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6. Consumerism, Debt, and the End of the Bronze Age Civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean

Mary K. Dabney

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1Study of the evidence from Nemea Valley Archaeological Project excavations for Late Helladic IIIB2 activity in the settlement on Tsoungiza and its cemetery at Ayia Sotira as well as for early Late Helladic IIIC activity on Tsoungiza leads me to contemplate their relationship to the nearby centre at Mycenae at the end of the Bronze Age (Smith et alii in press; Wright & Dabney forthcoming). In this paper I put that relationship in the larger context of the end of the Bronze Age civilisations in the Eastern Mediterranean, with a particular emphasis on economic factors. I suggest that the interplay of consumerism and debt at the end of the Bronze Age contributed to the end of the New Kingdom Egyptian, Hittite, and Mycenaean civilisations.

2Before proceeding with my consideration of the economies of the Late Bronze Age civilisations, I define consumerism and debt for these pre-monetary economies. Consumerism means the inclination to increase the acquisition of goods (i.e. movable property) that will be used up by the person acquiring the goods, especially to increase acquisition beyond what is needed for subsistence. I emphasise ‘used up’ because this is a feature that is archaeologically recognisable in increased quantities of artifacts and non-artifactual remains in refuse deposits and/or funerary contexts. Debt is the obligation of one person or corporate group to provide goods or services to another. Next I review some of the causes for the end of the Bronze Age civilisations. By civilisation I mean a complex of cultural, social, political, and economic features; foremost of which are large centres of population density and literacy; followed by monumental architecture; full-time craft specialisation; long-distance trade; three or more levels of political, social, or economic organisation; and organised laws and religion. The disappearance of these characteristics signals the end of civilisation, but they do not disappear all at once.

3Current scenarios for the collapse of these Bronze Age civilisations start with warfare, such as revolts by subject peoples against territorial states or invasions by displaced peoples (i.e. ‘the Peoples of the Sea’) and/or natural disasters like earthquakes or droughts (Deger-Jalkotzky 2008; Cline 2014: 142-148). As Betancourt (1976) observed, in addition to warfare and/or natural disasters, economic causes are needed to explain the collapse. The disruption of long-distance trade leads to the loss of imported raw materials, like the tin and copper needed to make the bronze used for weapons and tools (Cline 2014: 148-154). Without raw materials, full-time craft specialisation and, therefore, one of the reasons for keeping administrative records (which is at the core of Bronze Age literacy in the Mycenaean civilisation) declines. The failure of the need or ability to support craft workers, scribes, and mid-level administrators contributes to the depopulation of the centres as some of those people who had been in the middle tier of the economy join the lower tier operating at subsistence level and, for lack of employment at the centres, move away in order to support themselves (Renfrew 1979: 481-483, 487-488; Small 1990: 17-19).

4I want to highlight one characteristic of the end of the Late Bronze Age civilisations, which is their failure to rebuild the centres at Hattusa, Ugarit, Mycenae, and Pylos, for example, after their destructions, whether the destructions were due to warfare or natural catastrophes. In terms of the above-mentioned features of civilisation, this represents the end of monumental architecture. These failures indicate a lack of the economic, social, political, and/or ideological stability that would have been necessary to provide the material and labour resources for the rebuilding as well as the leadership needed to organise the rebuilding.

5To use a contemporary example, the delays in the rebuilding of the World Trade Center reflected both the local and national economic recessions and the conflict between New York City and New York State political authority. Conversely, using an example from the Bronze Age Aegean, the rebuilding of the palaces in Crete at the beginning of the New Palace period demonstrates the stability of the social, economic, and political systems of the Minoan civilisation at that point in its history.

6 In Egypt the monumental Funerary Temple of Ramses III at Medinet Habu is best known to Aegeanists for the relief depicting the ‘Peoples of the Sea’. The ‘Peoples of the Sea’, however, are just one group among the many that Ramses III claimed to defeat early in his reign as he attempted to establish himself as leader of the New Kingdom Egyptian Empire after a period of internal struggle for succession in Egypt that led to the founding of the 20th Dynasty around 1185 BC. Ramses III also showed himself as the conqueror of the Nubians to the south, the Asiatics to the north, and the Libyans to the west (University of Chicago 1930). Among the captives depicted at Medinet Habu were the former Hittite subject territories in Syria. According to Ramses III, the capital of the Hittites at Hattusa had already been destroyed before his Year 8, and this roughly agrees with the archaeological evidence for the destruction of Hattusa. But why wasn’t Hattusa rebuilt? Hattusa had been destroyed by the Kaska and rebuilt several times during the history of the New Kingdom Hittite Empire.

7The answer rests on the dependence of the Hittite Empire on the goods it derived via and from its subject territories in the northern Levant and Syria, a dependence which is documented in the archives at Hattusa during the latter part of the New Kingdom (Beckman 1999: 182-183). The inability of the Hittites to produce enough food to feed their dependent workers is attested in the records of the earlier 19th Dynasty Egyptian King Merneptah’s grain shipments from Egypt via Ugarit to the Hittites (Liverani 2001: 163). Like Hattusa, Ugarit was destroyed sometime before Ramses Ill’s Year 8. In the past scholars had misinterpreted Ramses Ill’s campaign in Syria as a copy of the campaigns of Ramses II. An article by Kahn (2010), however, shows that these reliefs are an accurate representation of events during Ramses Ill’s reign. In his Year 5 Ramses 111 destroyed the former Hittite subject cities that failed to capitulate to him. These cities (Kadesh, the region of Amurru, Tunip, Aleppo, Carchemish, and Emar) lie along the inland trade route from Egypt to Mesopotamia via the Euphrates. In his Year 8 Ramses 111 records that the ‘Peoples of the Sea’ invaded this already devastated area. The subject territory treaty obligations that had bound the inhabitants of the northern Levant and Syria to the Hittite Empire had been broken. The failure of the Hittites to defend their subject territories terminated their obligations to provide support for the Hittite Empire. Thus the economic means by which the Hittites would otherwise have been able to command the resources needed to rebuild their capital at Hattusa were destroyed.

8Back in Egypt, despite warfare on all fronts, Ramses III clearly still commanded the resources needed to build his monumental funerary temple at Medinet Habu. But all was not well in the Egyptian Empire. The evidence from the site of Deir el-Medina, the village of the skilled craft workers who built and decorated the tombs of the Egyptian kings in the Valley of the Kings west of the southern capital of Egypt at Thebes, is unique. As a result of their work, the resident craft workers were literate and kept archives of letters about their personal economic and legal problems as the economic system in Egypt was breaking down during the reign of Ramses III (Lesko et alii 1994).

9At Deir el-Medina even the craft workers had sufficient surplus goods and time that they could build and outfit tombs for themselves. In Egypt therefore, at and beyond the top elite, consumerism was expressed in the elaboration of burial assemblages.

10From the Deir el-Medina archives we learn that the failure of the state to provide the food owed in payment for their services as craft workers resulted in the first documented workers’ strike in the 29th Year of Ramses III (ca. 1152 BC) (Jansen 1992). In the end, we may deduce, state support for the workers came to an end, the monumental tombs of the kings ceased to be built, literacy among the workers declined, and the centre at Thebes became depopulated. The Deir el-Medina archive also shows that the state was unable to provide supplies for military personnel stationed in the subject territory of Nubia to the south, resulting in the soldiers abandoning their posts, and the loss of Egyptian control over Nubia and its gold mines, which had financed the Egyptian Empire and its long-distance trade relations (Wente 1967). The New Kingdom Egyptian Empire collapsed and with it many features of its civilisation disappeared.

11So what did consumerism look like in Mycenaean Greece at the end of the Bronze Age? The storerooms full of drinking vessels in the Palace at Pylos give us one idea (Galaty 2010: 232). With reference to Tsoungiza, the LH III settlement at Nemea near Mycenae, I have addressed this question previously in two papers (Dabney 1997; Dabney, Halstead & Thomas 2004). The pottery from the Tsoungiza LH IIIA2 feasting deposit in Excavation Unit (hereafter EU) 9 at Tsoungiza is remarkably similar to the pottery from Petsas House at Mycenae, which Shelton (2010: 190-193) suggests was a pottery manufacturing and distribution centre. In LH IIIA2 early through LH IIIB1, large refuse pits full of ceramic vessels and animal bones were buried in at least four different areas on Tsoungiza. This dramatically increased consumption of ceramic vessels reflects the integration of Tsoungiza into the economic, political, social, and ideological organisation of the region with Mycenae as its largest centre of population and the most wealth as indicated by Mycenae’s monumental architecture and imported craft goods and raw materials. Galaty (2010) has suggested a similar system of pottery coming from workshops producing ceramic vessels for the palace being distributed to settlements throughout the region surrounding the palace at Pylos.

Fig. 6.1. Plan of Tsoungiza showing locations of LH IIIB2 and later remains at asterisks (W. Payne, J. Pfaff, M. Dabney)

12What did the inhabitants of Tsoungiza provide in return for the consumer goods they acquired through intraregional exchange? One possibility is labour. Another is the agricultural produce that grew more easily in the upland Nemea Valley than in the Argive plain. Today the cooler climate of the Nemea Valley makes it a successful producer of grapes for raisins and wine, whereas the warmer winter temperatures in the Argive plain make it suitable for oranges (a crop that did not exist in Mycenaean Greece).

13Meat is another possible commodity for exchange. Based on Paul Halstead’s faunal analysis (in Wright & Dabney forthcoming), the presence of neonatal domesticated animal bones (cattle, sheep/goat, and pig) at Tsoungiza suggests local rearing, rather than the importing of finished stock for consumption. Although there is an increase in adult sheep during the LH III period, the greater number of female sheep does not indicate specialisation in wool production. Perhaps the male sheep missing from the Tsoungiza faunal assemblage were sent on the hoof to Mycenae for slaughter and consumption. The selective deposition of cattle feet in the LH III refuse deposits implies on-site butchery for large-scale feasting, with the consumption of the meat-rich parts elsewhere. Although there is no evidence how far from the site the meat was consumed, Tsoungiza’s proximity to Mycenae (two hours walk) means that meat from cattle would not have to be preserved before transportation to Mycenae.

14By the Late Helladic IIIB2 period, however, the age of consumerism, which had been characterised by the large LH IIIA2 – B1 refuse deposits in the settlement on Tsoungiza with their large quantity and variety of ceramic vessels and faunal remains showing butchery for consumption on special occasions plus the quantity and variety of ceramic vessels found with the burials in the associated Ayia Sotira chamber tomb cemetery, is over. In fact the probable production and distribution centres for these ceramics outside the citadel at Mycenae, in the West Houses and Petsas House at Mycenae and at nearby Berbati and Zygouries, have all gone out of business by the beginning of LH IIIB2 (Sherratt 1980: 201). Small (1990: 19) suggested that under economic stress there was “less elite-supplied food going into market exchange for elite crafts, and less tribute-generated goods being directed toward full-time specialists”. Lis’s (2009: 159) restudy of handmade burnished ware supports Small’s argument.

15Tsoungiza continues to be occupied in LH IIIB2 and LH IIIB2 activity was also found at Ayia Sotira (Smith et alii in press; Wright & Dabney forthcoming). The contexts in which Late Helladic IIIB2 to early IIIC pottery was found at Tsoungiza are widely distributed over the site but often disturbed by modem plowing (Fig. 6.1). A second destruction of the house in Excavation Unit 3 occurred during the LH IIIB period. Post-destruction use of the area during the Late Helladic IIIB period is found on the exterior surface, called floor 3, in spaces 3 and 4. The latest activity in spaces 3 and 4 is LH IIIB2, based on a group B deep bowl (401-2-2) (Fig. 6.2), but note that floor 3 was disturbed by modem plowing.

Fig. 6.2. Group B deep bowl from above EU 3 exterior surface floor 3 (401-2-2) (J. Pfaff, T. Ross)

16South of the EU 3 house, EU 8 Pit 3 was defined by the dense concentration of pottery, bones, and stones. Unlike the LH IIIA2 refuse pit in EU 9 and the LH IIIB1 refuse pit in EU 2, already published by Thomas (2005; 2011), most of the pottery in this refuse pit spans the LH IIIA2-B1 periods. The latest pottery, however, a group B deep bowl (1338-2-21) (Fig. 6.3), linear basins (1338-2-29 and 1338-2-49) (Figs 6.4 and 6.5), and a small bowl with linear decoration (1338-2-36) (Fig. 6.6), dates the closing of the pit in Late Helladic IIIB2.

Fig. 6.3. Group B deep bowl from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-21) (M. Dabney, T. Ross)

Fig. 6.4. Linear basin from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-29) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)

Fig. 6.5. Linear basin from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-49) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)

Fig. 6.6. Small bowl with linear decoration from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-36) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)

17Modem plowing disturbed the upper levels in EU 8 pits 1, 2, and 4, which are also predominately LH IIIA2-B1. Again the latest pottery dates to the Late Helladic IIIB2 period, such as this rosette-type deep bowl (1302-2-3) (Fig. 6.7) and group A deep bowl decorated with stemmed spirals with crosshatched centres (1302-2-4) (Fig. 6.8).

18Late Helladic IIIB2 group B deep bowls (201-2-1 and 1101-2-1) (Figs 6.9 and 6.10) were also found in the upper levels of EU 2 and 7 that were disturbed by modem plowing.

Fig. 6.7. Rosette-type deep bowl from plow zone over EU 8 pits 1 -4 (1302-2-3) (J. Pfaff, N. Wright)

Fig. 6.8. Group A deep bowl decorated with stemmed spirals with crosshatched centres from plow zone over EU 8 pits 1 -4 (1302-2-4) (J. Pfaff, N. Wright)

Fig. 6.9. Group B deep bowl from plow zone over EU 2 (201-2-1) (J. Pfaff)

Fig. 6.10. Group B deep bowl from plow zone over EU 7 (1101-2-1) (J. Pfaff, T. Ross)

19 Salvage excavations were conducted by University of California at Berkeley personnel in 1974. In their trench DDD22, they uncovered an approximately sixteen square meter concentration of cultural materials. Although the upper levels were disturbed by modem plowing, a depression in the bedrock protected the lower levels. A krater with a pendant triangular patch of joining semicircles (46-2-17) (Fig. 6.11), rosette-type deep bowl (46-2-18) (Fig. 6.12), and group B deep bowl (46-2-21) (Fig. 6.13) date the closing of this pit to Late Helladic IIIB2.

Fig. 6.11. Krater with pendant triangular patch of joining semicircles from University of California at Berkeley trench DDD22 (46-2-17) (M. Dabney, T. Ross)

Fig. 6.12. Rosette-type deep bowl from University of California at Berkeley trench DDD22 (46-2-18) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)

Fig. 6.13. Group B deep bowl from University of California at Berkeley trench DDD22 (46-2-21) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)

20 EU 9 floor 1 is identified as patches of white soil, many small pebbles, and horizontally oriented pottery fragments in space 7. Two features were recognised in association with floor 1: a platform comprised of large flat cobbles with earth packing and white clay facing and a patch of ashy soil which may have been a hearth. An advanced LH IIIB or early LH IIIC date for the final use of floor 1 is indicated by the presence of a group A deep bowl rim fragment with a solidly painted interior (15202-9) (Fig. 6.14). The estimated 20 cm rim diameter of the deep bowl (1520-2-1) (Fig. 6.15) with a solidly painted interior suggests that it belongs to a group B bowl dating to LH IIIB2 but, since the diagnostic depth of the exterior rim band is not preserved, it might also be an early LH IIIC group A deep bowl.

Fig. 6.14. Group A deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 floor 1 (1520-2-9) (J. Pfaff, T. Ross)

Fig. 6.15. Deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 floor 1 (1520-2-1) (J. Pfaff)

21In EU 9 the excavators were unable to distinguish the destruction debris associated with walls 3 and 5 from the destruction debris associated with wall I except where some pockets of fill separated the upper and lower destruction debris. This fill was excavated in spaces 8 and 9. A Late Archaic hydria and other Historic period pottery fragments were found in the destruction debris surrounding EU 9 wall 1. The areal concentration of the Historic period remains found below the level recognised by the excavator as wall 1 destruction debris suggests that these remains indicate not the date of wall I, but a later disturbance. In that case, wall I may belong to the early LH IIIC period. In space 8, the fill below the wall 1 destruction debris was protected from later disturbances. Found in this context, the rosette-type deep bowl (1519-2-3) (Fig. 6.16) fits into the LH IIIB2 period but the group A deep bowls with solidly painted interiors (1509-2-1 and 1517-2-3) (Figs 6.17 and 6.18) and an amphoriskos (1519-2-2) (Fig. 6.19), possibly Historic, indicate a date as late as early LH IIIC.

Fig. 6.16. Rosette-type deep bowl from EU 9 space 8 (1519-2-3) (J. Pfaff)

Fig. 6.17. Group A deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 space 8 (1509-2-1) (J. Pfaff)

Fig. 6.18. Group A deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 space 8 (1517-2-3) (J. Pfaff)

Fig. 6.19. Amphoriskos from EU 9 space 8 (1519-2-2) (J. Pfaff)

22 A deep semiglobular cup with a dotted rim (1521-2-1) (Fig. 6.20) found in destruction debris thought to be from wall 3 in space 8 also belongs in the early LH IIIC period. No pottery recognizably later than LH III was found in or under wall 1 when it was removed.

Fig. 6.20. Deep Semiglobular cup with dotted rim from EU 9 wall 3 destruction debris in space 8 (1521-2-1) (J. Pfaff)

23Fill, disturbed by modern plowing, in EU 9 space 1 north of wall 6 yielded a krater fragment with a broad wavy line (1606-2-2) (Fig. 6.21) indicating LH IIIC early period activity. Additional evidence for early LH 111C activity in the EU 9 area is provided by two medium-band deep bowl rim fragments (1515-2-1 and 1560-2-2) (Figs 6.22 and 6.23) found in the upper levels disturbed by modem plowing.

Fig. 6.21. Krater with broad wavy line from EU 9 space 1 fill (1606-2-2) (J. Pfaff)

Fig. 6.22. Medium-band deep bowl from plow zone over EU 9 (1515-2-1) (J. Pfaff)

Fig. 6.23. Medium-band deep bowl from plow zone over EU 9 (1560-2-2) (J. Pfaff)

24The destruction of EU 10 walls 1, 3, and 4 and the construction of wall 2 may date to the LH IIIC Middle period based on a deep bowl with a solidly painted interior having a narrow reserved band below the rim (1757-2-4) (Fig. 6.24) that was found in the associated destruction debris but the worn paint makes the identification tentative.

Fig. 6.24. Deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 10 walls 1, 3, and 4 destruction debris (1757-2-4) (J. Pfaff)

25To summarise, the evidence for LH IIIB2 to early IIIC activity at Tsoungiza indicates that it was broadly dispersed within the areas of earlier LH IIIA2-B1 settlement. But the volume of pottery consumed was drastically reduced. This fits the picture we have for the production and consumption of pottery in the Mycenae region. In conclusion, it seems that the ability of Mycenae to provide the inhabitants of Tsoungiza with large quantities of decorated pottery had come to an end by the beginning of LH IIIB2.

26As previously mentioned, there is also evidence for LH IIIB2 activity in the tombs at Ayia Sotira (Smith et alii in press). A LH IIIB2 rosette-type deep bowl (20833003), a LH IIIB2 jug with cutaway neck (20831007), and a LH IIIB2 – IIIC Early stirrup jar (20831008) were found alongside the last primary burial (skeleton 2) in Tomb 4. A LH IIIB2 group A deep bowl (21137003) was found alongside the LH IIIB1 feeding bottle and Psi figurine that probably indicated a child burial (without preserved bones) in the side chamber of Tomb 5. A LH IIIB2 narrow-necked jug decorated with a central triglyph flanked by half rosettes and antithetic spirals (21824011), a LH IIIIB2 decorated stirrup jar with dotted rim (21825003), and a LH IIIB1 late – IIIB2 narrow-necked jug with a figural decoration of stags (21824003) were found with a primary burial (skeleton 2) in Tomb 6.

27The collapse and rebuilding of Tomb 6 shows that they were already unwilling to build new chamber tombs late in LH IIIB1. For example, a portion of Tomb 6’s stomion wall which had collapsed was rebuilt with rubble masonry. The final LH IIIB1 entry into this tomb was through the roof of the stomion, bypassing the stomion blocking wall all together. When they discovered that the chamber roof had collapsed, they deposited a stirrup jar without a burial. There is no evidence for other forms of burial during the LH III period in the Nemea area.

28In conclusion, by the beginning of the LH IIIB2 period, large quantities of decorated pottery were no longer available as consumer goods to the inhabitants of Tsoungiza and/or the people of Tsoungiza could no longer fulfill the obligations that they had provided in exchange. Alternatively they chose not to participate in the pre-existing intraregional exchange system. Very few high value goods were found at LH III Tsoungiza (a bronze and bone knife) and Ayia Sotira (bronze tools and faience and glass beads) (Smith et alii in press; Wright & Dabney forthcoming). In any case the economic, social, and political connections between Mycenae and Tsoungiza had deteriorated before the destruction of the palace at Mycenae. So, Mycenae was unable to command the local labour and material resources it would have needed to rebuild after its destruction.

29 This reconstruction of the relationship between LH III Tsoungiza and Mycenae matches the relationship between the Palace at Pylos and the towns in the Pylos region as described by Cynthia Shelmerdine in the 1987 Festschrift for John Chadwick. Shelmerdine (1987: 566) wrote:

... individual towns did not need the palace’s services to provide a basic livelihood for themselves. Rather the centralized bureaucracy allowed the towns under its control access to commodities of better quality and higher status than the towns could acquire independently. Providing such products within the kingdom, and providing work for its members, for which they were ‘paid’ in the form of commodities or land, I believe were important factors in the ability of these centres to maintain authority over the towns under their control. A disruption in the trade on which the system had come to rely could therefore have serious effects on both economic and political stability.

30At the end, in the archive at Pylos, we see the breakdown in the fulfillment of obligations. Killen’s (1984) paper on the Pylos Ma tablets shows that up to 12 out of the 17 districts which owed agricultural commodities to the Palace at Pylos were in deficit during the last two years before its destruction. No wonder they lacked the material and labour resources to rebuild their palace after its destruction.

31In conclusion, the breakdown in regional support for the Mycenaean centres documented in the Linear B texts can be observed through the analysis of well-excavated settlements like Tsoungiza and cemeteries like Ayia Sotira that are near, but separated from, the centres. The stress on economic, social, and political systems created by the interplay of consumerism and debt at the end of the Bronze Age can be observed throughout the Eastern Mediterranean in large-scale territorial states like the New Kingdom Egyptian and Hittite Empires and smaller states like those at Mycenae and Pylos.

32Perhaps these events at the end of the Bronze Age in the Eastern Mediterranean are food for thought about our own times. According to a commentary on the economic crisis in Greece titled “Our Age of Extremes” by Nick Malkoutzis in the English edition of the Greek newspaper Kathimerini on October 5, 2012:

Between two thousand (2000) and two thousand nine (2009), Greek governments borrowed about 160 billion euros on international markets, which took the general government debt from 140 billion euros in 2000 to 300 billion in 2009. At the same time, credit expansion accelerated at a breakneck pace. Credit to individuals went from approximately 13 percent of GDP at the start of 2001 to 52 percent of GDP at the end of 2009. This was largely due to a combination of housing loans that fed the property boom and consumer loans that diverted demand to imports, which jumped from 52.28 billion euros in 2000 to 89.8 billion at the 2008 consumerism peak.

33The lesson to be learned may be that political systems using consumerism funded by debt to create economic integration are not sustainable.

Bibliographie

References

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Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 6.1. Plan of Tsoungiza showing locations of LH IIIB2 and later remains at asterisks (W. Payne, J. Pfaff, M. Dabney)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-1.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.2. Group B deep bowl from above EU 3 exterior surface floor 3 (401-2-2) (J. Pfaff, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-2.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.3. Group B deep bowl from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-21) (M. Dabney, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-3.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.4. Linear basin from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-29) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 11k
Légende Fig. 6.5. Linear basin from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-49) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-5.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.6. Small bowl with linear decoration from EU 8 Pit 3 (1338-2-36) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 7,3k
Légende Fig. 6.7. Rosette-type deep bowl from plow zone over EU 8 pits 1 -4 (1302-2-3) (J. Pfaff, N. Wright)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 10k
Légende Fig. 6.8. Group A deep bowl decorated with stemmed spirals with crosshatched centres from plow zone over EU 8 pits 1 -4 (1302-2-4) (J. Pfaff, N. Wright)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-8.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.9. Group B deep bowl from plow zone over EU 2 (201-2-1) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 15k
Légende Fig. 6.10. Group B deep bowl from plow zone over EU 7 (1101-2-1) (J. Pfaff, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 33k
Légende Fig. 6.11. Krater with pendant triangular patch of joining semicircles from University of California at Berkeley trench DDD22 (46-2-17) (M. Dabney, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-11.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.12. Rosette-type deep bowl from University of California at Berkeley trench DDD22 (46-2-18) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 10k
Légende Fig. 6.13. Group B deep bowl from University of California at Berkeley trench DDD22 (46-2-21) (B. Konnemann, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 11k
Légende Fig. 6.14. Group A deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 floor 1 (1520-2-9) (J. Pfaff, T. Ross)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-14.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.15. Deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 floor 1 (1520-2-1) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-15.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.16. Rosette-type deep bowl from EU 9 space 8 (1519-2-3) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-16.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.17. Group A deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 space 8 (1509-2-1) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-17.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.18. Group A deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 9 space 8 (1517-2-3) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-18.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.19. Amphoriskos from EU 9 space 8 (1519-2-2) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-19.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.20. Deep Semiglobular cup with dotted rim from EU 9 wall 3 destruction debris in space 8 (1521-2-1) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-20.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.21. Krater with broad wavy line from EU 9 space 1 fill (1606-2-2) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-21.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 15k
Légende Fig. 6.22. Medium-band deep bowl from plow zone over EU 9 (1515-2-1) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-22.jpg
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Légende Fig. 6.23. Medium-band deep bowl from plow zone over EU 9 (1560-2-2) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-23.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 7,3k
Légende Fig. 6.24. Deep bowl with solidly painted interior from EU 10 walls 1, 3, and 4 destruction debris (1757-2-4) (J. Pfaff)
URL http://books.openedition.org/pucl/docannexe/image/6597/img-24.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 9,0k

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