1The following considerations are based on the assumption that a certain hierarchy of art genres existed in the ‘realm of images’ during the Aegean Bronze Age. Although distinct art forms – and their respective artists – in palatial Crete as well as on the Mycenaean Mainland interacted with each other, this does not mean that artistic interrelations were devoid of any rules. Therefore, the aim of this paper is to investigate to what extent and exactly how images on Aegean seals and objects of relief art can be helpful in reconstructing mural paintings1.

2Although it has been argued by scholars that seal stones hardly ever copied the iconography of mural paintings, since this would suggest the isolation of a scene from its context on larger wall paintings, this is exactly what we come across in numerous seal images belonging to different narrative cycles. In spite of their small scale, a considerable number of seals and signet rings from LM I Crete present extracts from larger register scenes and frieze-like compositions, as I will try to demonstrate by a few examples. Moreover, it seems reasonable to postulate a distinct art form as delivering the original models of highly narrative relief images, and it will be argued that this art form was the large-scale stucco reliefs concentrated at the palace of Knossos.

3It has been suggested by I. Pini that the amount of Aegean glyptic images currently known to us possibly comprises not more than 5–10 percent of the corpus originally existing2. Given the fact that, to date, only one preserved seal impression possibly can be connected with a seal that has survived3, the proportional amount of preserved Aegean seals, signet rings and seal impressions may well be even smaller. However, we have to bear in mind that in all other Minoan and Mycenaean art genres, our actual state of knowledge seems to be even more negligible. This applies for example to Aegean relief vessels made of gold and silver4 as well as to stone relief vessels5 and to vessels, boxes and other objects made of or decorated with ivory, terracotta, faience or wood6. Painted wall-plaster belongs to the most easily damaged material of architectural decoration and as a consequence, our knowledge of this art form is mainly restricted to small fragments7. However, in many cases, single pieces of small-scale wall paintings are more informative than fragments of large-scale representations, since even a small piece of an extensive miniature frieze can contain a multitude of figures and other pictorial elements. Thus, the most ‘problematic’ art form is large-scale wall paintings and especially the monumental images from stucco reliefs8. A large amount of Minoan relief frescoes consists only of single parts of larger-than-life sized human or animal figures and in many cases their iconography remains unidentifiable. Therefore, when dealing with Aegean Bronze Age iconography we depend to a great extent on comparisons between different artistic media. Especially in the case of large-scale fresco paintings on the flat wall or of relief plaster, a closer look at seal images and further art forms turns out to be extremely useful.

1. Reflections of Wall Decoration in Other Art Forms

4When looking for so-called ‘fresco painting features’ in Aegean art genres such as seals and signet rings, it is tempting to interpret horizontal border stripes or ornamental friezes framing figurative scenes as an indication of mural dado zones and similar elements reflecting the decorative scheme of architectonic walls or interior design9. Some possible candidates can be found in glyptic images from Minoan Crete showing a series of figure-of-eight shields10 or Sacred Knot motifs11 above a dado zone with running spirals (figs. 1–2). The first ones can be well compared with ‘shield frescoes’ such as the LH IIIB example from Tiryns framed by spiral friezes at the bottom and top of the wall while a third frieze of running spirals is positioned in the middle of the wall behind the shield motifs12 (fig. 3). A similar combination of figure-of-eight shields and spiral motifs occurs in wall paintings from Knossos, Mycenae, Pylos and Thebes, although they mostly postdate the Neopalatial period of Crete13.

5Similar to these wall paintings and seal motifs, one of the polychrome ritual cups from the Tomb of the Double Axes (tomb 5) in the LM II necropolis of Isopata presents a figure-of-eight shield and two helmets on a background decorated with a spiral net design14 (figs. 4 a–b). A series of at least two large-scale helmet motifs is known from a wall painting fragment from Akrotiri on Thera15. Moreover, it is remarkable that the walls of the Isopata vessels possess at their lower part a high socle zone while on their upper part, above a frieze zone, there follows a profiled frame decorated with dentate bands and crowned by a row of red painted circles (figs. 4 a–b). Thus, it is very tempting to interpret the compositional layout of these polychrome ritual vessels as a reproduction of, and reference to, an architectonic wall with a fresco painted zone between an undecorated socle and an upper stucco relief profile crowned by the wooden beam-ends of the ceiling16.

6Some seal images showing two superimposed decoration zones could also reflect mural decorations17. Although the majority of these motifs – such as crouching quadrupeds, octopodes, bulls beside palm-trees and bucrania (figs. 5–6)–find close parallels in Aegean wall paintings, it is a deplorable fact that until now, the existence of such combinations cannot be verified by the wall paintings known to date. A combination of motifs such as these, however, reminds us of the information provided by Linear B texts of the Ta series from Pylos, recording the variegated iconography of appliqué pieces of gold, faience and ivory attached to wooden furniture such as ‘thrones’ and footstools decorated with motifs of a man, a horse, an octopus and a palm-tree, or adorned with helmets, bull’s heads and lions18.

7As in the case of the figure-of-eight shields mentioned above (figs. 1–2), several seal images present running bulls and crouching griffins above a socle zone of spiral or so-called ‘half-rosette motifs’ (figs. 7–10) and they probably ought to be interpreted in the same way, i. e. as a reflection of mural decoration19. A series of ‘half-rosette motifs’ forms a socle zone also on the large gold-ring from the Tiryns Treasure (fig. 10) probably supporting the ritual character of the scene depicted in this frieze-like image20. We should not forget, though, that in the mural scheme of Aegean Bronze Age architecture, ornamental friezes were mostly positioned above a figurative zone21. Exceptions are the wall paintings in the forecourt of the Megaron in the palace of Mycenae22 and in the Throne Room of Knossos23 showing ‘half-rosette motifs’ in their socle zones.

8That the exact position of decorative friezes probably was of minor importance for seal-engravers and other artists is demonstrated by the broad band of running spirals in the background behind a male figure carrying a ‘sacred garment’ and a double axe on seal impressions from Akrotiri on Thera24 (fig. 11) which could well indicate the wall-decoration of an interior room. A seal stone from Knossos shows a female figure carrying the same insignia in front of a horizontal frieze of a framed zigzag ornament at a lower level than on the Thera sealings25, and a lentoid seal from Malia presents in its middle zone a frieze-like decoration in front of two figures (although this might represent an altar)26.

9A further example of an indoor scene as indicated by the representation of mural decoration is probably to be recognised in the widespread seal motif of the ‘Goddess with snake-frame’ flanked by griffins or lions27 (fig. 12). In some examples these creatures have been placed upon their own baseline on a higher level than the central figure and thus probably refer to the mural paintings of a distinct ceremonial place, in all likelihood reflecting a ritual act which took place in the Throne Room of the palace at Knossos with its characteristic mural iconography28.

10Consequently the seal images in question should not be understood as literal ‘copies’ of murals but rather reproduced the type of an image as connected to its architectonic setting, that is, as a mural image in the interior room. Since the ‘half-rosette motif’ as well as running spirals constitute two motifs of highly symbolic value in the Aegean Bronze Age29, it appears plausible that by their inclusion into these seal images a more general allusion to iconographical models on palace walls was attempted.

11More problematic is our understanding of simpler frame design at the lower edge of seal images. A single horizontal base-line of a figurative scene in the form of a frieze need not indicate by itself any connection with mural iconography. However, there occur horizontal stripes in the form of one or more courses of ashlar masonry30, a dentate band31, a socle-zone decorated with diagonal lines32 or a zigzag motif33 or simply consisting of parallel lines34 (figs. 13–18). These examples allow us to raise the question whether these socle ornaments merely represent an abstract design filling the void lower part of the lentoid or oval seal surface or whether we are allowed to interpret them as a reflection of – or rather an allusion to – mural images consisting of a largescale iconographical motif above a dado zone. In the case of simple border stripes, we have to be cautious in interpreting them, of course. It is remarkable though that all these seal motifs can be understood as representing outdoor scenes, as is indicated by plants and trees depicted in the background. This fact allows us to exclude an interpretation of the lower zone as representing stone-paved palace courts, raised walks or low walls in front of the animals or human figures. A distinct iconographical topos, however, seems to be the motif of the agrimi crouching on top of the flat roof of an architectural structure indicated by two or more courses of ashlar masonry35. This occurs on several seals36 and is comparable to related scenes on the Shrine Rhyton from Kato Zakros37.

12The iconographical spectrum of the seal images showing socle-like zones (figs. 13–18) is rather restricted and mainly consists of crouching, standing or running bulls, boars and goats, bull-leaping scenes, occasionally procession scenes and deities as well as lions and griffins. On the other hand, dado-like zones remain widely unknown in the large repertory of further seal images such as those showing multi-figurative scenes of epiphany, of animal attacks and struggles as well as extended scenes of nature. Since this rather limited range of iconographical scenes in question possesses good parallels in actual mural paintings and stucco reliefs, it is highly tempting to interpret the socle zones in seal images as a deliberate indication of architectonic walls showing a distinct mural iconography. This would mean that an allusion not only to palatial iconography but also to palace murals was indicated by most of these seal images. An interpretation of these socle zones as built of ashlar blocks, however, is problematic, since ashlar masonry certainly did not constitute a common and wide-spread form of socle zone visible beneath mural paintings in Aegean Bronze Age architecture38. On the other hand, we must remember that largescale ashlar masonry was imitated by fresco painting on plastered walls at Knossos39 and at Tell el-Dab^c a40.

2. Interior Scenes in Aegean Iconography

13Let us move to the question of interior scenes depicted in Minoan and Mycenaean images. The principal artistic convention which indicates that a scene took place in an interior room is the addition of a pillar characterized by a rectangular ‘capital’41. Good examples of this convention can be found in the register scenes of boxers and wrestlers on the Boxer Rhyton from Hagia Triada, whereas pillars are lacking in the scenes of bull leaping performed in the open air as represented in the second register of this relief vessel42 (fig. 19). Similar pillars also appear in other images showing ritual scenes on Minoan seals (fig. 21) and stone vases43. If the traditional interpretation of the Temple Miniature Fresco from Knossos (fig. 20) as depicting a ritual gathering in the Central Court holds true44, this frieze presents a highly formalized depiction of the interior of the palace complex (or the ‘court compound’) including a so-called tripartite shrine as focal point.

14Seal impressions from Hagia Triada present a scene of fighting warriors, with a scaled vertical stripe of unclear character in the central part45 (fig. 21). Rather than a body shield given in profile, this element might represent a pillar designating a fighting scene as taking place in the interior. This reminds us of the vertical stripe in the frieze of the so-called Chieftain Cup from Hagia Triada (fig. 23), irrespective of its exact function and meaning46. It is remarkable, in my opinion, that only pillars with the characteristic rectangular upper part were used for indicating interior scenes on seals, but the typical Minoan column, which constitutes an essential element of representations of architectonic façades, was used not in a single instance47.

15A further element which could have defined an interior scene in Minoan iconography was the plain white background, a feature which occurs only sporadically in Aegean mural paintings. N. Marinatos interpreted the fish-bearing boys (fig. 24) and the girl wearing a long robe in the wall panels of the West House at Akrotiri as virtually performing some ritual acts in the room itself48. Although these three figures are positioned on top of a socle zone, this assumption seems to be quite convincing. A further example representing a scene as taking place in the actual room itself might be the male youths carrying vessels and a garment in Room 3 of Xeste 349. The same also applies to the procession scene in the staircase of Xeste 4, which shows a row of males carrying objects and ascending the steps50. All these are depicted on a monochrome white background and positioned on a horizontal groundline.

16By far the majority of figurative scenes in Aegean mural paintings, however, have a multicolored background. Even in Late Mycenaean procession frescoes, in most cases, the background is arranged by different colors in two or more horizontal or vertical zones divided by wavy lines51 (figs. 25–26). From the artistic point of view we can probably distinguish between ‘terrain-lines’ and ‘rockwork’ motifs, both of them multicolored and of irregular form. How do we interpret this widespread mode of rendering the background in Minoan as well as in Mycenaean figurative wall paintings? Does this traditional artistic feature really symbolize “nichts anderes als die nur wenig stilisierte Wiedergabe der Maserungen und eine Steigerung der Farben des Alabastersteines”52, as W. Schiering has concluded in several articles since the 1960s53? This would mean that in the respective images the figures have to be understood as walking in front of the real architectonic wall on which they were painted, thus presenting an artistic concept of space defined as “shallow stage” by Ph. Betancourt54. In Minoan landscape scenes, however, identical multicolored, wavy zones constituting the background have been interpreted as natural terrain, as the interior of a cave55, as the horizon and even as clouds56. Unfortunately, Schiering’s arguments have never been discussed, examined or criticized by others, and this was probably for two reasons: Schiering’s explanation was published essentially in German, and he basically used the methodology of Classical art history by utilizing arguments of artistic form.

17Of course, this is not the place for discussing the diverse interpretations of the wavy background, an essential part of figurative scenes in Aegean paintings. Let me only briefly state that, as far as I am concerned, Schiering’s concept of interpreting the multicolored, wavy lines as the incrustation of wall panels made of gypsum seems to be doubtful for several reasons. In any case, it is obvious that ‘terrain lines’ and ‘rockwork’ motifs have to be strictly distinguished from the rather schematic forms of painted imitation of mural socle zones made of gypsum. In iconographical scenes terrain elements are characterized by irregularity, arbitrariness and fantastic coloring. Thus, pictorial terrain elements such as those depicted in ‘procession frescoes’ from Knossos and Thebes (figs. 25–26) indicated that this ritual was located in the open landscape and not in the interior of a building or inside settlements. This interpretation is further supported by the depiction of plants, for example, in procession scenes in seal images57.

18There exist plenty of arguments that the so-called ‘cavalier perspective’ constituted the canonical concept of artistic space during the entire Aegean Bronze Age58. Based on the principle of ‘what is further up is meant to be further away’, the ‘cavalier perspective’ enabled a standardized depiction of numerous positions and situations of figures and objects in a logical as well as a coherent space. This principle can be best demonstrated by the miniature fresco from the West House of Akrotiri which depicts an artistic space reaching from the sea-bottom to the horizon and beyond59 (figs. 27–28). This is one of the few Aegean images which definitely show parts of the open sky. In the large majority of Minoan and Mycenaean wall paintings, though, the entire background represents the natural terrain. In my opinion, this also applies to procession scenes and images showing a similar treatment of the background – a multifunctional iconographical convention or an artistic tool which most probably defined Aegean procession scenes as taking place in the open space of the countryside, but not in the interior of the respective rooms.

19Thus, in considering Aegean mural paintings in their iconographical as well as architectonic contexts, we can conclude that interior scenes occur only very sporadically.

3. Reflections of Fresco Iconography on Relief Vessels and Seal Glyptic

20Let us move to the second part of this article which will focus on the question: How should we assess the artistic relationship between the fresco iconography on architectonic walls and other art forms? It has been assumed that pronounced differences existed between the iconography of Aegean seals and that of wall paintings due to contrasting formats and distinct artistic forms; only seldom did connections between them exist60. With assumptions such as these, however, we underestimate the essentially uniform ‘palatial’ character of Aegean Bronze Age iconography. Especially in the arts of Neopalatial Crete, regional predilections can scarcely be recognized, nor are any specialities of individual commissioners detectable61. Furthermore, it is astonishing that we can recognize hardly any fundamental changes in the development of Aegean iconography from the 17^th to the 13^th century; this can be demonstrated by the existence of numerous iconographical motifs which had a long life. The monumental stone relief image of the LH IIIB Lion Gate at Mycenae62, for example, possesses good iconographical parallels not only in other artistic media such as seals and reliefs of ivory, faience and terracotta, but it is also attested in its essential elements already in seal images of LM I Crete63. As is well known, the prominent mural decoration of the Throne Room in the LM I–II palace of Knossos was repeated in similar form at least in the LH IIIB palace at Pylos64. Furthermore, iconographical motifs such as the densely packed row of rams on a late Mycenaean ivory pyxis from Menidi65 have predecessors on clay sealings from LM I–II Knossos66. As a consequence, we should probably not expect any individual images or iconographical cycles to be strictly confined to one distinct artistic medium during the Aegean Bronze Age. Let us prove this character of strongly interrelated artistic genera in the Aegean by discussing two prominent examples.

4. The Origin of the Iconography of the Gold Cups from Vapheio in Minoan Stucco Reliefs

21In spite of the judgement by F. Schachermeyr that “Die minoische Bildkunst ist durch die Schule der Siegelglyptik gegangen und hat hier die Bedeutung des Rahmens wie die Beschränkung auf eine geschlossene Szene kennen gelernt”67, it seems highly probable that in respect of Neopalatial artistic media exactly the opposite was the case. It has also been argued that seal images formed closed iconographical devices. It can be observed, however, that numerous motifs on seals and signet rings constitute isolated scenes and discrete figurative motifs taken from larger iconographical cycles, mostly in the form of extensive friezes. This phenomenon can be best demonstrated by the iconography of the gold relief cups from the LH IIA tholos tomb at Vapheio68 (figs. 29–31). Both friezes showing bulls and men in a natural setting are composed of six figurative topoi, since all bull motifs possess excellent parallels in seal glyptic, on stone relief vases, in wall paintings and in other artistic media69. Although one could assume that the iconography of these relief vessels was created by combining different figural motifs of seal images, the artistic interrelation most probably ran in precisely the opposite direction. As an example of isolating figures out of larger iconographical contexts, I mention seals from Mochlos (fig. 32) and from Sellopoulo (fig. 33) showing a bull with its legs in an unnatural striding position70. The bull’s hind leg displaced backwards makes sense only if it were pulled away by somebody, as it is represented on one of the Vapheio cups (fig. 31). By comparing these emblem-like motifs, we learn that they could be isolated and stereotyped, exchanged and combined in different ways. Thus, vignette-like seal motifs such as these strongly support the existence of some kind of ‘pattern books’ in Neopalatial Crete71. Pini’s idea that a collection of clay sealings could have functioned as models, ‘master drawings’ or ‘pattern-books’ enabling the dissemination of standardized iconographical motifs into different artistic media is very convincing72. Regarding the original models of more complex iconographical scenes at a larger scale, though, it appears more plausible to postulate three-dimensional models, possibly made of terracotta73.

22Although the artistic origin and the craftsmanship of the gold relief cups from Vapheio have been discussed and interpreted in different ways, it appears most likely that not only the iconographical concept but also the gold cups themselves can be seen as genuinely Minoan works. By a closer comparison of the composition of the relief friezes of both cups (fig. 30), we can remark that they correspond to each other to a great degree, for example by antithetical poses of the raised or sunken heads and tails as well as by the concave or convex bending of the bull’s back. It must be emphasized that the original concept of these friezes was certainly not conceived for the walls of vessels, since these do not allow for a clear comprehension of all compositional details. Even by turning the gold cups in both directions, one would never be able to perceive the sophisticated composition of these friezes. Thus, it can be excluded that the highly elaborate composition of the relief friezes was planned to be seen only in small sections on the body of a circular vessel. When rolled up in the form of friezes, we are not only able to talk of standardized motif formulae, but also of a detailed ‘choreography’ of these highly sophisticated relief images, composed as a pair of antithetical friezes74.

23In Minoan arts, elongated friezes such as those on the gold relief cups from Vapheio can be perceived in their entire length only on an architectonic wall, and in the case of a relief image we prefer a large-scale relief frieze as the original model. We can hardly argue in favour of the existence of alternative artistic media such as large-scale stone relief friezes or extended statuary groups such as in Classical antiquity. Thus, for the origin of the extensive concept of these relief friezes, only one Aegean artistic medium comes into question, that is the large-scale stucco relief, an exclusive art form mainly concentrated at the palace of Knossos75 (fig. 34). Although A. Evans’ concept has been doubted for several reasons, a composition of two antithetical stucco relief friezes in the North Entrance Passage, as suggested by fig. 35, in the Great East Hall or in some other prominent place in the palace of Knossos may have formed the prototype of this iconography which was then highly influential for Minoan metalworkers, seal engravers and other artisans76.

5. A Compilation of Motifs in the Wall Paintings from Room 14 at Hagia Triada

24Some prominent seal stones, signet rings and relief images may also enable a better understanding of the iconography of the tripartite mural paintings from Room 14 of Villa A at Hagia Triada (figs. 36 and 37). According to previous studies, this iconographical cycle is composed of a kneeling female figure in a natural setting including lily and crocus plants to the left side, a female figure with raised arms and in a bent position in front of an architectural construction on the smaller central wall in the main axis of the room, and a landscape with wild goats, cats and birds to the right side77. The kneeling woman on the mural scene on the left wall should not be interpreted as a flowerpicker or adorant. P. Militello78 has convincingly compared the scene with the iconographical motif of invocation of a deity (fig. 37), as it appears on gold rings from Sellopoulo79 (fig. 38), Archanes80, Kalyvia81 and other sites82. Regarding the central female figure, it seems questionable whether this goddess “raises her hands in an authoritative gesture” (P. Rehak83). Possibly we can ascribe to her a more concrete function. M. Cameron may have been right in linking the goddess with the animals in their natural setting depicted on the wall panel to the right84 (fig. 36). The most convincing combination of a seated or rather bent-over female figure with raised arms and accompanied by an agrimi is represented on seal impressions from Chania and Hagia Triada85 (figs. 39–41). This motif of a goddess feeding one or two goats86 is also well known from an ivory plaque from Mycenae87 and the ivory relief lid from Minet el-Beida (Ugarit)88 (fig. 42). The latter example probably constitutes a Levantine imitation of an Aegean motif, which was originally inspired by Near Eastern models. It is very likely that the fresco of the so-called Goddess with Grain feeding a quadruped from the Room of the Frescoes in the Cult Centre of Mycenae (fig. 43) constitutes a further example of this iconographic topos89. Although the traces of the animal accompanying this ‘Potnia theron’ have been interpreted as parts of a griffin or a lion, a reconstruction as some other animal to be fed by the plants in the goddess’s hands cannot be excluded90.

25Thus, it appears reasonable to perceive the goddess on the central wall at Hagia Triada not as dancing, but rather as holding bunches of plants in both raised hands and as turning her head to the right in the direction of the goats which are approaching her (fig. 36). Although the fragment showing a cat stalking a bird has been found at the left bottom corner of the south wall and a fragment with a jumping agrimi to its right side91, this does not exclude the possibility that one of the other goats was positioned above the cat and thus immediately in front of the central goddess92. Even if both or more agrimia were grouped together to the right side of the south wall, this would by no means exclude the possibility of a direct relation between the goddess and the goats running towards her. The architectural structure behind the goddess could best be understood as a podium-like seat.

26If Militello’s reconstruction of a figure hugging large stones (considered to be baetyls) holds true (fig. 37), this motif well known in Minoan seal stones and gold rings was by no means confined to glyptic93, but occurred also in additional artistic media such as wall painting. Moreover, assuming that the reading of the iconography and the reconstruction proposed here are correct, the prominent ritual scene in the respective seal images can be related to a further iconographic topos of a goddess feeding flanking goats. There is no evidence of further motifs of ritual activity, such as pulling at a tree or branch or a female figure in rhythmic movement in the Hagia Triada painting. This, however, should not be categorically excluded, as Militello mentions plaster fragments which could indicate the presence of a third female figure94.

27Thus, the tripartite wall paintings from Room 14 at Hagia Triada seem to represent a combination of at least two separate iconographic motifs, and make clear that the kneeling female to the left side is by no means directly addressed to or even worshipping the goddess in the centre, which was probably turned in the opposite direction95. Even if the mural painting to the left side represented an invocation or epiphany scene96, the image of the central goddess on the smaller wall most likely belongs to a different iconographic type. Nevertheless, the goddess constitutes the central figure of both iconographic sequences: she might be the goal of the ritual invocation by the kneeling woman (or girl?) to the left side and she is closely interrelated with the goats which she is going to feed. Moreover, the mural scenes from Room 14 at Hagia Triada demonstrate the distinct qualities of Minoan wall paintings: although large-scale figures and detailed depictions occur in stucco reliefs as well, the exuberant portrayal of different terrain forms and plants remains a speciality of paintings on the flat wall.

28In addition, this combination of two distinct motifs on the Hagia Triada murals and some obvious aspects of improvisation in the composition suggest that the original model of this iconographic cycle should be sought neither in seal glyptic nor in two-dimensional wall painting. In any case, these comparisons show that even this prominent cycle of ritual iconography was by no means confined to one distinct artistic medium. Although extensive landscape elements are mostly lacking in seal images, this comparison demonstrates the flexibility among Minoan artists in transferring figurative motifs from one artistic medium into another and in creating innovative combinations.

29In these and many further cases, Minoan seal images enable us to define the complex iconography of friezes in mural painting and stucco reliefs as well as on relief vessels of metal, stone and ivory. Images in these art genera by no means constituted individual, singular cases, but were strongly interrelated with each other.

6. Conclusions

30I have to confess that – in contrast to the title of the present conference – my approach was anything but theory-based. Neither did I touch on social structures, nor was the aim of Aegean art to represent ‘realities’. However, one point becomes clear when we investigate the existence of iconographical cycles and the interrelationship of different art forms: Aegean iconography was essentially a matter of strictly ‘palatial’ concern, well comparable to what is called ‘palatial architectural forms’97. Therefore, it might be doubted whether a ‘non-official iconography’ of isolated, individual or private character ever existed during the palatial periods of the Aegean Bronze Age.

31What can be detected, though, is a certain hierarchy of artistic media. Above all, it is the art genre of seal glyptic which in many cases provides the ‘missing link’ for our comprehension of iconographical cycles well established especially in Neopalatial Crete and living on to a considerable degree until the late Mycenaean period. The lively exchange of iconographic motifs among Aegean art forms of different material, technique and size also paved the way for the establishing of iconographic standards and traditions which lasted for several centuries. Especially in images on seals and signet rings of Neopalatial Crete we recognize manifold relations and allusions to mural iconography transported on different levels: by reflections of architectural elements, by aspects of the artistic form and, last but not least, by the iconographic motifs themselves. Friezelike compositions indeed do not fit the round and oval forms of LM I seals and signet rings, but derive, without any doubt, from other art forms which were more conducive to scenes in registers. Similarly, nor were the walls of circular vessels suitable for highly complex and sophisticated compositions as in the case of many relief vases in Minoan Crete. From the example of the gold cups from Vapheio (fig. 30), we have seen that large-scale stucco reliefs could have formed the original artistic medium by which the iconographic standards were created. These were in turn taken up by artists working in different materials and techniques. The wall painting cycle from Villa A at Hagia Triada (figs. 36–37) informs us about the combination of iconographic formulae as well as the distinct qualities of the painting on a flat wall. Both case studies clearly demonstrated the close interconnections between mural images and minor art forms in Minoan Crete.

32Although Aegean arts show a strong tendency towards ‘miniaturization’, this should not blind us to the existence of one art genre which did present large-scale, polychrome relief images on walls – that is the Minoan stucco relief. Although it is difficult to prove this assumption on the basis of the preserved plaster fragments, there are many indications that larger-than-life sized figures in palatial wall reliefs could have constituted the original model for highly narrative figurative friezes as mirrored by certain images in seal glyptic and other minor arts.

33One essential point is the basic difference between relief arts including seals on one hand and painting on a flat wall on the other hand. This latter required very special stylistic features such as the drawing of contours and a concentration on polychromy. Via a closer observation of the differences between fresco iconography and the thematic repertoire of the stucco reliefs in Minoan Crete, we gain the impression that in images painted on the flat wall the painters were unconstrained and flexible in their choice of motifs and their execution, whereas in stucco relief images they stuck to standardized iconographic formulae of figural scenes of humans and animals. Thus, rather standardized motif topoi spread out from the monumental stucco relief images on the walls of prominent areas in the palace of Knossos into most other artistic media98. Thanks to its ‘plastic qualities’ the Minoan stucco relief possessed much better preconditions for influencing small-scale relief art than paintings on a flat wall were able to do. Thus, the common principle that major art forms affect minor art forms appears to be valid also in the ‘artistic realm’ of the Aegean Bronze Age.

34The arts of Neopalatial Crete were essentially coined by the palatial ideologies of the Knossian elites. Their ‘images of power’ were most probably disseminated by means of artistic top-down mechanisms, that is, iconographic emblems were formulated and shaped in large-scale stucco reliefs – and to a lesser extent in mural paintings – in the palace of Knossos during the MM III and LM I periods. J. Crowley has remarked that Aegean seal images contained many essential themes seen in monumental relief and sculpture in the Near East and in Egypt99, best exemplified by the Proskynesis Sealing from Hagia Triada100. However, the only Minoan art form which probably possessed a similar symbolic value is the stucco relief. Art media such as precious ritual vessels as well as images on seals and sealings functioned as transmitters and distributors of representational motifs and thus served as a means for propagating iconographic concepts and iconological messages. Notably, the Knossos Replica Rings, precious metal rings from Neopalatial Crete, reproduced isolated extracts from extensive register scenes in concentrated, abbreviated or isolated form. These images, comparable to ‘quotations’, fulfilled the important ideological function of disseminating the complex iconography of the impressive, monumental stucco relief friezes on the walls of the palace at Knossos. Thus, the highly important decoration of Knossian palace architecture delivered the artistic models for the creation of ‘pictures of reminiscence’ spreading out into the wider Minoan realm.