1 See Krzyszkowska 2005, 61 on observable wear in EM II string holes.
2 Relaki 2009.
3 See further discussion of Crete’s earliest seals, their forms and intaglio motifs (including exceptional examples) in Anderson (forthcoming) and Anderson 2013.
4 Yule 1981, 208–9; Sbonias 1995, 89–99.
5 While we can easily imagine an “elite’s” status being differentiated hierarchically from those of others in a community, we should also consider the possibility of heterarchic differentiation; see Crumley 1995; Haggis 2002.
6 E.g., Colburn 2008; Schoep 2006; Carter 1999; Manning 1997.
7 Anderson 2013.
8 See esp. Branigan 1993 and Legarra Herrero 2009 on problematizing socio-cultural dimensions of funerary evidence.
9 See Anderson 2013 for further discussion of seal impressions as independent embodiments of social identity.
10 Relaki 2004.
11 E.g., Wilson and Day 1999; Day and Wilson 2002.
12 Anderson (forthcoming).
13 Anderson 1991.
14 Anderson 1991, 6.
15 E.g., Legarra Herrero 2009; Relaki 2004; Haggis 2002; Manning 1994; Watrous and Hadzi-Vallianou 2004, 250–51; Watrous 2004, 261; cf. Knappett 1999 on the Protopalatial period.
16 Relaki 2004.
17 Legarra Herrero 2009.
18 Relaki 2004; Legarra Herrero 2009.
19 Anderson 1991.
20 Moreover, considering the Parading Lions seals in terms of an imagined community also allows us to appreciate the various ways in which the objects could have crossed temporal boundaries of realized interactions. For example, while the dating of the seals and impressions is unfortunately weak, evidence seems to span EM III–MM IA. Throughout this period multiple generations of seal carvers and possessors would have made and used Parading Lions seals, thereby manifesting and perpetuating the group. Such trans-generational time depth potentially was significant to the imagined nature of the community. Real or (frequently) imagined, time depth is often a crucial component of communities’ definition; see Anderson 1991; Hobsbawm and Ranger 2010.
21 Lefebvre 1991.
22 Legarra Herrero 2009.
23 Haggis 1999.
24 Haggis 1999, 73–81. Haggis also emphasizes that agricultural potential would not have been the leading factor in the prominence of all sites, such as Gournia or Mochlos, and hence that focusing on ideology versus a particular economic framework as a base for social power is preferable (1999, 67). Watrous (2004) also suggests a central role for religion and cult in Late Prepalatial–Protopalatial social change, emphasizing the incorporation of foreign elements (2004, 271–76).
25 Peatfield 1990.
26 Haggis 1999, esp. 77–81.
27 Haggis 1999; see also Haggis 2002 and (forthcoming).
28 Haggis 1999, 73.
29 Anderson 1991, 52–9.
30 According to Anderson, the development of a specific form of material culture – newspapers – also contributed crucially to the formation of these communities in the colonial Americas (Anderson 1991, from 59). This role played by material culture might provide another interesting point of comparison to the situation of Late Prepalatial Crete.
31 Anderson 1991.
32 For excellent discussions of people’s embodied experiences at Cretan peak sanctuaries, see the work of Christine Morris and Alan Peatfield, e.g., Morris and Peatfield 2002.
33 Ingold 2004.
34 Ingold 2004, 329.
35 Ingold 2004, 330.
36 Cf. Logue 2004, 161.
37 Cf. Tilley 1994.
38 Ingold 2004, 332–33, with reference to Tilley 1994, 29–30.
39 Under this term I am including broadly journeys that would have been made to peak sanctuaries, as sacred places, for various particular reasons and purposes.
40 See Christopher Tilley’s (1994) exploration of the visual engagement that one has with a landscape while following a path.
41 E.g., Connerton 1989; Butler 1993.
42 See Tilley 1994 for an extended discussion of the social and emotional experience of moving through the landscape.
43 Vertigo here could be literal (e.g., standing on a steep slope or at the edge of a crevice, as at Atsipadhes). I also wish to invoke Caillois’ (2009) notion of ilinx and vertigo in play.
44 Peatfield 1983, 1990.
45 See also Kyriakidis 2005, 19–21.
46 Peatfield 1983, 275. While Faure and Rutkowski have estimated shorter travel times, closer to one hour (e.g., in Rutkowski 1972; Faure 1963, 1967, 1969), Peatfield convincingly asserts that these ambitious estimates are based on “optimum” speeds and “the most favourable conditions,” which likely do not adequately represent the pace of pilgrims of variable levels of fitness, dealing with various types of path, etc.
47 Cf. Kyriakidis 2005, 21.
48 Following Peatfield’s observations that peak sanctuaries were positioned so as to be inter-visible with settlements (Peatfield 1983, 1990); Victor Turner’s discussion of liminal ritualized experiences as moments of potential social reflection are relevant here (Turner 1982, esp. 20–59).
49 This idea could be compared to the trips made by sick and injured pilgrims to holy sites in medieval Europe.
50 Watrous, for example, sees widespread site abandonment, destruction, and/or settlement contraction immediately following EM IIB in many areas of the island (1994, 717–20; 2004, 265–72; Watrous and Hadzi-Vallianou 2004, 251–52).
51 Haggis 1999, esp. 63–70; 2002; Watrous and Hadzi-Vallianou 2004.
52 Weiss 2000; Watrous 2004, 265–67.
53 Manning 1997; 2008, 117; cf. Haggis 1999, 68.
54 Cf. Haggis 1999.
55 Haggis 1999, 65, 67.
56 Cf. Haggis 1999, 78, on the peak sanctuary as a center of community identity.
57 Cf. Relaki 2004 on particularized social practice and definition of a region; Legarra Herrero 2009, 34–7 for related contention concerning EM I.
58 Relaki 2004, esp. 180–182; Legarra Herrero 2009.
59 Cf. Legarra Herrero 2009, who contends that Prepalatial communities had complex and changeable relationships with one another, not dictated by (nor, for that matter, limited by) geographical proximity. Relaki 2004 also makes this case, especially concerning regional-level social interaction.
60 Anderson 1991, 6.
61 Relaki 2009.
62 Cf. Colburn 2008; Schoep 2006.