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Jan Driessen

10. Mycenaean Terracottas from Funerary Contexts in Troezenia1

Eleni Konsolaki-Yannopoulou

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1. Terracottas from Mycenaean tombs in Troezenia

  • 1 Through my contribution to this volume I wish to express my deep esteem as well as my gratitude to (...)
  • 2 I thank Malcolm Wiener and the Institute for Aegean Prehistory for their generosity that made the l (...)

1In contrast to the excessive number of figurines (ca. 150) retrieved from the cultic deposit of the LH III sanctuary at Haghios Konstantinos on Methana (Konsolaki 1999; 2002; 2003c; in press), the Mycenaean terracottas found in funerary contexts in Troezenia are not many. Few terracottas were recovered in two of the three tholos tombs excavated at the MH-LH site of Megali Magoula (Konsolaki 2003a; 2009: 504-511; 2015), located on the coast of the bay of Pogon (seaport of ancient Troezen), ca. 6 km east of the known site of historic Troezen (Fig. 10.1). No figurines occurred in any of the seven chamber tombs investigated in the area of Apatheia, 2.5-3 km south-west of Megali Magoula (Konsolaki 2001: 217-218, figs LXIXb-d, LXXa-e, LXXIa). Two female figurines were found in a small cist-grave uncovered in Room C of the Mycenaean building complex at Haghios Konstantinos (Konsolaki 2003b)2.

Fig. 10.1. Map of Troezenia with the locations of excavated ancient sites: 1. Megali Magoula. 2. Apatheia. 3. Historic Troezen. 4. Haghios Konstantinos (map of the Hellenic Military Geographical Service 1: 50 000)

2The excavations at Megali Magoula and Apatheia revealed two contrasting, albeit incomplete images of two different social classes who seemingly constituted the population of Mycenaean Troezenia: the ruling elite on the one hand and the common people on the other. Monumental funerary architecture and prestige grave goods like those brought to light at Megali Magoula were totally absent at Apatheia. Although the investigated chamber tombs were not robbed, none of those contained any objects of intrinsic value, such as jewellery in precious metals or semi-precious stones. Even pottery was not spared in abundance in the cemeteries at Apatheia, given that no burial was furnished with more than one or two vessels. The most important of the ceramic and other finds recovered in the three tholos tombs were presented in their first publication (Konsolaki 2003a). Their architecture and probable chronology were extensively discussed in a recent paper (Konsolaki 2015).

1.1. Tholos 1 at Megali Magoula

  • 3 The terms ‘figure’ and ‘figurine’ are used in this text as defined by French (1981: 173).

3Tomb 1 at Megali Magoula was an exceptionally large tholos that may be ascribed to Pelon’s Class C (Pelon 1976: 391), given that its internal diameter measured 11.20 m at the base of the chamber. That tomb would have constituted a landmark for Mycenaean Troezen, as it was constructed largely above ground, in a prominent location, so as to be conspicuous. The pottery fragments found in the chamber ranged in date from LH II to LH IIIB. Although the tomb was plundered in antiquity, a few pieces of jewellery in gold, amethyst, carnelian, faience and glass were retrieved from its floor deposit. A large wheel-made bovid figure3, a smaller hollow bovid (probably a rhyton) and a bovine figurine were included in the finds from the chamber.

1.1.1. Bovid figure, wheel-made (Poros Museum 2444)

4H. (Pres.) 0.127; 1. (Pres.) 0.10; diam. (body) 0.07.

5Only the rump of the animal with the tail and part of the left hind leg, another leg, a matching horn, a fragment from the head preserving an eye, and some pieces from the belly were preserved. The figure had a broad cylindrical body with rounded haunches, tall tapering legs flattened at the tip, a very long, free tail applied at the end to the left hind leg, and tall conical horns. Five firing holes are visible on the surviving pieces: one just below the start of the tail, another on the back of the animal, and three smaller ones on the right flank and on the upper part of each leg. The outer surface is covered all over with deep red paint and is richly decorated in thick added white paint. The decoration consists of alternating zones of rock pattern I (FM 32 I: 5) and rows of dots (FM 41: 6-7), running along the body and down the legs; the tail and the inner edge of the legs are cross barred (Figs 10.2-10.5).

Fig. 10.2. Rump of wheel-made bovid figure, left side

Fig. 10.3. Rump of wheel-made bovid figure, rear side

Fig. 10.4. Leg of bovid figure

Fig. 10.5. Horn of bovid figure

6The use of dots and of simple patterns in added white paint begins on the Greek Mainland early in LH IIIA2 and is popular during that period (cf. Symeonoglou 1973: 31-32, figs 82-89, 92, pl. 33). This kind of decoration is also evidenced on the skirt of the ‘Lady of Phylakopi’, dated stylistically to LH IIIA2 (French 1985: 214-215, 221, fig. 6.4, pl. 31). The bovid figure from Tholos 1 is apparently contemporary with the two earliest wheel-made bovines from the Mainland: an LH IIIA2 example painted with a clover design, found in a domestic shrine at Dimini-lolkos (Adrymi-Sismani 1994: 31, fig. 18), and another from Delphi, datable to LH IIIA2 on grounds of the rock pattern on its back (Nicholls 1970: 9, pl. 3a; Kourou & Karetsou 1997: 112-113, pl. XLIVa). Some fragmentary legs of wheel-made animal figures found in the Mycenaean cultic deposit in the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas at Epidaurus (Peppa-Papaioannou 1985: pl. ΣT) are similar in shape to those of the bovid figure from Tholos 1.

1.1.2. Hollow bovine, coil-made (Poros Museum 2445)

7H. (max. at horn) 0.14; w. (ex. pres, at chest) 0.055.

8Only the forepart of the animal and some non-joining fragments of the body were preserved. The animal has a long cylindrical nose, short conical horns, a very broad neck, and short conical legs. A large hole in the nose penetrates to the inside and forms an orifice. Thin wavy lines in red-brown paint run along the muzzle, down the neck and along the body; the legs are cross barred. A band surrounds the start of the nose, solid paint covers the tip of the muzzle and the horns, the eyes are indicated with encircled dots (Fig. 10.6).

Fig. 10.6. Coil-made bovine with mouth orifice

9The hollow bovine from Tholos 1 closely parallels a hand-made bovid-shaped rhyton of unknown provenance in Munich, dating to LH IIIA2/B (Guggisberg 1996: 201, no. 679, pl. 51: 4). The presence of another aperture allowing the pouring of liquids into this terracotta (perhaps on the back similarly to the rhyton in Munich) is possible but cannot be ascertained due to its shattered condition. Nevertheless, the orifice in the mouth strongly suggests its function as a rhyton. A fragment from the forepart of a very similar coil-made bovine found in the sanctuary of Apollo Maleatas (Peppa-Papaioannou 1985: 82-83, 154, no. B133, pl. 14) had a hole in the chest and may also have served as a rhyton.

1.1.3. Bovid figurine, solid-made (Poros Museum 1083)

10H. (max. at horns) 0.102; 1. (max.) 0.115; w. (max. at horns) 0.049.

11The left hind leg and some fragments from the body are missing. The animal has a cylindrical body with short conical legs, a long and thick neck, a long cylindrical muzzle flat at the tip, and tall horns forming a double curve and pointing forward. Irregular wavy lines in dark brown paint, starting from the lower neck, run along the body and down the hind legs; the forelegs are painted with diagonal lines. The neck is surrounded by three bands, the muzzle and the horns are cross barred, and the eyes are indicated with encircled dots placed near the horns. Between the eyes there is a vertical band running from the top of the head to the start of the nose (Fig. 10.7).

Fig. 10.7. Solid-made bovid figurine

12The forward position of the horns was favoured by Cretan coroplasts, whereas Mycenaeans preferred the vertical (French 1985: 240). Therefore, it normally occurs in early (LH IIIAI-IIIA2) examples of Mycenaean bovid figurines, assumedly manufactured under Cretan influence. A similar rendering of the horns appears in a pair of naturalistic bovines from the shrine at Haghios Konstantinos (Konsolaki 2003c: 382, 399, figs 27-28). The figurine from Tholos 1 must be somewhat later than those, as it lacks other naturalistic features of that pair (arched tail, dewlap, etc.). A chronology late in LH IIIA2 is most probable for this terracotta.

1.2. Tholos 3 at Megali Magoula

13Tomb 3 at Megali Magoula was built entirely above ground and displayed mixed architectural features of Minoan circular tombs and of Mycenaean tholoi. The pottery fragments collected in the chamber ranged in date from the end of MH 111 to LH IIB. The terracottas, however, show a continuation of its use into the beginning of LH III, as they dated to LH IIB late-IIIA1. A kourotrophos and parts of two other female figurines were retrieved from its disturbed sepulchral deposit. Special mention deserve two bronze weapons, a Type A sword and a tongue-shaped dagger (Konsolaki 2003a: 179, figs 71α-β; 2009: 511, figs 15α-β), which were associated with the poorly preserved skeleton of a young individual. A piece of red ochre found in the floor deposit is also worthy of note, as it recalls the similar find from Tomb Gamma of Grave Circle B at Mycenae (Sakellariou 1989).

1.2.1. Kourotrophos figurine (Poros Museum 1082)

14H. (Pres.) 0.075; w. (max. at chest) 0.04; diam. (max. at stem) 0.025.

15The head of the woman, the base, the largest part of the left arm and chips of the body are missing; the head of the child is also broken off. The head and neck of the female figure were modelled separately, as shown by the application marks at the base of the neck. The figure has a broad body with sloping shoulders, a short and thick stem slightly tapering toward the base, and very long arms shaped with separate strips of clay, flattened at the tip to render the hands. The left arm, as usual, holds the child, and the right rests between the breasts. The breasts are indicated with conical lumps of clay, not smoothed into the body. The child’s body is rendered with a clay strip applied to the chest of the figure between the left arm and the left breast. Two short clay strips applied vertically to the woman’s body below the left arm indicate the child’s legs. A small, flap-like bulge at the upper edge of the left breast may be viewed as the left arm of the child, supposing this small figure was depicted resting the front of the body against the woman’s chest; the (missing) right arm was probably placed on her left shoulder. As the child was nestled near the left edge of the woman’s body, its head would have protruded from her shoulder. The decoration is mostly worn off but profuse vertical wavy lines in red paint, running from the figure’s body down to the stem with no interruption by a waistband, are visible on the front and back. On the right arm there are faint traces of red lines running lengthwise and extending on to the hand to indicate the fingers (Figs 10.8-10.9).

Fig. 10.8. Kourotrophos figurine, frontal view

Fig. 10.9. Kourotrophos figurine, back view

16The kourotrophos from Tholos 3 is apparently one of the earliest examples of that category of Mycenaean terracottas. Another naturalistic kourotrophos was found in an LH IIB infant burial in Tomb 6 of the Mycenaean cemetery at Aidonia in Corinthia (Kaza-Papageorghiou 1996: 45, no. 11). A chronology close to that of the Aidonia example may be proposed for our terracotta, taking into consideration the time span of the use of the tomb and the similarities this figurine displays, as to its modelling and decoration, with naturalistic female terracottas of early date (cf French 1971: 109-112). The upright position of the child seen here recurs in two later kourotrophoi, one from Kythera (Coldstream & Huxley 1972: pl. 86: 3) and another from Aegina (Pilafidis-Williams 1998: 34, no. 169, pls 2, 43).

1.2.2. Head of female figurine (Poros Museum 1080)

17H. (Pres.) 0.03; diam. (max.) 0.02.

18Only the head of the figurine with the neck and the start of the shoulders survived. The head is rounded and slightly pinched at the nose, the eyes are rendered with large clay pellets smoothed into the face, the neck is tall and thick, and the shoulders are sloping. The surface is much worn but few traces of black paint are preserved on the face, the sides and the top of the head, the neck, and the extant part of the chest (Fig. 10.10, left).

Fig. 10.10. Head of female figurine and torso of proto-Phi

19This head would have belonged to a naturalistic or a proto-Phi figurine, as was likewise proposed for two similar heads from Mycenae (French 1971: 145-146, nos 39-210 and 53-671, pls 14b, 24a). The traces of paint preserved on the head and the neck suggest an elaborate decoration (cf. French 1971: pl. 24a, no. 53- 671).

1.2.3. Torso of proto-Phi (Poros Museum 1081)

20H. (Pres.) 0.03; w. (ex. at chest) 0.024.

21The figurine has a flattened body with no breasts but those may have been indicated with paint. The arms, rendered with thin clay strips attached to the shoulders, outlined the disc of the body and curved to rest on the front, the right on the chest and the left across the waist. The whole surface is very much worn and the painting is extinct, except for few faint traces; three small dashes in black paint that may be discerned on the chest near the tip of the right arm may have indicated the fingers (Fig. 10.10, right).

22In the proto-Phi type the left arm is normally placed above the right but the reversed position seen here occurs in some other figurines as well (French 1971: 114, 115). The absence of plastic breasts is a peculiarity usually confined to small figures, like this one, or group pieces (French 1971: 115). The distinct, separately modelled arms point to a chronology in LH IIIA1.

1.3. Cist-grave at Haghios Konstantinos

23In the southern part of Room C, located close to the cult room (Room A) of the religious establishment at Haghios Konstantinos, a large pit was dug out into the stone-paved floor to construct a small orthostat cist, which was repeatedly used for infant/foetus burials (Konsolaki 2003b). According to oral information provided by Lisa Little, who studied the skeletal remains from that grave but did not publish her report, the cist held the burials of two infants, the one aged 3-9 months and the other 6-12 months, and a foetus aged 8-8.1/2 lunar months. The last interment was furnished with a plain baseless askos, a small tray with linear decoration, and a Psi figurine (Fig. 10.11).

Fig. 10.11. Cist-grave in Room C at Haghios Konstantinos

24A Phi figurine found below the askos may have been associated either with the last interment or with one of the previous burials. Most of the pieces of jewellery retrieved from this grave (two bronze rings, beads of gold, carnelian, rock crystal, serpentine, faience and glass, a lentoid seal of fluorite and a pendant of steatite) would have belonged to the last burial, although a distinction from those perhaps coming from the earlier interments was not possible. Several small pieces of sea-shells (mostly patella caerulea) were also found in the tomb.

1.3.1. Phi type figurine (Piraeus Museum 5607)

25H. 0.097; w. (max. at chest) 0.035; diam. (base) 0.023.

26The figurine has a short columnar stem flaring toward the base, an elongated flattened body with highly protruding breasts, a tall and thick neck, and a very broad pinched nose with curved profile. Applied pellets, well blended into the clay of the face, are used for the eyes. The top of the head projects backward to form the start of a long applied plait. Thick wavy lines in brown paint run vertically on the stem and on the front of the body, and diagonally on the back. The waist and the upper neck are surrounded by a band. The nose is outlined with paint and the eyes are dotted. The top, the sides and the back of the head are covered with solid paint (Figs 10.12-10.13).

Fig. 10.12. Phi type figurine, frontal view

Fig. 10.13. Phi type figurine, side view

27The modelling and decoration of this terracotta are characteristic of the Phi A type (French 1971: 116) but the applied plait, which is very common in the Phi B type, is rare in that group. Similar Phi figurines combining features of both groups are considered as specimens of a transitional Phi A/B type (French 1971: 118-119; Pilafidis-Williams 1998: 6, with n. 23). The figurine from Methana finds its best parallels in Phi A/B examples from Argos (Deshayes 1966: pl. LXXVIII, no. 6), Thorikos (French 1971: 118, pl. 15c) and Aegina (Pilafidis-Williams 1998: 9, nos 1-2, pl. 29), all four datable to LH IIIA2.

1.3.2. Psi type figurine (Piraeus Museum 5608)

28H. 0.127; w. (at arms) 0.058; diam. (base) 0.03.

29The figurine has a thick columnar stem with a flaring hollow base, a broad flattened chest with plastically rendered breasts, and rudimentary arms shaped as two small pointed flaps pulled out from the shoulder. The pinched head is pulled at the top into four short vertical protrusions supporting an unusual openwork polos. The polos is shaped with a narrow strip of clay forming a horizontal circle, attached to the tips of the head protrusions. The pale yellowish surface is decorated in black-brown paint. There are four vertical bands on the stem, a waist band below the modelled waist, and densely spaced wavy lines on the body, running diagonally on the front and vertically on the back. A band surrounds the neck, the nose is outlined with paint, and the eyes are indicated with dots (Figs 10.14-10.15).

Fig. 10.14. Psi type figurine, frontal view

Fig. 10.15. Psi type figurine, side view

  • 4 I thank Prof. Naya Sgouritsa for providing me with a copy of her paper in press.

30This figurine was apparently manufactured before the stylised crescent characteristic of the Psi type had established itself. Similarly shaped atrophied arms occur in an LH IIIA2 Psi from Petsas House at Mycenae (Shelton 2009: 59, figs 5-6). The openwork polos, presumably rendering a crown type of headdress (French 1971: 176), is also evidenced on a few other female terracottas (of various types), coming from Korakou (Blegen 1921: 108, fig. 131, no. 10), Mycenae (French 1971: 147, pl. 19a, no. 54-108), Epidaurus (Peppa-Papaioannou 1985: 28, 147, pl. 3, no. A14), Attica (Sgouritsa 2001: 63) and Aegina (Sgouritsa 2015: 329- 330, fig. 9; in press). The pale yellowish clay of this figurine suggests a provenance from Aegina, where six terracottas with a very similar polos were found at a single site (Lazarides)4. The Methana figurine may be dated stylistically to the end of LH IIIA2.

2. Funerary vs religious use of Mycenaean terracottas in Troezenia

31Although the number of Mycenaean tombs excavated in Troezenia is limited, the presence or absence of terracottas in those suggests a scheme. To the extent that contrary evidence is missing, their funerary use appears to have been reserved for elite burials, whereas their use in cult was a common practice, as shown by their redundancy in Room A at Haghios Konstantinos. We should note, however, that the cult in that sanctuary was on the official rather than the popular level, judging by the range of finds and the presence of a megaron in the immediate vicinity of the shrine (Konsolaki 2004: 67-68, 74-76, with figs 1, 17-18).

32Rare types of group figurines which appeared emphatically in the cultic deposit at Haghios Konstantinos (toreadors and horsemen) were not found in the excavated tombs, a fact that seems to confirm the proposed religious connotations of those terracottas (Konsolaki 2002; 2016). Chariot and oxcart (‘driven oxen’) groups, amply represented in the shrine on Methana, were also absent from the investigated tombs but have been found in funerary as well in religious contexts elsewhere. Apparently their function varied according to their context, with the notable exception of a few special items most probably manufactured for religious use, as for example some of the chariot groups from Methana (Konsolaki 2016, 51-53).

33Bovid representations occurred both in religious and in funerary contexts but their use displayed peculiarities in either case. The overwhelming preponderance of bovines amongst the votive terracottas from Room A is not paralleled in any other Mycenaean cult place. The presence of a large bovid figure in Tholos 1 is also an unusual phenomenon. The occurrence of large terracotta figures in Mycenaean tombs is extremely rare, as they were almost exclusively associated with cult practice before the Early Iron Age. Few exceptions to that norm were attested elsewhere: a large female figure was found in a chamber tomb at Mycenae (Xenaki-Sakellariou 1985: 113, no. 2494, pl. 28), and a small number of wheel-made figures occurred in LH IIICfunerary contexts at Ialyssos on Rhodes (Jacopi 1930-1931: pl. XXII; Guggisberg 1996: nos 438-439, 441-442, pl. 33: 1-3, 6, and pl. 34: 1).

34Owing to the fragmentary condition of the bovid figure from Tholos 1, we cannot know whether this served as a rhyton, as was proposed for the other early wheel-made bovine from Delphi (Kourou & Karetsou 1997: 112-113) and for three of the bovid figures from the sanctuary at Phylakopi (French 1985: 239-240, 244, 248, nos SF 850, 1561 and 2689). This function is, however, very probable for the smaller, coil-made bovine with a mouth orifice, found in the same tomb. Alternatively, the two hollow bovines as well as the solid bovid figurine from Tholos 1 may have been intended as a substitute for animal sacrifice, similarly to the numerous bovid figurines recovered from Room A at Haghios Konstantinos. Animal sacrifice was attested in Tholos 1 by a horse cranium and several pig and sheep/goat bones found on the chamber floor (Konsolaki 2003a, 169-170). The sacrifice of horses is well documented as a mortuary ritual in the tholos tomb at Marathon (Orlandos 1958, 24-25, fig. 23) and in Tholos A at Archanes (Sakellarakis 1970).

35If the two hollow bovines (or at least the one having a mouth orifice) were indeed used as rhyta, they may have served for mortuary libation rites performed with the use of blood from sacrificed animals. This function was similarly proposed for animal-head rhyta in funerary or in religious contexts (Laffineur 1986: 83-88; 1987; Hägg 1990: 183-184; Konsolaki 2001: 215). The presence of an altar-like feature in the eastern part of Tholos 1 (Konsolaki 2001: 218, pl. LXXIb; 2003a: 169, figs 36, 40) implies the performance of mortuary ceremonies, which are not unlikely to have included blood libation. It is notable that most of the fragments of the large bovid figure were retrieved near this feature. The piece of red ochre, presumably alluding to blood, found in Tholos 3 at the same site provides support to our hypothesis. Similar finds of ochre from a MH cist-grave at Argos and from Tomb Gamma of Grave Circle B at Mycenae (Sakellariou 1989; Laffineur 1991: 232-233) indicate that the symbolic value of this material, commonly regarded as having life-giving or life-preserving powers in many different cultures, was not unknown in Bronze Age Greece.

36Despite the striking dearth of female terracottas in Room A at Haghios Konstantinos, figurines of this category were present in the cist-grave excavated in Room C at the same site as well as in Tholos 3 at Megali Magoula. In the first case, the association of the female figurines with infant burials is securely documented. In the second such an association is very probable, as skeletal remains of non-adults were observed among the human bones collected from the chamber. This is, however, a non-expert’s estimation and needs to be confirmed by anthropological study. Female terracottas found in child burials have been traditionally interpreted as divinities or divine nurses escorting dead children to Hades. This view was strongly opposed by other scholars on the basis of evidence of female figurines coming from Mycenaean tombs where no children’s bones were reported. The long history of this controversy has been comprehensively presented elsewhere (Tzonou-Herbst 2002: 73-79, with refs) and needs not be repeated here. We should stress, however, that skeletal remains of new-born infants and foetuses are likely to have been so completely disintegrated as to leave no trace, or they may have been missed during digging, especially in older excavations.

37The unusual phenomenon of infant/foetus burials in a Mycenaean sanctuary may be explained, if we take into consideration the character of the divinities who seem to have been worshipped there. A potential precursor of Poseidon Phytalmios, that is, a male deity conceived to fertilise the earth and ensure the fecundity of humans and animals, and a female escort holding a subordinate role were proposed as the most likely candidates (Konsolaki 2002: 35-36; 2016, 56-57). Some aristocratic Troezenian families, who would be deeply concerned about the preservation of their lineage, may have buried their off-springs lost by premature death in this sanctuary, supplicating for divine intervention that would bring them fertility and protect their children from death. This interpretation is in accordance with van Leuven’s theory about the function of female terracottas in funerary contexts (van Leuven 1994). A symbolic meaning may also be assigned to the pieces of sea-shells found in the cist-grave. The sea is an inexhaustible source of life, therefore, representations of the marine world in Minoan and Mycenaean funerary iconography as well as natural sea-shells deposited in tombs presumably alluded to regeneration and afterlife in another world, as was plausibly proposed by the distinguished scholar to whom this volume is dedicated (Laffineur 1985: 257-259; 1991: 231-232,235-237).



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1 Through my contribution to this volume I wish to express my deep esteem as well as my gratitude to Robert Laffineur; who has repeatedly offered me the opportunity of publishing material from my excavations in the prestigious Aegaeum series renowned for his excellent editing. Moreover, I have benefited greatly from his illuminating articles dealing with funerary/religious symbolism in Minoan and Mycenaean iconography whenever I treated relevant issues in my publications. The subject discussed in this paper was chosen because it relates to Bronze Age mortuary practices, the topic he selected when he initiated the highly-valued International Aegean Conferences organised with his care over the last thirty years.

2 I thank Malcolm Wiener and the Institute for Aegean Prehistory for their generosity that made the large-scale excavations at Haghios Konstantinos and Megali Magoula possible. I also thank the guards of the Poros Museum N. Sarantopoulos, G. Leveidiotis, G. Oikonomou and P. Papageorghiou for their assistance during those excavations.
The author owns the copyright for all illustrations published here, with the exception of Fig. 10.1.

3 The terms ‘figure’ and ‘figurine’ are used in this text as defined by French (1981: 173).

4 I thank Prof. Naya Sgouritsa for providing me with a copy of her paper in press.

Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 10.1. Map of Troezenia with the locations of excavated ancient sites: 1. Megali Magoula. 2. Apatheia. 3. Historic Troezen. 4. Haghios Konstantinos (map of the Hellenic Military Geographical Service 1: 50 000)
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Légende Fig. 10.2. Rump of wheel-made bovid figure, left side
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Légende Fig. 10.3. Rump of wheel-made bovid figure, rear side
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Légende Fig. 10.4. Leg of bovid figure
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Légende Fig. 10.5. Horn of bovid figure
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Légende Fig. 10.6. Coil-made bovine with mouth orifice
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Légende Fig. 10.7. Solid-made bovid figurine
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Légende Fig. 10.8. Kourotrophos figurine, frontal view
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Légende Fig. 10.9. Kourotrophos figurine, back view
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Légende Fig. 10.10. Head of female figurine and torso of proto-Phi
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Légende Fig. 10.11. Cist-grave in Room C at Haghios Konstantinos
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Légende Fig. 10.12. Phi type figurine, frontal view
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Légende Fig. 10.13. Phi type figurine, side view
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Légende Fig. 10.14. Psi type figurine, frontal view
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Légende Fig. 10.15. Psi type figurine, side view
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