolerite at Plussulien (Côtes-d’Armor, France) seem to us to be unrealistic, because they fail to take into account either the chronological span of the production or the social value of the axeheads that were exported up to 700 kilometres from the Breton source of the raw material (ch. 4 : 214).

    6The example that we have chosen is that of the large axeheads of Alpine jades, not only because they are well documented but also because they illustrate our thesis well by virtue of the long distances travelled – up to or even exceeding 2000 kilometres (ch. 18 : 1014). During the Neolithic, the only comparable phenomenon is the movement of rings and beads of Aegean spondylus shell, objects whose strictly material function was negligible.

    1. The Europe of Jade

    7The use of jades (jade-jadeite, and by extension omphacitite, fine-grained eclogite and certain amphibolites) – extremely tough stones that are luminous, often translucent and capable of taking a magnificent polish – to make polished Neolithic objects has been known since the 19th century. The high Italian Alps, and above all the Mont Viso massif, were proposed as a source area by Alexis Damour from as early as 1881, and this hypothesis was presented in more detail by Secondo Franchi, who mentioned also the massif of Mont Beigua, above Genoa. These early references were subsequently ignored and no attempt was made to investigate them in the field during the many years when the only people who studied jade axeheads were petrographers (Campbell Smith, D’Amico, Ricq -de Bouard, Woolley, inter alia). It was not until ethnoarchaeological models (ch. 1 : 27) were applied that the large jade working sites were identified in the Mont Viso massif in 2003, thereby resolving a problem that had endured for over 150 years (ch. 2 : 46 ; ch. 3 : 184).

    8Alpine jades were exploited from 5300 BC until practically the end of the Neolithic, with most of the objects produced being workaday tools, that is, small polished axe- and adzeheads. The extraction methods initially involved fire-setting and flaking, and then, from the middle of the 5th millennium, fire-setting and laborious sawing using plaques of wood, sand and water, in order to produce longer objects and to make most economical use of a rare raw material. In comparison with the time needed to manufacture a flint axehead between 15 cm and 20 cm long (12 to 20 hours), the time required to make a large workaday axehead of similar size from Alpine jade is much longer (between 30 and 70 hours; much less for a small axehead : ch. 5 : 258). However, such figures take no account of the time taken in undertaking the necessary expeditions to reach the source areas in the mountains, located between 1 700 and 2 400 metres above sea level (ch. 4 : 214). The workaday jade axeheads, which were far tougher than those of other rocks, were distributed in large numbers, mostly in northern Italy, in eastern France and in the Mediterranean Midi, that is to say at distances that scarcely exceeded 400 km as the crow flies. Beyond that, it appears that they circulated concurrently with other axeheads made of poorer quality, local rock types (ch. 10 : 544). However, despite diminishing drastically in number beyond 400 kilometres from source, some small axeheads of Alpine jade continued to circulate as far as the Atlantic and the North Sea to the north-west, and to a similar distance to the east, to the shores of the Black Sea, where they are represented in the cemeteries of Varna and Durankulak in Bulgaria (ch. 26 : 1231).

    9Most authors (D’Amico, Ricq -de Bouard inter alia) believed that the small jade axeheads had circulated on a down-the-line basis, according to Colin Renfrew’s famous scheme. But it was hard to check this hypothesis, since no Europe-wide inventory had been compiled, and this was a massive task. The only inventories that existed were those prepared by Walter Campbell Smith for Britain and Ireland. In Britain it seemed as though the number of small axeheads diminished from south to north, even though the larger axeheads, by contrast, showed no fall-off between the Channel and Scotland (ch. 19 : 1046).

    10For our part, because of the large number of Alpine jade axeheads across Europe, we chose to restrict ourselves to working mostly with examples longer than 13.5 cm, and to document them on a pan-Europan scale. This way, it was possible to create the fullest possible inventory, to map the transfer of jades and to propose a detailed typology and a chronological evolution on the basis of closed groups (ch. 11 : 574). This team-based work, undertaken over 15 years, has profoundly changed our knowledge of the circulation of long axeheads precisely because it is based on precise inventories, on analyses to pinpoint the sources of the various raw materials (ch. 6 : 292; ch. 7 : 420; ch. 8 : 440), and on chronology. In these respects, our work differs radically from the preceding approaches where the main, if not the sole, criterion was the petrographic characterisation of jades, without reference to Alpine source areas and, most commonly, without reference to the archaeological and social questions.

    11The overall distribution map of large jade axeheads shows that most of the products (especially those from Mont Viso) diffused westwards and north-westwards across Europe, as far as the Paris basin (ch. 2 : 1136), Brittany (ch. 16 : 918; ch. 23 : 1168), Netherlands (ch. 17 : 996), Ireland, Scotland (ch. 19 : 1046), Denmark (ch. 27 : 1280), Spain (ch.15 : 872; ch. 21 : 1108) and Italy (ch. 12 : 728; ch. 13 : 750; ch. 14 : 822). During the period of the most widespread diffusion of Alpine axeheads – that is, between approximately 4600 BC and 3700 BC – the concentration of jade axeheads in western Europe stood in opposition to that of copper tools (heavy-tool metallurgy) and of golden objects in Chalcolithic south-east Europe (ch. 11 : 574). This was a fundamentally important discovery : we can now recognise two Europes during the second half of the 5th millennium - a ‘Jade Europe’ in the west and a ‘Copper Europe’ in the east. These two Europes functioned largely independently of each other until the oriental influences from south-east Europe eventually submerged the symbolism of jade from the end of the 5th millennium (ch. 27 : 1280).

    12Given the geographical extent of the transfer of large axeheads and the force with which these objects permeated different cultures, and probably also different languages, there are several reasons to conclude that we are not simply dealing with ‘prestige’ or ‘ceremonial’ axeheads (to use terms favoured by prehistorians, even though they are very badly defined and are used automatically, without any demonstration of their validity), passing down the line. On the contrary, we argue that their role would have been fundamental in certain of the most profound social functions.

    13First, these large axeheads were oversized tools : in other words, they are disproportionate in terms of the balance and the average weight of a workaday axe- or adzehead. Let us remember that the longest Alpine jade axeheads, from one of the massive Carnac mounds at Mané er Hroëck at Locmariaquer (Morbihan, France), measures no less than 46.6 cm in length (ch. 11 : 574). The gigantism of certain of these ‘object-weapons’ indicates that they have deviated from the original function of axeheads in being transformed into socially-valorised ‘object-signs’. To attempt to discover the length of time dedicated to the manufacture and circulation of one of these long axeheads, we shall trace the progress of certain examples from the Alps (where the primary production took place) and the Gulf of Morbihan (an area remarkable for the concentration of jade axeheads) (ch. 29 : 1354).

    14The Alpine souces of jade are the points of origin for the transfers. In the Mont Viso massif, the most important working areas are located at high altitude, between 1700 and 2400 metres above sea level, and they could only have been reached by expeditions undertaken during the warm season. All men who made such expeditions would have had access to blocks of eclogite and omphacitite, while the best jadeitites seem to have been reserved for use by a restricted number of workers. A rapid calculation allows us to show that the production of large roughouts was very limited (with 1800 examples of long polished axeheads being recorded for a production period spanning over a millennium). Even at its peak, between 4600 and 4000 BC, the production of large jadeitite axeheads would probably not have exceeded a dozen examples annually (if it is acceptable to think in terms of averages). These dozen notional axeheads per year would have fed into a larger pattern of circulation of axeheads that spanned a large part of western Europe, and a considerable amount of time would have been invested in undertaking the expedition and in quarrying the rock. The large roughouts and the blocks that had been detached by fire-setting were taken down to settlements for further working, where there would be ready access to the best land for growing cereals (ch. 4 : 214).

    15A second phase of time investment was involved in the production of these axeheads : this concerned the pecking of the roughouts using jadeitite hammerstones, or else a long episode of sawing of blocks in order to produce regular-shaped bar roughouts, together with an initial grinding and polishing of the axeheads that were destined to circulate. Experimentation has shown that, given the toughness of jades, 100 hours of grinding and polishing is required to produce even the most basic polished axehead of a reasonable size (20 cm and longer). It may be that even longer would have been required in the case of the long sawn bar-roughouts (ch. 5 : 258).

    16Once past the Alps, the large, partly - or wholly - polished axeheads circulated towards the Paris Basin, where they were subjected to an initial process of selection with regard to the quality of the jade. Large examples in jadeitite were to be repolished, in order to change their shape and reduce their thickness. Yet further away, the fine axeheads of the Paris Basin gravitated towards the Gulf of Morbihan, where they were modified anew : hundreds of hours of supplementary polishing would have been required to produce the ‘Carnac-style’ axeheads, with their perfect regularity of form, their extreme thinness, and sometimes with a perforation through their butt. Since there has not been valid experimentation to explore these successive processes of remodelling – where each user in turn considered the imported axeheads as raw material to be re-thought and reworked, in order to differentiate them from those of their neighbours (ch. 11 : 574) – it is impossible to estimate the exact amount of time invested to create the most beautiful of these ‘object-signs’. For certain examples, a figure of 1000 hours is far from being unreasonable. Several of these Carnac-style axeheads, created in the Morbihan, were themselves re-exported, this time towards the Iberian peninsula : the example found at Vilapedre had travelled 1 900 kilometres overall, from the Alps to Brittany, then from Brittany to Spain, while the example from Schweicheln in Germany had travelled 2 000 km, and that from Laterza in the south of Italy had pershaps travelled 2 800 km (ch. 18 : 1014).

    17The supreme importance accorded to these Carnac-style ‘object-signs’ is reflected in the fact that they were imitated in local rocks around the turn of the 5th–4th millennia BC, at least in Spain and Switzerland.

    2. The context of large jade axeheads

    18Thus, we are dealing with a system of particularly valued signs, whose social codification will have varied over time and over space, as axeheads were transferred from one region to another. Furthermore, the choice of the axe as an ‘object-sign’ is neither fortuitous nor arbitrary, because it is essentially a fundamental tool for undertaking Neolithic agriculture in a forested environment; it would have been repeatedly handled by men; and its movement when in use evokes force and violence (ch. 1 : 27 ; ch. 28 : 1310).

    19The underlying symbolism becomes easy to comprehend if one follows the evolution of jade exploitation in the Alps. At the end of the Early Neolithic, jades were used to make modest-sized tools; then, from 5200–5100 BC, in parallel with the production of numerous small axe- and adzeheads, long narrow axeheads and ring-discs started to be made. (We shall see below that this association is probably not random.) Later, around 4600 BC, production was orientated towards making triangular models with a blade that was more or less wide; jadeitites are always represented among these types. Then, around 4300–4100 BC, the shape of the large axeheads changed once more, adopting the quadrangular sections that were inspired by the copper axeheads that had appeared in northern Italy. Finally, at the beginning of the 4th millennium, the production of long axeheads eased off, even though jades continued to be used to make small workaday tools for felling trees and working wood until almost the middle of the 3rd millennium; without doubt the toughness of the raw material accounts for this continued use of jades (ch. 11 : 574).

    20This evolution therefore illustrates the metamorphosis of a tool from being a utilitarian object into one that was integrated within a system of imaginary signs. Having been progressively invested with a remarkable ideological significance, expressed in the form of the long axehead (whose typological evolution reveals the Alpine producers’ desire to create novel and incomparable models), the polished jade axehead only returned to being a utilitarian object when influences from Chalcolithic southwestern Europe led to the adoption of a new system of ‘object-signs’. That process was concurrent with the introduction of copper metallurgy in northern Italy, and subsequently in areas to the north of the Alps (ch. 27 : 1280).

    21We can see the same desire to create new and inimitable ‘object-signs’ in the area between the Alps and the shores of the Atlantic, particularly around the middle of the 5th millennium. In order to change the shape of the finest jadeitite axeheads (which were tough, fine-grained, translucent, luminous and of a pale green colour), communities in the Paris Basin invested a considerable amount of time on supplementary polishing in order to eliminate the Alpine characteristics of certain of the imported axeheads. The same occurred in the Morbihan, with the creation of the Carnac-style axeheads which are so distinctive (ch. 18 : 1014). It should be added that the method of polishing that features the creation of long facets is particularly time-consuming for rocks of the jade family : our experiments suggest that only 1-3 grams per hour can be removed using this technique, to say nothing of the final episode of polishing against a flat surface in order to remove the facets (ch. 5 : 258).

    22To a large extent, then, the long-distance movement of large jade axeheads was based on the following : the adoption of a masculine symbol that was immediately recognisable by everyone; the selection of a particularly rare fine rock; the undertaking of procurement expeditions up the mountains, close to the highest point of the Southern Alps; the use of fire-setting to produce large thermal flakes, and hence large axeheads; specialisation in the initial working, by knapping or by sawing; a long period of pecking; the repeated investment of effort in the transfer of axeheads from one region to another, over distances of up to several hundred kilometres; and finally, new episodes of polishing in order to change the shape of certain axeheads according to regionally-variable criteria.

    23The final result - the production of a small number of jade ‘object-signs’ that were always rare, if not exceptionally so - reflects these investments, which were technical and social in nature rather than economic. In effect, every one of these polished axeheads has specific characteristics (i.e. the grain, texture, veins and colour of the rock, and the shape, quality of polish and dimensions of the object) which render it practically unique, and hence irreplaceable; each one would have been immediately recognisable at first glance. In a way, each one of these oversized axeheads would have borne its own biography, or at least a condensed story of its complex journey from the mythical mountain of Mont Viso to the furthest-flung users (ch. 29 : 1354). In short, the large Alpine jade axehead belonged within a system of oppositions and of blatant inequalities, as follows :

    24- tools for all, vs.’object-signs’ for the few;

    25- mass production, vs. individual production of a few objects ;

    26- small investment of working time, vs. considerable investment in polishing ;

    27- regionally-available rocks, vs. particularly rare exotic rocks ;

    28- fine-grained and luminous Alpine jades, vs. jadeitite and omphacitite.

    29It is hardly a surprise to find that the overall distribution of long polished jade axeheads in western Europe is not uniform (ch. 11 : 574). It displays strong regional concentrations (in the Plaines de Saône, the Paris Basin, the Morbihan and the Pays de la Loire for example), separated by zones where the axeheads are either rare or absent. This kind of uneven distribution, featuring regional clusters where the number of long axeheads does not diminish with distance from the source areas, certainly does not conform to the ‘down-the-line’ model of object movement. Rather, according to Colin Renfrew’s models, we are dealing with the outcome of inter-elite ‘exchanges’, whereby an axehead could travel long distances in a single, direct exchange, with no intermediaries being involved. In our system of inequalities sketched above, the circulation of jade axeheads would operate in opposition to regional structures of object movement, as in the case, for example, of the workaday axeheads produced in the quarries of Plancher-les-Mines/Marbranche (Haute-Saône, France), which scarcely travelled more than 250 kilometres from the source area (ch. 10 : 544).

    30It is therefore within a context of marked oppositions and inequalities that we should seek to ask what was the social function of jade ‘object-signs’.

    31The European inventory of Alpine jade axeheads currently comprises almost 1 800 examples whose length lies within 13.5 cm and 46.6 cm; many of these are complete and show few, if any, signs of use. From this total, some axeheads come from settlements, in the form of fragments and flakes, but most of these date to before 5000 BC or after 4000 BC, that is, before and after the main period when large jade axeheads were socially valorised. That said, in general it seems that large axeheads are excluded from settlements and middens, in contrast to small workaday axeheads which are well represented in the primary diffusion zone, within 400 kilometres of the Alpine source areas (ch. 29 : 1354).

    32Only 138 polished jade axeheads, more or less long, have been discovered in graves, and most of these come from around the Gulf of Mornihan (ch. 16 : 918); we shall return to these below. It is possible that a few ‘stray’ finds had also come from graves that had been disturbed, as in the Square-Mouthed Pottery culture in northern Italy (ch. 14 : 822) or in the Trench Grave Culture (Sepulcres de Fosa) towards the western end of the Pyrenees (ch. 15 : 872); these are associated in every case with a complementary set of grave goods, which allows us to recognise them as having originated in a funerary context. It would be wrong, however, to assume that all ‘stray’ finds of Alpine axeheads had come from graves.

    33Two hundred and eighty six polished Alpine axeheads have been found in hoards, containing between two and 28 examples (see Bordreuil 1966 on the concept of pairs). Two recently-discovered hoards, from Vendeuil (Aisne, France) and from Saint-Pierre-Quiberon/Petit Rohu (Morbihan, France) offer good examples (ch. 11 : 574) : each involved pairs of axeheads that had been ‘planted’ in the ground with their blades uppermost, and in neither case was there any topographic link with any grave or settlement. This deposition of hoards is a recurrent feature in western Europe, not only as regards Alpine jade axeheads but also those of flint or of dolerite, and this raises the possibility that this practice of depositing jade axeheads in ‘context-free’ locations had been the norm, and the result of a deliberate choice.

    34What of the hundreds of axeheads that have been discovered in ‘context-free’ locations, found either as hoards or (most commonly) as single ‘stray’ finds? The length of most of these examples pleads against their having been lost accidentally, or abandoned. On the contrary, the evidence strongly indicates that the long polished jade axeheads had been deposited deliberately at their findspots; this is as true of the single finds as of the hoards containing several examples. We have documented 97 cases of ‘context-free’ axeheads (i.e. those not found in settlements or funerary contexts) where the evidence regarding findspot location is clear enough to form an idea of what had informed the depositors’ choice of locale. These 97 examples can be considered alongside the 286 aforementioned specimens that come from hoards of two or more axeheads. The identification of the findspot location shows a remarkable consistency, even if it encompasses a certain degree of diversity : the examples of axeheads deposited in front of a rock shelter, or at the foot of a morainic boulder (such as at Lugrin, Haute-Savoie, France) or of a standing stone (as at Saint-Macaire-en-Mauges, Maine-et-Loire, France) offer incontrovertible evidence for association with remarkable locations, be they natural or humanly-modified (ch. 29 : 1354).

    35It was not only highly-polished axeheads which were given this treatment. Numerous examples of the deposition of unfinished axeheads can be cited from the working areas in the Mont Viso massif : at Bobbio Pellice/Barant, where two large thermal flakes had been placed beneath the canopy of a rock shelter; at Oncino/Puymirol, where a large flaked and burnt roughout had been deposited; at Oncino/Lu, where a flaked roughout had been planted vertically, along with a roughout of serpentinite, in front of a minuscule, obscure rock overhang at the foot of an enormous morainic block; at a rock shelter near a ford on the Po river close to its source at Paesana, where two flaked roughouts were deposited on the rock bed; in the Orco valley, where a long flaked roughout had been placed at the foot of a rocky pinnacle; and at Lugrin, where a double roughout in the course of being sawn had been deposited. The list is impressive, and demonstrates not only the strongly ritualised context of rock exploitation on Mont Viso but also the value attributed to jade as a material : it was valorised even in its raw, unworked form, up in its high-altitude source area. It also appears that, during the Neolithic, jade was not regarded as just a simple raw material, but as a very precious resource, whose extraction and working required special techniques (ch. 29 : 1354).

    36Most of the large axeheads come from less spectacular findspots, although they were significant locales : 79 % seem to have been associated with water (as hoards close to a river, in ponds, marshes and bogs, at the entrance to a narrow gorge, or just above a waterfall). All these special locations are well known from the ethnographic literature as being places that were especially favourable for communicating with the Otherworld and with supernatural powers. Particularly illuminating parallels can be cited from among the Sa [a] mi of Finland and Russia and also in New Guinea and central America (ch. 29 : 1354). Also illuminating is the archaeological example of the Funnel-Necked Beaker (Trichterbecher) Culture, in which hoards of flint axeheads were deposited in similarly significant locations (ch. 25 : 1208; ch. 27 : 1280).

    37With all these ethnographic analogues for the practice of depositing jade axeheads in significant locales – analogues that recur across cultures and areas that are distant from each other – we enter into the domain of religious beliefs concerning (and explaining) the ordering of the world and the functioning of society. To deny this would mean returning to an approach to Alpine axeheads which has, for far too long, ignored an essential aspect of Neolithic societies, under the pretext of maintaining so-called ‘scientific prudence’.

    38In brief, the majority of large Alpine jade axeheads would have been produced in small numbers and in small sets, using a raw material that was considered sacred, because it belongs to the Dream Time. And, at the end of their journeys, these extraordinary signs – which cannot simply be interpreted as votive objects (ex-voto items) – were destined to be consecrated deliberately at privileged points in the imaginary cosmos where the profane and the sacred came into contact with each other. It was at these points that the ritual specialists were able to enter into communication with the Spirits or the supernatural powers, and to intervene in the course of world developments (ch. 29 : 1354).

    3. Long distance transfers, social inequalities and control of religious rituals

    39An investigation of the graves containing jade axeheads will allow us to go a little further towards evoking the men who manipulated these ‘object-signs’ imbued with religious value.

    40At the pan-European scale, large jade axeheads are very rare in tombs. Outside of a few isolated examples, one can point to a small group among the richest funerary assemblages in Catalonia, in the Trench Graves (Sepulcres de Fosa), which date to the extreme end of the 5th millennium and the beginning of the IVth (ch. 15 : 872). However, the axeheads here are small workaday tools, in spite of the wealth demonstrated in the associated variscite beads from the nearby mines at Gava. Similarly, in northern Italy, in the province of Emilia Romagna, the male graves of the Square-Mouthed Pottery Culture often contain jade axeheads, but here again they are mostly short and of indifferent quality, except for small axeheads (of the local Collecchio type) made of a magnificent jadeitite. In the female graves, by contrast, the presence of female ceramic statuettes could be an expression of a complementary form of power to that of the males : the power of fecundity (ch. 14 : 822). Thus, in these two examples - Catalonia and Emilia – the flat graves attest to considerable social inequalities, in which only privileged lineages had the right to be buried with an important set of grave goods, although there is no sign that certain men possessed long jade axeheads.

    41Two regions of Europe offer an exception to this general panorama. On the shores of the Black Sea, tomb 43 in the cemetery of Varna I (Bulgaria) - one of the richest graves, with the most gold objects - contained an axehead made of jade from Mont Beigua that had been placed between the legs of a man; this had clearly been a personal possession of a particularly rich individual. The type of the axehead, however, differs markedly from the long jade axeheads that were consecrated in western Europe (ch. 26 : 1231).

    42The second, and most important, exception is to be found on the southern coast of Brittany, in the gigantic Carnac mounds close to the Gulf of Morbihan (ch. 16 : 918). In the central closed chambers under these exceptionally large monuments, which date to 4600-4300 BC (in the case of Carnac/Saint-Michel), one or more individuals (one at Tumiac, one at Saint-Michel, but no bones were preserved at Mané er Hroëck) was accompanied by a remarkable number of objects imported over long distances, including beads and pendants of Iberian variscite, and small axeheads probably of Iberian fibrolite. Many large axeheads of Alpine jade were included in these graves, with most being deliberately broken, and sometimes even burnt, in a clear act of sacrifice. These extraordinary individuals are associated with the earliest monumental funerary architecture in western Europe, and also with the emergence of megalithism and the architecture of standing stones along the Atlantic façade and with novel religious concepts, within which the axe figures prominently among the signs from the mythology of the Carnac area that were engraved on the stones (ch. 28 : 1310).

    43Thus, it is hard to escape the conclusion that these individuals held a pre-eminent social status within a highly inegalitarian society. To these people were sacrificed the jade ‘object-signs’ which, elsewhere in Europe, were almost exclusively consecrated to supernatural powers, as we have already observed. These manifestations, so extraordinary in a 5th millennium context, take us far away from the commonly-held model of a society that indulged in ostentatious displays of wealth, as defined by Alain Testart. In seeking for parallels among historical accounts of former societies that were markedly inegalitarian, which created monumental architecture and where the religious power was held by a supreme chief (often doubling with a war chief) who was believed to come from the Otherworld, two examples struck us as particularly pertinent. The first of these is the ‘Tui’ Tonga’ in the Tonga Isles (a society which Testart classed among non-slave-using semi-states), and the second is the ‘Soleil’ among the Natchez (a group classed by Testart within the category of ‘royal societies’). We have no doubt that this comparison will surprise, and perhaps shock, those of our colleagues who are unfamiliar with the Morbihan region during the 5th millennium. But in our opinion, this offers us the most plausible hypothesis for accounting for the status of the ‘Powerful Ones’ who were interred under the massive mounds of Tumiac at Arzon, of Saint-Michel at Carnac and of Mané er Hroëck at Locmariaquer : these people would have been supreme sovereigns in a system of royalty based on religious concepts, where the ‘King’ is an intermediary between people and supernatural Powers. The explicit association between a very long jade axehead and a jade disc-ring in the mound of Mané er Hroëck, like the association between a phallus and a large axehead on the monumental standing stone of Mané Rutual in the same commune (Locmariaquer), encourages us to conclude that we are dealing with an ideal reproduction of society that was based on a male (phallocentric) ideology of power. This ideology stands in counterpoint to the technical and economic reproduction of society that is found in Neolithic communities (ch. 29 : 1354).

    44In appropriating the systematic study of material culture, we prehistorians often tend to consider economy and social functioning in terms of techniques, of chaînes opératoires and of ‘functional’ production. This perception is encouraged by our own, western society’s interpretation of ‘technology’, and also by the determinism expressed by many palaeoenvironmentalists and archaeometrists. But a society is not like that, and to propose a model of exchange systems that is based exclusively on notions of material benefit (in other words, on trading in its strict sense), ends up with models of prehistoric societies that are based on our own society. Given our examination of Alpine jade axeheads, where we are dealing with journeys of over 2000 kilometres as the crow flies, we cannot reconcile this with a purely mercantile model. On the contrary, our approach to these exceptional Neolithic ‘object-signs’, which perceives them in ideological terms, has tended to show that it is with religious concepts that we have to seek new keys to understanding these major phenomena of the movement and circulation of social signs on a pan-Europe scale. We are dealing with societies, where the Powerful Ones, in their role as mediators, manipulated the religious signs to be extracted and shaped, also to be given and received (rather than exchanged), and to be consecrated, in order to communicate with supernatural Powers. This also underlines the profound inequality that existed between human beings and the social power that was linked to these religious activities (ch. 29 : 1354).

    45We must now seriously ask ourselves whether, in our analyses of prehistoric societies, it is really possible to consider technology and economy as veritable infrastructures, or whether we should instead follow Maurice Godelier in his contention that it is ideal concepts, at work in all societies, which lie at the basis of all social and economic functioning.

    Auteurs

    • Pierre Pétrequin

      Directeur de recherche émérite au CNRS et rattaché au Laboratoire de chrono-environnement, Besançon, France. Parmi ses orientations scientifiques consacrées au Néolithique d’Europe occidentale, il a développé la modélisation ethnoarchéologique après 24 missions en Nouvelle-Guinée à observer la production, l’utilisation et les échanges de haches polies. L’application de ces modèles théoriques a permis la découverte des carrières néolithiques du sud des Vosges en 1989, puis celle du Mont Viso en 2003. De 2007 à 2010, il a été responsable du Programme JADE (Agence Nationale de la Recherche).
      Avec Anne-Marie Pétrequin, il a reçu le Prix national de l’archéologie en 1992, pour ses travaux sur les habitats littoraux néolithiques du Jura français, la médaille d’argent du CNRS en 1993 pour ses approches ethnoarchéologiques, l’Europa Prize de la Prehistoric Society en 2010 pour ses travaux sur les haches alpines à l’échelle de l’Europe.
      Parmi ses principaux ouvrages consacrés à l’ethnoarchéologie :
      • Écologie d’un outil. La hache de pierre en Nouvelle-Guinée. Paris, CNRS, 1993, réédition 1999.
      • La hache de pierre. Carrières vosgiennes et échanges de lames polies pendant le Néolithique (5400-2100 av. J.-C.). Paris, Editions Errance, 1995, en collaboration avec C. Jeunesse.
      • Objets de pouvoir en Nouvelle-Guinée. Paris, Réunion des Musées nationaux, 2006.

    • Serge Cassen

      Né en 1957 en Algérie, il obtient en 1980 un master en Anthropologie pré-colombienne à l’Université Los Andes à Bogotá (Colombie), puis en 1986 un doctorat d’Anthropologie, éthnologie et préhistoire à l’Université de Paris I (Panthéon-Sorbonne), avant de passer une habilitation à diriger des recherches (HDR) en 1997 (Université de Nantes). S. Cassen est Chargé de recherche au CNRS depuis 1991, nommé à Nantes au Laboratoire de recherches archéologiques qu’il dirige de 1998 à 2009.
      Après de nombreuses fouilles en France et à l’étranger (Colombie, Ethiopie, Espagne), il assiste J. L’Helgouac’h pour la fouille de la Table des Marchands entre 1986 et 1994. Il dirige par la suite le programme Néolithisation de la France occidentale entre 1994 et 1998, ainsi que le chantier de fouille du tertre funéraire de Lannec er Gadouer en collaboration avec Christine Boujot, enfin une Action collective de recherche en vue de la publication du site de la Table des Marchands/Alignement du Grand Menhir (2003-2007). Il assure également la coordination du programme Occupation des espaces littoraux de la Bretagne-Sud à la Vendée du Ve millénaire av. J.-C. à nos jours, développé à l’Université de Nantes (2004-2010), en collaboration avec des géographes (télédétection des tertres) et des géologues (prospection géophysique des stèles submergées, remontée du niveau marin). Parallèlement, il tente de renouveler le Corpus graphique des signes gravés de Bretagne, depuis 1999, en alliant l’interprétation des signes.
      • Cassen S. et Pétrequin P., 1999.- La chronologie des haches polies dites de prestige dans la moitié ouest de la France, European Journal of Archaeology, 2 (1) : 7-33. http://www.e-a-a.org/eja2.htm
      • Cassen S., 2007.- Le Mané Lud en images. Interprétation de signes gravés sur les parois d’une tombe à couloir néolithique (Locmariaquer, Morbihan), Gallia-Préhistoire, 49 : 197-258.
      • Cassen S., 2007.- Un pour tous, tous contre un… Symboles, mythe et histoire à travers une stèle morbihannaise du Ve millénaire, in : A. Testart, L. Barray, P. Brun (ed.), Pratiques funéraires et sociétés. Nouvelles approches en archéologie et en anthropologie sociale. 12-14 juin 2003 (UMR 5594, UMR 7041, Labo d’Anthropologie sociale, Collège de France ; Centre de Recherche et d’Etude du Patrimoine, Sens), Dijon, Editions Universitaires de Dijon, coll. Art, Archéologie et Patrimoine : 37-67.

    • Michel Errera

      Docteur en Sciences géologiques et minéralogique (1976) et sédimentologue de formation, il travaille d’abord dans l’industrie cimentière, puis est nommé à l’Administration belge de la coopération et du développement où il assure la gestion des projets géologiques et miniers (1981). Il rejoint le Musée royal de l’Afrique centrale (1992) et participe à divers programmes de recherche nationaux et internationaux, à l’enseignement de la gemmologie minière et à l’étude d’archives minières pour compte de tiers. Il applique la spectroradiométrie aux pierres précieuses, aux haches polies (1999) et aux échantillons de référence alpins. Cette technique permet la détermination, de manière non destructive, rapide et à faible coût, des matériaux archéologiques et des collections des musées ; dans de nombreux cas même, on peut remonter à leur source.
      • Errera M., Hauzeur A. et al., 2006.- Etude spectroradiométrique d’une lame de hache trouvée dans le district de Chirpan (Bulgarie), in : Interdisciplinary Studies, XIX, Sofia, Archaeological Institute and Museum - Bas : 7-24.
      • Errera M., Pétrequin P. et al., 2010.- De l’image à l’objet : détermination de la provenance d’artefacts archéologiques par spectroradiométrie en réflectance diffuse, in : Actes du Toulouse Space Show’08, Semaine internationale des Applications spatiales, Atelier CNES CCT « Archéologie et Télédétection », 24 avril 2008, Revue Française de Photogrammétrie et de Télédétection, n° spécial Archéologie.

    • Lutz Klassen

      Né en 1967, il a fait ses études d’archéologie préhistorique, géologie et anthropologie physique aux Universités de Freiburg (Allemagne) et d’Aarhus (Danemark). Il soutient sa thèse de doctorat en 1996 à l’Université de Freiburg sur les plus anciens objets en métal dans le sud de la Scandinavie. À partir de 1997, divers emplois à l’Université d’Aarhus et au musée de Moesgård, en tant que Senior Researcher. Moesgård Museum DK-8270 Højbjerg (Danemark).
      Principaux centres d’intérêt : la première métallurgie et le Néolithique européen des Ve au IIIe millénaires BC.
      Il est l’auteur de deux monographies :
      • Frühes Kupfer im Norden. Untersuchungen zu Chronologie, Herkunft und Bedeutung der Kupferfunde der Nordgruppe der Trichterbecherkultur. 2000, Højbjerg, Moesgård Museum/Jutland Archaeological Society.
      • Jade und Kupfer. Untersuchungen zum Neolithisierungsprozess im westlichen Ostseeraum unter besonderer Berücksichtigung der Kulturentwicklung Europas 5500-3500 BC. 2004, Jutland Archaeological Society/Moesgård Museum.

    • Anne-Marie Pétrequin

      Née en 1951, elle a fait ses études d’archéologie à l’Université de Besançon. Elle a soutenu sa thèse de 3e Cycle en 1981 sur les modèles ethnoarchéologiques de l’habitat littoral du Bénin appliqués aux villages néolithiques de bord de lacs.
      Avec Pierre Pétrequin, elle étudie les sites littoraux néolithiques du Jura suisse et français ; elle a participé à 24 missions ethnoarchéologiques en Nouvelle-Guinée. Elle a travaillé comme ingénieur de recherche à la MSHE C.-N. Ledoux à Besançon, dans le cadre du Programme JADE (Agence Nationale de la Recherche).
      Avec son mari, elle a reçu le Prix national de l’archéologie en 1992 pour ses travaux sur les habitats littoraux néolithiques du Jura français, puis le Prix du meilleur film régional pour « Un travois pour les dieux » au Festival international du film archéologique de Besançon, 2007, enfin le Prix « Public averti » au Festival du film de chercheur, CNRS, Nancy, 2008.
      Elle a collaboré, avec Pierre Pétrequin, à la publication des monographies sur les sites littoraux néolithiques de Chalain et Clairvaux (Jura), ainsi que de leurs travaux ethnoarchéologiques :
      • Écologie d’un outil. La hache de pierre en Nouvelle-Guinée. Paris, CNRS, 1993, réédition 1999.
      • Objets de pouvoir en Nouvelle-Guinée. Paris, Réunion des Musées nationaux, 2006.
      Anne-Marie Pétrequin est l’un des auteurs du film JADE. Grandes haches alpines du Néolithique européen. Ve et IVe millénaires av. J.-C., 70 mn, 2009 (distribution CERIMES, Paris).

    • Alison Sheridan

      Née en 1957, est Head of Early Prehistory au Department of Archaeology, National Museums Scotland à Edinburgh, où elle travaille depuis 1987. Sa thèse de doctorat, soutenue à l’Université de Cambridge en 1985, concernait le Néolithique d’Irlande, surtout la production céramique et les questions d’échanges et de contacts.
      Alison Sheridan s’est spécialisée dans le Néolithique (y compris la néolithisation), le Chalcolithique et l’Âge du Bronze ancien d’Irlande et de Grande Bretagne. Elle a également coordonné des programmes de datation C14 en Ecosse.
      Ses projets de recherche actuels incluent les perles de faïence de l’Âge du Bronze dans le nord-ouest de l’Europe et la joaillerie en jais. Elle s’intéresse depuis longtemps aux haches en pierre ; à ce titre, elle est membre de l’Implement Petrology Group, dont elle a été secrétaire. Depuis mai 2010, elle est présidente de la Prehistoric Society.
      • Pailler Y. et Sheridan J.A., 2009.- Everything you always wanted to know about… la néolithisation de la Grande-Bretagne et de l’Irlande, Bulletin de la Société Préhistorique Française, 106 : 25-56.
      • Sheridan J.A., Field D., Pailler Y., Pétrequin P. , Errera M. et Cassen S., 2010.- The Breamore jadeitite axehead and other Neolithic axeheads of Alpine rock from central southern England, Wiltshire Archaeological & Natural History Magazine, 103 : 16-34.
      • Sheridan J.A., Schulting R.J., Quinnell H. et Taylor R., 2008.- Revisiting a small passage tomb at Broadsands, Devon, Devon Archaeological Society Proceedings, 66 : 1-26.
      • Sheridan J.A., 2007.- From Picardie to Pickering and Pencraig Hill ? New information on the ‘Carinated Bowl Neolithic’ in northern Britain, in : A.W.R. Whittle et V. Cummings (ed.), Going Over : the Mesolithic-Neolithic Transition in North-West Europe. Proceedings of the British Academy, 144, Oxford, Oxford University Press : 441-492.
      • Sheridan J.A., 1992.- Scottish stone axeheads : some new work and recent discoveries, in : N.M. Sharples et J.A. Sheridan (ed.), Vessels for the Ancestors : Essays on the Neolithic of Britain and Ireland in Honour of Audrey Henshall. Edinburgh, Edinburgh University Press : 194-212.

    Précédent Suivant
    Table des matières

    Creative Commons - Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International - CC BY-NC-ND 4.0

    Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence Creative Commons - Attribution - Pas d'Utilisation Commerciale - Pas de Modification 4.0 International - CC BY-NC-ND 4.0. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.

    Voir plus de livres
    La pensée de la race en Italie

    La pensée de la race en Italie

    Du romantisme au fascisme

    Aurélien Aramini et Elena Bovo (dir.)

    2018

    La formation d’une opinion démocratique

    La formation d’une opinion démocratique

    Le cas du Jura, de la révolution de 1848 à la « république triomphante » (vers 1895)

    Pierre Merlin

    2017

    Les mutations récentes du foncier et des agricultures en Europe

    Les mutations récentes du foncier et des agricultures en Europe

    Gérard Chouquer et Marie-Claude Maurel (dir.)

    2018

    Deux frontières aux destins croisés ?

    Deux frontières aux destins croisés ?

    Étude interdisciplinaire et comparative des délimitations territoriales entre la France et la Suisse, entre la Bourgogne et la Franche-Comté (xive-xxie siècle)

    Benjamin Castets Fontaine, Maxime Kaci, Jérôme Loiseau et al. (dir.)

    2019

    Un mousquetaire du journalisme : Alexandre Dumas

    Un mousquetaire du journalisme : Alexandre Dumas

    Sarah Mombert et Corinne Saminadayar-Perrin (dir.)

    2019

    Libertaire ! Essais sur l’écriture, la pensée et la vie de Joseph Déjacque (1821-1865)

    Libertaire ! Essais sur l’écriture, la pensée et la vie de Joseph Déjacque (1821-1865)

    Thomas Bouchet et Patrick Samzun (dir.)

    2019

    Les encyclopédismes en France à l'ère des révolutions (1789-1850)

    Les encyclopédismes en France à l'ère des révolutions (1789-1850)

    Vincent Bourdeau, Jean-Luc Chappey et Julien Vincent (dir.)

    2020

    Le verre du VIIIe au XVIe siècle en Europe occidentale

    Le verre du VIIIe au XVIe siècle en Europe occidentale

    Inès Pactat et Claudine Munier (dir.)

    2020

    Les révolutions du commerce. France, xviiie-xxie siècle

    Les révolutions du commerce. France, xviiie-xxie siècle

    Jean-Claude Daumas (dir.)

    2020

    Le patrimoine industriel au prisme de nouveaux défis

    Le patrimoine industriel au prisme de nouveaux défis

    Usages économiques et enjeux environnementaux

    Marina Gasnier

    2018

    La petite entreprise au péril de la famille ?

    La petite entreprise au péril de la famille ?

    L’exemple de l’Arc jurassien franco-suisse

    Laurent Amiotte-Suchet, Yvan Droz et Fenneke Reysoo

    2017

    Une imagination républicaine, François-Vincent Raspail (1794-1878)

    Une imagination républicaine, François-Vincent Raspail (1794-1878)

    Jonathan Barbier et Ludovic Frobert (dir.)

    2017

    Voir plus de livres
    1 / 12
    La pensée de la race en Italie

    La pensée de la race en Italie

    Du romantisme au fascisme

    Aurélien Aramini et Elena Bovo (dir.)

    2018

    La formation d’une opinion démocratique

    La formation d’une opinion démocratique

    Le cas du Jura, de la révolution de 1848 à la « république triomphante » (vers 1895)

    Pierre Merlin

    2017

    Les mutations récentes du foncier et des agricultures en Europe

    Les mutations récentes du foncier et des agricultures en Europe

    Gérard Chouquer et Marie-Claude Maurel (dir.)

    2018

    Deux frontières aux destins croisés ?

    Deux frontières aux destins croisés ?

    Étude interdisciplinaire et comparative des délimitations territoriales entre la France et la Suisse, entre la Bourgogne et la Franche-Comté (xive-xxie siècle)

    Benjamin Castets Fontaine, Maxime Kaci, Jérôme Loiseau et al. (dir.)

    2019

    Un mousquetaire du journalisme : Alexandre Dumas

    Un mousquetaire du journalisme : Alexandre Dumas

    Sarah Mombert et Corinne Saminadayar-Perrin (dir.)

    2019

    Libertaire ! Essais sur l’écriture, la pensée et la vie de Joseph Déjacque (1821-1865)

    Libertaire ! Essais sur l’écriture, la pensée et la vie de Joseph Déjacque (1821-1865)

    Thomas Bouchet et Patrick Samzun (dir.)

    2019

    Les encyclopédismes en France à l'ère des révolutions (1789-1850)

    Les encyclopédismes en France à l'ère des révolutions (1789-1850)

    Vincent Bourdeau, Jean-Luc Chappey et Julien Vincent (dir.)

    2020

    Le verre du VIIIe au XVIe siècle en Europe occidentale

    Le verre du VIIIe au XVIe siècle en Europe occidentale

    Inès Pactat et Claudine Munier (dir.)

    2020

    Les révolutions du commerce. France, xviiie-xxie siècle

    Les révolutions du commerce. France, xviiie-xxie siècle

    Jean-Claude Daumas (dir.)

    2020

    Le patrimoine industriel au prisme de nouveaux défis

    Le patrimoine industriel au prisme de nouveaux défis

    Usages économiques et enjeux environnementaux

    Marina Gasnier

    2018

    La petite entreprise au péril de la famille ?

    La petite entreprise au péril de la famille ?

    L’exemple de l’Arc jurassien franco-suisse

    Laurent Amiotte-Suchet, Yvan Droz et Fenneke Reysoo

    2017

    Une imagination républicaine, François-Vincent Raspail (1794-1878)

    Une imagination républicaine, François-Vincent Raspail (1794-1878)

    Jonathan Barbier et Ludovic Frobert (dir.)

    2017

    Voir plus de livres
    La Préhistoire du Jura et l’Europe néolithique en 100 mots-clés

    La Préhistoire du Jura et l’Europe néolithique en 100 mots-clés

    5300-2100 av J.-C.

    Pierre Pétrequin et Anne-Marie Pétrequin

    2021

    Du jade pour les dieux

    Du jade pour les dieux

    Un système religieux de l’Europe néolithique, Ve et IVe millénaires av. J.-C. Tomes 5 et 6

    Pierre Pétrequin et Anne-Marie Pétrequin Alison Sheridan (trad.)

    2025

    Voir plus de livres
    1 / 2
    La Préhistoire du Jura et l’Europe néolithique en 100 mots-clés

    La Préhistoire du Jura et l’Europe néolithique en 100 mots-clés

    5300-2100 av J.-C.

    Pierre Pétrequin et Anne-Marie Pétrequin

    2021

    Du jade pour les dieux

    Du jade pour les dieux

    Un système religieux de l’Europe néolithique, Ve et IVe millénaires av. J.-C. Tomes 5 et 6

    Pierre Pétrequin et Anne-Marie Pétrequin Alison Sheridan (trad.)

    2025

    Voir plus de chapitres

    Chapitre 8. Techniques céramiques : dégraissants, outillages, montage, cuisson et styles

    Pierre Pétrequin et Anne-Marie Pétrequin

    Chapitre 5. Approche expérimentale de la production des haches alpines

    Pierre Pétrequin, Christophe Bontemps, Daniel Buthod-Ruffier et al.

    Chapitre 6. Viso ou Beigua : approche pétrographique du référentiel des “jades alpins”

    Pierre Pétrequin, Michel Errera, Michel Rossy et al.

    Chapitre 9. Une source de confusion : les haches ethnographiques et les réutilisations tardives dans les séries néolithiques européennes

    Pierre Pétrequin

    Chapitre 10. Les exploitations de Réquista (Aveyron) et de Plancher-les-Mines (Haute-Saône, France). Exemples de diffusion de haches à moyenne distance

    Pierre Pétrequin, Estelle Gauthier, Luc Jaccottey et al.

    Chapitre 11. Typologie, chronologie et répartition des grandes haches alpines en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Estelle Gauthier et al.

    Chapitre 18. La circulation des haches carnacéennes en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Lutz Klassen et al.

    Chapitre 26. Les haches en « jades alpins » en Bulgarie

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Chapitre 29. Des choses sacrées… fonctions idéelles des jades alpins en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Résumé

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Inventaire 2008 des associations de grandes haches en jade en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Planches dessin des grandes haches trouvées en dépôt

    Pierre Pétrequin, Annabelle Milleville et Anne-Marie Pétrequin

    Voir plus de chapitres
    1 / 12

    Chapitre 8. Techniques céramiques : dégraissants, outillages, montage, cuisson et styles

    Pierre Pétrequin et Anne-Marie Pétrequin

    Chapitre 5. Approche expérimentale de la production des haches alpines

    Pierre Pétrequin, Christophe Bontemps, Daniel Buthod-Ruffier et al.

    Chapitre 6. Viso ou Beigua : approche pétrographique du référentiel des “jades alpins”

    Pierre Pétrequin, Michel Errera, Michel Rossy et al.

    Chapitre 9. Une source de confusion : les haches ethnographiques et les réutilisations tardives dans les séries néolithiques européennes

    Pierre Pétrequin

    Chapitre 10. Les exploitations de Réquista (Aveyron) et de Plancher-les-Mines (Haute-Saône, France). Exemples de diffusion de haches à moyenne distance

    Pierre Pétrequin, Estelle Gauthier, Luc Jaccottey et al.

    Chapitre 11. Typologie, chronologie et répartition des grandes haches alpines en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Estelle Gauthier et al.

    Chapitre 18. La circulation des haches carnacéennes en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Lutz Klassen et al.

    Chapitre 26. Les haches en « jades alpins » en Bulgarie

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Chapitre 29. Des choses sacrées… fonctions idéelles des jades alpins en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Résumé

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Inventaire 2008 des associations de grandes haches en jade en Europe occidentale

    Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera et al.

    Planches dessin des grandes haches trouvées en dépôt

    Pierre Pétrequin, Annabelle Milleville et Anne-Marie Pétrequin

    Accès ouvert

    Accès ouvert freemium

    ePub

    PDF

    PDF du chapitre

    Suggérer l’acquisition à votre bibliothèque

    Acheter

    Édition imprimée

    Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté
    • amazon.fr
    • decitre.fr
    • mollat.com
    • leslibraires.fr
    • placedeslibraires.fr
    • lcdpu.fr
    ePub / PDF

    JADE. Tomes 1 et 2

    X Facebook Email

    JADE. Tomes 1 et 2

    Ce livre est diffusé en accès ouvert freemium. L’accès à la lecture en ligne est disponible. L’accès aux versions PDF et ePub est réservé aux bibliothèques l’ayant acquis. Vous pouvez vous connecter à votre bibliothèque à l’adresse suivante : https://freemium.openedition.org/oebooks

    Suggérer l’acquisition à votre bibliothèque Acheter ce livre aux formats PDF et ePub

    Si vous avez des questions, vous pouvez nous écrire à access[at]openedition.org

    JADE. Tomes 1 et 2

    Vérifiez si votre bibliothèque a déjà acquis ce livre : authentifiez-vous à OpenEdition Freemium for Books.

    Vous pouvez suggérer à votre bibliothèque d’acquérir un ou plusieurs livres publiés sur OpenEdition Books. N’hésitez pas à lui indiquer nos coordonnées : access[at]openedition.org

    Vous pouvez également nous indiquer, à l’aide du formulaire suivant, les coordonnées de votre bibliothèque afin que nous la contactions pour lui suggérer l’achat de ce livre. Les champs suivis de (*) sont obligatoires.

    Veuillez, s’il vous plaît, remplir tous les champs.

    La syntaxe de l’email est incorrecte.

    Référence numérique du chapitre

    Format

    Pétrequin, P., Cassen, S., Errera, M., Klassen, L., Pétrequin, A.-M., & Sheridan, A. (2012). Abstract. In P. Pétrequin, S. Cassen, M. Errera, L. Klassen, A. Sheridan, & A.-M. Pétrequin (éds.), JADE. Tomes 1 et 2. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté. https://doi.org/10.4000/15fqv
    Pétrequin, Pierre, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera, Lutz Klassen, Anne-Marie Pétrequin, et Alison Sheridan. « Abstract ». In JADE. Tomes 1 Et 2, édité par Pierre Pétrequin, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera, Lutz Klassen, Alison Sheridan, et Anne-Marie Pétrequin. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2012. doi:10.4000/15fqv.
    Pétrequin, Pierre, et al. « Abstract ». JADE. Tomes 1 Et 2, édité par Pierre Pétrequin et al., Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, 2012, https://doi.org/10.4000/15fqv.

    Référence numérique du livre

    Format

    Pétrequin, P., Cassen, S., Errera, M., Klassen, L., Sheridan, A., & Pétrequin, A.-M. (éds.). (2012). JADE. Tomes 1 et 2. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, Centre de recherche archéologique de la vallée de l’Ain. https://doi.org/10.4000/15fte
    Pétrequin, Pierre, Serge Cassen, Michel Errera, Lutz Klassen, Alison Sheridan, et Anne-Marie Pétrequin, éd. JADE. Tomes 1 et 2. Besançon: Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, Centre de recherche archéologique de la vallée de l’Ain, 2012. doi:10.4000/15fte.
    Pétrequin, Pierre, et al., éditeurs. JADE. Tomes 1 et 2. Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté, Centre de recherche archéologique de la vallée de l’Ain, 2012, https://doi.org/10.4000/15fte.
    Compatible avec Zotero Zotero

    1 / 3

    Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté

    Presses universitaires de Franche-Comté

    • Plan du site
    • Se connecter

    Suivez-nous

    • LinkedIn
    • Flux RSS

    URL : http://pufc.univ-fcomte.fr

    Email : Presses-pufc@univ-fcomte.fr

    Adresse :

    47, rue Mégevand

    25030

    Besançon

    France

    OpenEdition
    • Candidater à OpenEdition Books
    • Connaître le programme OpenEdition Freemium
    • Commander des livres
    • S’abonner à la lettre d’OpenEdition
    • CGU d’OpenEdition Books
    • Accessibilité : partiellement conforme
    • Données personnelles
    • Gestion des cookies
    • Système de signalement