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Transferts culturels et droits dans le monde grec et hellénistique

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Bernard Legras

Transferts culturels en Grèce d’Europe et en Asie Mineure durant l’époque hellénistique et romaine

Cultural transfer and law in Hellenistic Lycia: the case of Symmasis’ foundation

Ilias N. Arnaoutoglou

Texte intégral

  • 1 See the highly controversial theory of Watson 1974. Cf. the pertinent remarks of Gaudemet 1976.
  • 2 For a reassessment of whether synoikismos-regulation were implemented see Ager 1998.
  • 3 See Text A in the Appendix, with Bencivenni 2003: 169-202.
  • 4 Similarly in the letter of Eumenes II (187-159 BC) to Toriaion (Phrygia), SEG 47.174 5, 28-30 (Epig (...)
  • 5 For the constitution of Kos see Sherwin-White 1978, and Grieb 2008: 139-198.

1In the proceedings of the first meeting of the series, Transferts culturels et politique dans le monde hellénistique, cultural transfer was defined roughly as the study of the movement of objects, practices, ideas between different cultures (therefore, from the centre to periphery (or vice versa) or between the powerful and the subjects) as well as of the agents of these movements. Cultural transfer is usually a slow and painstakingly long process detected mainly in the long durée historical narratives; it involves, unavoidably perhaps, questions of continuity and change. It is not a seamless procedure; instead it is dotted with contests, tensions, and sometimes conflicts (even if symbolic). Things turn even more complicated when law is involved. Thanks to its normative aspect, law can either facilitate (by adopting new rules and their underlying ideological baggage) or impede (by rising unsurmountable barriers) cultural transfers. However, it can sometimes be itself the object in a process of cultural transfer. In this latter sense and since political power is involved, legal transfer can be performed in a purely mechanical way, like a transplant, i.e. the wholesale adoption of a legal system.1 This approach is illustrated in the case of the synoikismos between Teos and Lebedos.2 Around 303 BC Antigonos the OneEyed ordained the synoikismos of Teos with Lebedos in Ionia. In his two letters to Teos, he included a section on deciding pending cases in the courts of the two cities (ll. 24-44), a section on drafting new laws by elected nomographoi and the use of a set of laws in the meantime. The royal letter sets out in remarkable detail the process of constituting a new political unit and its legislative apparatus.3 The task of drafting the new legislation falls on the shoulders of nomographoi; also any one citizen can put forward a proposal. Any unanimously agreed regulation will take effect immediately, while disputed cases will be referred to the king to decide or to refer to adjudication.4 In this respect there is ample room for cultural transfers, informed by the legal traditions of both cities. What is striking is the solution for the legislation to be used while nomographoi draft the new set of rules. Instead of applying rules of one or other community, Antigonos, following a joint proposal, opted for the adoption of the Koan legislation. The reasons behind the choice of Kos remain obscure.5 There may have been a relation between Kos and Teos or Lebedos; or Kos may have been considered a polis where eunomia reigned; or Koan legislation had a reputation ol being more just than others. Nevertheless, this question as well as questions about the content of rules to be applied (all laws, only “private law” regulations or “public law”, procedural and rules of substance) remains open... The provisional adoption of the Koan legislation would have meant the import of legal practices as well as of social values.

  • 6 See Rupprecht 2005, and Mélèze Modrzejewski 2005.
  • 7 See the publication of the whole archive by Vandorpe 2002.
  • 8 The inscription is dated by the editors in the second half of the second century BC. I am inclined (...)

2Things may turn more complicated when the necessities of life bring in contact individuals with different legal mindset and expectations. The best case scenario is what J. Mélèze has argued for Hellenistic Egypt, that is the development of a legal koine.6 Only rarely, do we have the privilege to study cultural transfers in the context of a family, especially in Hellenistic and Roman Egypt; and the case that comes first to my mind is the family of the Cretan Dryton.7 An ancient historian is very unlikely to hear the voices of individuals explaining their choices. Although I am not going to provide such a rare instance, I believe that a recently published inscription from the second century Lycia, includes elements that can be counted as testimonies of cultural osmosis between the native and Greek culture, brought by the armies of Alexander and his successors, if not earlier.8

The inscription

  • 9 Köse and Tekoglu 2007 (with Bulletin épigraphique 2008, no. 484). The text reproduced in the Append (...)
  • 10 For the text see Appendix (Text B).

3The inscription I am going to comment on was published in the journal of the University of Antalya, Adalya, in 2007·9 It lies now in modern Fethiye, part of a private collection. It was found presumably in western Lycia, probably in the area between Xanthos and Araxa according to the editors, although the individuals named belonged to the civic structure either of Xanthos or of Flos. I he preserved lower part of a stele inscribed on three faces records the earliest so far testimony of a foundation in Lycia. The inscription preserving the regulations of Symmasis’ foundation consists, according to a widely observed practice, of i) part of the donation of money to an association of coppersmiths in order to be invested and pay for the expenses of the necessary cultic rites to the memory of the donor and his wife and ii) the decision of the group to accept the donation. In particular, face A includes cultic regulations (allocating portions of meat, defining who shall participate in the feast), procedure of dispute resolution over who had the right to participate, investment of the donated fund and penalties against transgression of these rules. Face B records most probably the acceptance of the terms of the donation by the association, i.e. sacrifices, feasts, investment of the donated sum. Face C preserves a clause on the right of administrators of the fund to accept pledges and a series of prohibitions for maladministration of funds and unauthorized burial. The inscription concluded with reference to the unanimous adherence of the association of coppersmiths to the terms of the donation.10

4Since the concept of cultural transfer is a multi-faceted one, I propose to examine first elements of cultural transfer other than legal and institutional.

Onomastics

  • 11 See Colvin 2004, especially p. 61-62, 65, and Schuler 2006: 419-420 with n. 55-56.
  • 12 See the pertinent remarks of Mélèze Modrzejewski 2006, especially p. 117.
  • 13 See also ΤΑΜ II 604 (Tlos, imperial) and Petersen and Luschan 1889: 35 no. 54 (Myra). Similar forms (...)
  • 14 Name widespread in Asia Minor; it is attested in Bithynia, Phrygia, Lykaonia, Pisidia, etc.
  • 15 See also TAM II 544 (Arsada), 638 (Tlos), Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 155 (2006): 1 (...)
  • 16 See also Ermaktibilos (Mendel 1912: 106), Deuktybelis (Istlada, Chiron, 36 (2006): 400 no. 2), Ktib (...)
  • 17 See also Alaimis in TAM II 260 (Pydnai/Kydna, post AD 212).
  • 18 See for example Tinzasis father of Hermolykos (A 21-23), Kregdeis father of Hermolykos (B 4), Ermad (...)

5Personal names can offer sometimes a privileged viewpoint and precious indications of “transfert culturel”. The adoption of personal names from the dominant culture (in this case Greek names) is an obvious strategy of integration and acculturation. But sometimes there is a twist in the seemingly straightforward interpretation. Greek personal names may sound similar to names of the native substratum (e.g. Hermo- names and their close affinity with the epichoric Erma- names)11 or they may be a translation or a rendering of a name into Greek as it happens with Jews.12 The family of the donor (Symmasis,13 Mamma14 and perhaps Sortias15) shows signs of hellenization, as his male children bear Greek names (Symmachos, Hermaphilos, Kleinos). We do not know about their daughters’names but in their in-laws’family (probably natives of Tlos) co-exist native (Ermaktyvelis,16 Tinzasis) and Greek names (Hermolykos). The members and magistrates of the association of coppersmiths bear either Greek (Hermokles, Hermolykos, Epigonos, Attinas) or native (Idlaimis,17 Inondis, Kregdeis, Midas, Ermadeiros) names. It is worth noticing that indigenous names occur mainly as patronymics,18 indicating that in these families the adoption of Greek names was a rather recent choice. The onomastic evidence, then, suggests that, although the Greek naming system prevails and Hellenization was an ongoing process, the adoption of Greek names was not an evident choice in second-century Lycia.

Religious and ritual19

  • 19 For an equivalence of Lycian and Greek theonyms as well as the process of hellenization in classica (...)
  • 20 See in particular, ΤΑΜ II 1 (Telmessos, 240 BC) 24-29: καὶ ἱδρύσασθαι ύ/[πὲ]ρ αὐτοῦ Διὶ Σωτῆρι βωμό (...)
  • 21 Cult of Helios in Kyaneai, Schuler and Walser 2006. Perhaps the logistai appearing in Phellos and A (...)

6In the inscription there are provisions for two sacrifices, i) on the 25th of the month Loios (October) of a three year old castrated animal to Helios (Bl4-17), followed by a feast for ten of Symmasis’relatives, and ii) another sacrifice of a goat and a lamb followed by a feast for the administrators (cheiristai) and the archons of the koinon. The sacrifice of a victim of a particular age and species followed by a feast is particularly common in Hellenistic Lycia.20 The designation of god Helios as recipient of fines, the deity to address the sacrifice to, and the benefactor of Symmasis and Mamma, demonstrates the centrality of the deity in the belief-system of the couple. An obvious explanation may be the prolonged Rhodian connection and the twenty year long occupation of the region; Helios was the central deity of the Rhodian state.21

Civic institutions

7The political community in which the donor and his family were living was using the Macedonian calendar, as the name of the month Loios suggests.

  • 22 See Le Guen 2001, and Aneziri 2003.
  • 23 Mistaken seems the view of the editors that coppersmiths were not organized in guilds, since the as (...)
  • 24 In this respect, the assessment of Zimmermann, that there is no evidence for professional associati (...)
  • 25 Cf. the concept of “poliadisation” discussed by Couvenhes and Heller 2006, especially p. 27-34.
  • 26 Anatolia Antiqua, 12 (2004): 317 (Xanthos) (= SEG 54.1464 [17]); ΤΑΜ II 372 (Xanthos, i c. BC); Bal (...)
  • 27 ΤΑΜ II 264; 265 (beg. i c. BC); 552 (ii/i c. BC); 597a (ii/i c. BC); 609 (i c. AD).
  • 28 ΤΑΜ II 548 and 590 (i c. AD). See Frei 1990: 1782 (cult of Bellerophontes), 1805 (cult of Iobates), (...)
  • 29 Therefore, the statement of Schuler 1998: 41-45, 211-215, that in inscriptions from Lycia, the word(...)
  • 30 For a possible identification see now Parker 2010: 103 n. 4.

8The inscription provides the earliest reference to a professional association, (with the obvious exception of Dionysiakoi technitai22) the association of coppersmiths (koinon tōn chalkeōn23,) not only in Lycia but in the whole of Asia Minor.24 The civic body of the community or the communities was divided in demes, named after the well known Lycian heroes, Bellerophon, Sarpedon, and Iobates25 In the isopoliteia agreement between Xanthos and Myra from the second half of the second century BC, the citizens representing Xanthos carry the designation Iobateios and Sarpedonios [Revue des études grecques, 107 (1994): 327, 20-22, 29, 31 (Bulletin épigraphique 1995: no. 555 and SEG 44.1218)]. Iobateioi (from the mythical king lobates or Amphianax) are attested in inscriptions dated in the late Hellenistic or imperial period.26 Sarpedonioi are attested in Xanthos, but also in inscriptions found in Tlos.27 The term Bellerophonteioi appears in two inscriptions from Tlos.28 The reason for considering these units as demes is an unpublished first-century inscription from Xanthos reported by P. Baker and G. Thériault in Revue des études grecques, 118 (2005): 333-351, in which it is read: αἱ Τληπολέμου δήμου ’Iοβατείου.29 The intriguing reading Araileiseusin, plural dative of Araileiseus, perhaps is to be associated with a kome Araileisa, which remains to be identified.30

  • 31 For the rest of the Greek world, see Jones 1987.
  • 32 Division of the citizen body as constituent part of organizing a community in the Greek way: letter (...)

9The above discussion points to a process of cultural transfer of organizational elements in the civic body” of Xanthos and Tlos. The mechanism of organizing was the division in demes, a practice widely attested in the Greek world.31 The native contribution in this was the adoption of indigenous heroes (of the Homeric (i.e. Greek) tradition, however) to name the new subdivisions.32 At this level one can observe the interplay between the foreign and indigenous element. The imported element concerns the principle, while the indigenous provides the “individualization” so that communities may appropriate the institution.

Legal elements

  • 33 “Donation” and acceptance appearing as one document, IG IX(1) 694 (Kerkyra, before 229 BC), 7(7 XII (...)

10The foundation of Symmasis reveals a significant number of legal features, common to most similar Greek documents. What was inscribed and therefore more likely to be preserved was a) the document with which the unilateral, gratuitous transfer of property together with any conditions attached to it, was effectuated (be it donation or testament) and b) the acceptance of the transfer by the corporate body (an association or a polis),33 In particular,

  • 34 Similar Hellenistic foundations in IG IV 840 (Laum 1914: no. 57) and 841 (Laum 1914: no. 58) from K (...)
  • 35 In particular there is a penalty for the non observance of the rules about sacrifices and the banqu (...)
  • 36 IK 28 (Iasos) 246, 17-28 (Laum 1914: no. 121): [- ἐὰν] δ[ μὴ ἐπιτελεσωσιν τὰς θυ]/[σίας] <κ>αὶ τò (...)

111. The donation of a sum of money (or income of a real estate) for cultic purposes and its administration, as a technique to manage the memory of the deceased, was quite popular especially in the Greek islands and Asia Minor.34 For example, the foundation of Phainippos35 (IK28 (Iasos) 245 from GrecoRoman Iasos of Caria) contains very similar regulations as well as in the foundation of Hierokles from Roman Iasos.36

  • 37 IG ΧΙΙ(9) 236, 17-23 (Laum 1914: no. 61): ἀνατέθεικεν ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου βίου / τῷ δήμῳ εἰς ἐλαιοχρείστιο (...)

122. Similar terms and conditions concerning the use, investment and protection from abuses of the donated sum of money appear very often in donations and bequests, for example in the foundation of Iheopompos (IG XII(9) 236) from Hellenistic Eretria.37

  • 38 Adjudication in a sacred place is attested in I.Délos 502A, 22-23 (297 BC), I.Magn. 93a, 9-11 (c. 1 (...)

133. The adjudication envisaged over who has the right to participate in the relatives’group conducted by the association of coppersmiths, seems to be without parallel in this category of documents; however, it resembles very much to the Athenian procedure of diadikasia. It is even more interesting that the hearing is planned to take place in the sanctuary.38

  • 39 The fines in Epikteta’s testament concern mainly the non-compliance with the designated duties of t (...)

144. The fines prescribed in the inscription concern,39

  1. the non adherence to the terms of the donation [A, 40-49],

  2. the abuse of the donated sum of money [Γ, 6-14] and

    • 40 For example in the funerary monument of Apollonides, son of Mollisis and Laparas, son of Apollonide (...)

    transgression of the prohibition of burial [Γ, 14-19].40

15The amount of the fine is explicitly determined either

  • as a fixed amount (case (a) 1, 000 dr., case (c) 100 dr.), or

  • as a multiple of the value of the abused amount (case (b), double).

  • 41 See Bryce 1981: 91. For the legal nature and the legitimacy of the fine, see Christophilopoulos 197 (...)

16In addition, not only the recipients of fines are mentioned, Helios in cases (a) and (b) and the association of coppersmiths in case (c), but also the individuals to initiate the process for the payment of the fine “kathaper ek dikes” (as if there was a court decision), that is the donator’s relatives or anyone wishing (case (a)), or only anyone wishing (case (b)), while in case (c) there is no recipient designated. It is probable that the recipient (usually a “corporate entity”) was the one entitled to cash in the fine41.

  • 42 Members in this koinon were primarily male; women and offspring follow in the enumeration. The prom (...)
  • 43 For an evolutionary interpretation of the recipient and administrator of the donated property see K (...)

175. The very existence of an association (of coppersmiths in this case) is a rather Greek phenomenon. In Hellenistic Thera, Epikteta in her testament provides for the setting up of a koinon tön syngenōn42 to administer the property bequeathed and pay the prescribed honours to the deceased members of her family (IG XII(3) 330 I, 26-27);43 in the donation of Aristomenes and Psylla, it is the demos'officials designated to administer the donated fund.

  • 44 The term appears in the honorary inscription for Archippe of Kyme (SEG 33.1041 VI, 65-67, after 130 (...)

186. Procedures in the association, such as deliberation, voting, election of a particular board of administrators (cheiristai44), and witnesses;

  • 45 In several Hellenistic inscriptions the term prosangelia is attested (TAM II 487, 524, etc.). Stric (...)
  • 46 Petersen and Luschan 1889: 56 no. 108 (Teimioussa): τòν τάφον κατεσκευάσαντο --- /‘Hγίας Σεδεπλεμιο (...)

197. Possibility of ho boulomenos to prosecute those who do not conform with the rules of the foundation and the administration of the funds (perhaps a disgruntled relative) is also noteworthy; if successful they will be awarded half the fine.45 The execution of the claim is secured by the clause kathaper ek dikēs46

  • 47 Magistrates as witnesses appear in a series of Hellenistic legal documents, such as the leases of s (...)

208. The signing of the decree of acceptance by the representatives of the corporate body designated as martyres (witnesses). Similarly in the foundation of Aristomenes and Psylla in Kerkyra (IG IΧ(1) 694 I, 37-38) and in the testament of Epikteta (IG XII (3) 330 I, 40-41) three men witness the respective deeds.47

  • 48 In late Hellenistic and imperial Iasos, dioiketai are appointed by thepresbyteroi to administer the (...)
  • 49 IG IX(1) 694, 66-71; IG XII(9) 236, 51-60.
  • 50 In the earlier literature an inscription published originally by Petersen and Luschan 1889: 47 no. (...)

21So far, I have put forward the similarities between the foundation of Symmasis and other Hellenistic foundations. The burden of maintaining the memory of the deceased falls on his or her (close or distant) relatives (in Symmasis’ case on his sons and sons-in-law). The administration of the donated sum of money is entrusted to a committee of cheiristai elected from among the ranks of the association of coppersmiths,48 while in Epikteta’s testament a koinon syngenön is to manage the bequest. In cases in which thepolis was the beneficiary, city officials were to be elected to administer the fund and they were held accountable for any misdemeanour.49 Again, what one observes is the adoption of a seemingly “Greek” legal framework, that of an endowment, but with a particularity (or perhaps novelty), the administration of the bequest is entrusted to a pre-existing association, to which possibly the donator belonged and not to an ad hoc formed koinon. This kind of particularity is not common in Hellenistic foundations; Epikteta in her testament and foundation sets up an ad hoc koinon to run the bequest. The origin of this particularity may lie in the Lycian past of the region. In Lycian classical funerary monuments there is the sporadically appearing institution of minti encumbered with some sort of supervision over the tombs. Is it possible that the deployment of koinon tōn chalkeōn as trustees is a re-adjustment or even perhaps a survival of the obscure Lycian institution of minti. Two Greek Hellenistic inscriptions50 preserve the term under the transliteration “mindis”.

22TAM II 40 (Telmessos, end iv c. BC):

Μοσχίωνος τοῦ Πεδετέριος/Λιμ[υ]ρέως. ταγὴν δὲ ἔταξαν οἱ/μενδῖται τοῖς ἀνοίγουσιν τò/μνῆμα Ἀλεξανδρείου δραχ<μ>ῶν ἕξ.

23Petersen and Luschan 1889: 22 no. 27 (Kyaneai, iii c. BC):

τòν τάφον τοῦτον κατεσκεύασεν τόν τε ἄνω καὶ τòν κάτω Περπένηνις----/ Ἀππάδιος ἑαυτῶι καὶ τῆι γυναικί· καὶ μη[θ]ενὶ ἐξέστω ἀνοῖξαι τὴν σορόν ο η---/ἐστὶν, τοῖς δ λοιποῖς τάφοις τοῖς τε νω καὶ τοῖς κάτω χρήσονται πάν[τες] / οἱ συνγενεῖς· μὴ ἐξέστω δ ἀνοίγειν μηθενί νευ τῆς μίνδιος, άλλα συνπαρα[ι] / νέτωσαν ατούς, εἰ δ μή, κύριοι στωσαν κωλύοντες καὶ ζημιοῦντες αὐτούς.

  • 51 For the classical period see Bryce 1976: 183-184; Zimmermann 2002: 146-151, who considers it as a r (...)

24Although there is no unanimity on the responsibilities of minti in the classical era, in early Hellenistic times it seems that it was responsible for the imposition and receipt of fines for transgressing a burial prohibition and the grant of consent for the re-use of a tomb.51 In Symmasis’ foundation these duties are taken up, together with the responsibility to manage the trust and the adjudication on disputed membership in the feasting circle, by the association of coppersmiths. Although it is probably far fetched to claim a direct link between the two corporate bodies (i.e. minti and koinon tōn chalkeōn), one cannot but notice the substitution of duties. It is possible that in this way a particular element of Lycian regulatory bodies was integrated into an imported structure of commemoration management.

25The foundation of Symmasis provides us with a rare glimpse on the strategy adopted by a fairly wealthy Lycian in establishing a mode of commemoration of himself and his wife in an era of intensive Hellenization, blending the Greek legal framework of funerary foundation with locally inspired arrangements.

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Mendel 1912: Mendel G., Catalogue des sculptures grecques, romaines et byzantines, t. I, Constantinople, 1912.

Parker 2010: Parker R., «A Funerary Foundation from I Hellenistic Lycia», Chiron, 40 (2010), p. 103-121.

Petersen and Luschan 1889: Petersen E. and Luschan F. von, Reisen im südwestlichen Kleinasien, 2. Lykien, Milyas und Kibyratis, Wien, 1889.

Pouilloux 2003: Pouilloux J. (ed.), Choix d’inscriptions grecques, avec un supplément bibliographique par G. Rougemont et D. Rousset, Paris, 2003.

Raimond 2006: Raimond E., «La continuité de la tradition religieuse louvite dans la Lycie de l’Age du Bronze à l’époque gréco-romaine», in K. Dortluk et al. (ed.), Proceedings of the IIIrd Symposium on Lycia (Antalya, 7-10 November), Antalya, 2006, vol. I, p. 647-655.

Raimond 2007: Raimond E., «Hellenization and Lycian Cults during the Achaemenid Period», in C. Tuplin (ed.), Persian Responses. Political and Cultural Interaction with(in) the Achaemenid Empire, Swansea, 2007, p. 143-162.

RICIS = Vidman L., Recueil des inscriptions concernant les cultes isiaques (RICIS), 3 vol., Paris, 2005 (Mémoires de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres 31).

Rupprecht 2005: Rupprecht H.-A., «Greek Law in Foreign Surroundings: Continuity and Development», in M. Gagarin and D. Cohen (ed.), The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek Law, Cambridge, 2005, p. 328-342.

Schuler 1998: Schuler C., Ländliche Siedlungen und Gemeinden im hellenistischen und römischen Kleinasien, München, 1998.

Schuler 2001-2002: Schuler C., «Gottheiten und Grabbussen in Lykien», Lykia, 6 (2001-2002), p. 261-275.

Schuler 2003: Schuler C., «Neue Inschriften aus Kyaneai und Umgebung V: Eine Landgemeinde auf dem Territorium von Phellos?», in F. Kolb (ed.), Lykische Studien 6. Feldforschung auf dem Gebiet der Polis Kyaneai in Zentrallykien Bericht über die Ergebnisse der Kampagnen 1996 und 1997, Bonn, 2003, p. 163-186.

Schuler 2006: Schuler C., «Inschriften aus dem Territorium von Myra in Lykien: Istlada», Chiron, 36 (2006), p. 395-439.

Schuler and Walser 2006: Schuler C. and Walser A. V., «Neue Inschriften aus Kyaneai und Umgebung VII: Die Gemeinde von Trysa», in F. Kolb (ed.), Lykische Studien 7. Die Chora von Kyaneai. Untersuchungen zur Politischen Geographie, Siedlungs- und Agrarstruktur des Yavu-Berglandes in Zentrallykien, Bonn, 2006 (Tübinger althistorische Studien, 2), p. 167-186.

Schürr 2007: Schürr D., «Formen der Akkulturation in Lykien: Griechisch-lykische Sprachbeziehungen», in C. Schuler (ed.), Griechische Epigraphik in Lykien. Eine Zwischenbilanz (Akten des internazionalen Kolloquiums, München 24.-26. Februar 2005), Wien, 2007 (Denkschriften des österreichisches Akademie der Wissenschaften, philos.-hist. Klasse, 354. E-TAM, 25), p. 147-170.

Schürr 2008: Schürr D., «Zur Rolle der lykischen Mindis», Kadmos, 47 (2008), p. 147-170.

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SEG = Supplementum Epigraphicum Graecum, 55 vol., Leiden-Amsterdam, 1923–

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Syll3 = Dittenberger W., Sylloge inscriptionum Graecarum, 4 vol., 3rd ed., Leipzig, 1915-1924 (repr. Hildesheim, 1982).

Tam = Tituli Asiae Minoris, Wien, 1901–

Todd 1993: Todd S., The Shape of Athenian Law, Oxford, 1993.

Van Nijf 1997: Van Nijf O., The Civic World of Professional Associations in the Roman East, Amsterdam, 1997.

Vandorpe 2002: Vandorpe K., The Bilingual Family Archive of Dryton, his Wife Apollonia and their Daughter Senmouthis (P. Dryton), Brussels, 2002.

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Watson 1974: Watson A., Legal Transplant. An Approach to Comparative Law, Edinburgh, 1974.

Zimmermann 1992: Zimmermann C., Untersuchungen zur historischen Landeskunde Zentrallykiens, Bonn, 1992.

Zimmermann 2002: Zimmermann C., Handwerkvereine im griechischen Osten des Imperium Romanum, Mainz, 2002.

Annexes

Appendix

Text A

Syll3 344A, 44-64: [ποδεῖξαι δὲ ἑκατέρους] / νομοχράφους τρεῖς μὴ νεωτέρους ἐτῶν τεσσεράκοντα [ὄντας ἀνεριθευ] /[τ]οὺς· οἱ δὲ αἱρεθέντες μοσάντων γράψειν νόμους οὓς [ν νομίσωσιν βελ]/τίστους εἶναι καὶ συνοίσειν τῆι πόλει· ὅταν δὲ ὀμόσωσιν, [γραψάντων οὓς ἂν ἡγή]/[σω]νται ἴσους ἀμφοτέροις ἔσεσθαι καὶ ἐνεγκάντων ἐντò[ς ἑξαμήνου· εἶναι δὲ]/[κ]αὶ ἄλλωι τῶι βουλομένωι γράψαντι νόμον ἐσφέρειν· τῶν δὲ [εἰσενεχθέντων σα] / μὲν ἂν ἐξ ὁμολογουμένων δῆμος ἐπικυρώσηι, χρᾶσθαι τού[τοις, σα δέ ἁντιλεγό]/μενα ἦι ἀναπεμφθῆναι πρòς ἡμᾶς, πως αὐτοί ἐπικρίνωμεν [ πόλιν ἀποδείξω]/[μ]εν τὴν ἐπικρινοῦσαν· ἀναπέμψαι δὲ καὶ τούς συνομολογηθέν[τας νόμους, καὶ δια]/σαφεῖν τούς τε πò τῶν νομογράφων εἰσενεχθέντας καὶ τοὺς [π' ἄλλων γραφέντας,] / [ὅπω]ς, ἐάν τινες φαίνωνται μὴ τὰ βέλτιστα νομογραφοῦντες ἀλλ' [ἀνεπιτήδεια, αὐτοῖς] / ἐπιτιμῶμεν καὶ ζημιῶμεν· ταῦτα δὲ συντελέσαι ἐν ἐνιαυτῶι. [ἕως δ' ἄν οἱ σύμπαν]/[τε]ς νόμοι συντελεσθῶσιν, οἱ μὲν παρ' ὑμών ὤιοντο δεῖν τοῖς παρ' ὑμῖν [νόμοις χρᾶσθαι, οἱ δὲ δὲ παρὰ] / [τ]ῶν Λεβεδίων ξίουν ἐξ ἑτέρας τινòς πόλεως μεταπεμψαμένους [χρᾶσθαι· ἐπεὶ δὲ δικαι]/ότερον ὑπολαμβάνομεν εἶναι ἐξ ἄλλης πόλεως μεταπέμψασθ[αι νόμους, κελεύσαντες μὲν ἀμ]/φοτέρους λέγειν ἐκ ποίας πόλεως βούλονται χρᾶσθαι νόμοις, συνο[μολογησάντων δὲ]/[]μφοτέρων ὣστε τοῖς Κώιων νόμοις χρῆσθαι, ἐπικεκρίκαμεν, τοὺς [δὲ Κώιους παρεκαλέσα]/[μ]εν πρòς τοὺς νόμους πως δῶσιν ὑμῖν ἐγγράψασθαι. οἰόμεθα δὲ [δεῖν ἀποδειχθῆ]/ναι τρεῖς ἄνδρας εὐθὺς ταν [] ἀπόκ[ρι]σις ἀναγνωσθῆι, καὶ ἀποστ[αλῆναι ἐς Κῶν ἐν ἡμέ]/[ρα]ις τρισὶν ἐκγράψασθαι τοὺς νόμους, τος δὲ ἀποσταλέντας [π]α[νενεγκεῖν τοὺς νό]/μους ἐσφραγισμένους τῆι Κώιων σφραγῖδι ἐν ἡμέραις τρι[άκοντα.

That each city appoint as law-drafters three men not younger than forty years who are incorruptible and let the men chosen swear that they will draw up such laws as they consider to be best and to be of benefit to the city. After they have taken the oath, let them draw up what laws they think will be fair to both cities and let them submit them within six months. We thought it right that anyone else who wishes be permitted to draw up and submit a law. We thought it right that those of the laws submitted be put into practice which the law-drafters may agree upon and the demos ratify, and that those which are opposed be sent to us so that we may either decide about them or designate a city to do so; that you send to us also the laws which are agreed upon and that you indicate which are agreed upon and that you indicate which were submitted by others, so that if any have obviously drawn up a law not for the best but inappropriately, we may charge him with it and punish him; that these things be done within a year. Until all the laws should have been drawn up, your envoys thought it best to use the laws of your city, but those from Lebedos asked permission to send for and to use those from other city. Since we thought it fairer to send for laws from another city, we directed both parties to name the city whose laws they wished to use, and as both agreed to use the laws of the Koans we decided that this should be done, and we have requested the Koans to give you the laws to copy. We think it best that three men be appointed as soon as this answer is read and that they be sent to Kos in three days to copy the laws; that those who are sent shall bring back the laws sealed with the seal of the Koans in thirty days.

[Translation Bagnall and Derow 2004.]

Text B

Face A

[------------------------κoινo?]
[.
τ]ῶν χαλκέων, ἐὰν δέ τι πε-
[
ρ]ισσòν52 γένηται τῶν τόκων
προσάξουσιν εἰς τò53 ἀρχαῖον.
5
παραθήσουσιν δὲ Συμμασει
καὶ ἄλλην ἐπὶ κῶλον54 μερίδα
πισΟίαν καὶ τς γυναικòς αὐ-
τ[ο] Μαμμας ἄλλην μερίδα ἐπ[]
κῶλον55 ἐμπροσθίαν ὅσον ἂν χρό-
10
νον [ζ] Συμμασις πρώτῃ56 γεινο
μέ[ν] μερίδι. ὡς ἂν δὲ μεταλλά-
ξῃ Συμμασις τòν βίον δώσου-
σιν τῆ γυναικὶ αὐτοΰ Μαμμα
ἀμφοτέρας. ὡς ἂν δὲ καὶ αὐ -
15
τὴ μεταλλάξη τòν βίον δώ-
σουσιν τοῖς υἱοῖς μου μοίω<ς>57 δὲ καὶ
ἀεὶ τοῖς ἐπιγεινομένοις ἐκ τού-
των. παρέσονται δὲ ἐπί τὰς
εὐωιχίας οἱ υἱοί μου58 Σύμμα-
20
χος καὶ ‘Eρμάφιλος καὶ Κλεῖ
νoς καὶ οἱ γαμβροί μου Ερμα-
κτυβελις καὶ ‘Eρμόλυκος οἱ
Τινζασιος Βελλεροφόντει-
οι καὶ οἱ τῶν ἐπιγεινομέν<ων>59
25
οἱ πρῶτοι {πρωτοι}60 ἔως ἄν γέ-
μωνται61 δέκα, ὅταν δέ τις τού-
των ἀποθάνη παρέσται πρε[σ]-
βύτατος ἐκ τούτων, ἐὰν δέ τις
ἀνφιζβήτηισις62 γείνηιται, κρινεῖ
30
τò κοινòν τῶν χαλκέων ἐν τῶι τς
Λητους ἱερῶι ποῖον δεῖ παρείναι κ[αὶ]
ὡς κρείνωσιν ἔσται κυρία{ι} ὣσ-
τε μὴ πλείονας παρεῖναι τῶν
ἀνχιστέων ἀνδρών δέκα, τò δὲ
35
ἀργύριον δέδωκεν Συμμασις -
κτοκιοῦσιν οἱ χιρισταὶ ὣς τι ἀσφα-
λέστα<τα>63 προσγράφοντες ἐν τοῖς
συναλλάγμασιν ὅτι ἐστὶν τοῦ-
το τò ἀργύριον τῆς Συμμασι-
40
ος δόσεως. ἐὰν δὲ τò κοινòν
[
τ]ῶν χαλκέων μὴ ποιῆ ἄλ-
λς τις κατὰ τὰ γεγραμ-
μένα ἀποτ[ιν]έτωσαν οἱ ἄλ<λ>-
οι64 αὐτῶν <α καθἑκάστην
45
αἰτίαν ἱερᾶς ‘Hλίου καὶ έξέ-
στω τοῖς Συμμασιος ἀν-
χιστεῦσιν ἐκδικάζεσ-
θαι καὶ ἄλλω τῶι βουλομέ-
νωι ἐπί τῶι ἡμίσει. ἐὰν
50
τὰς θυσίας εὐωχίας δι
πόλεμον ἄλλο τι πολι-
τικòν κώλυμα μὴ δύνηται ἐπι-
τελέσαι λυθέντος τοῦ κωλύ-
ματος

[...of the association?] of coppersmiths. If there is a surplus in the interest-generated income (after putting aside the money for sacrifices), it will be added to the capital. They shall provide to Symmasis another portion from the hind leg (of the animal) and to his wife Mamma another portion from the front leg, for as long as Symmasis is alive to be considered as first portion. When Symmasis dies, both portions will be given to his wife Mamma. When she dies, they shall be given to my sons and equally and always to their descendants. My sons Symmachos and Hermaphilos and Kleines and my sons-in-law Ermaktybelis and Hermolykos, sons of Tinzasis of (the deme) Bellerophon shall participate in the feasts, and from among their descendants the first (born) till they number ten. And when any of them dies, the eldest among their descendants will take part. And if there is any dispute, the association of coppersmiths in the temple of Leto will decide who has the right to participate; and their resolution shall be valid so as not more than ten men from among the relatives can participate. The amount of money donated by Symmasis, shall be lent on interest by the cheiristai in the safest possible way, writing down in the transactions that this is the amount of money donated by Symmasis. If the association of coppersmiths or anyone else do not act according to the written (rules), any one of them shall pay 1.000 (drachmas) for each violation to Helios and it should be permitted to Symmasis relatives and to anyone wishing to bring a prosecution and receive half the (imposed) penalty. And if the sacrifices and the feasts cannot take place due to war or to any other civic disturbances, (they shall be performed) when these are over.

Face Β

ἐπέ[κρ]εινεν ἀνελέσθαι
καὶ χειρίζειν κατενιαυτόν
διὰ τῶν αἱρουμένων ἀεί
‘E
ρμολύκῳ Κρεγδειτος ’Iοβα-
5
τείῳ, Ινονδει ‘Eρμοκλέους Σαρ-
πηδονίωι, Κλείνῳ Συμμασιος και
Συμμασει Σορτιου Αραιλεισευ-
σιν, οἳ65 καὶ παρόντες ἀνθωμολο-
γήσαντο ἀπέχειν τò ἀρχάριον πᾶν,
10
ἐφ' τò μὲν ἀρχαῖον διατηρήσου-
σιν σῶιον ἀεί τòν ἅπαντα χρόνον
ἀπò δὲ τῶν κατ ἐνιαυτόν προσ-
πειπτόντων66 τόκων τῶν χω-
ρούντων θύσουσιν εἰς τòν ἅπαν-
15
τα χρόνον ἀεί κατ' ἐνιαυτòν ἐμ
μηνὶ Λώϊφ τῆι εἰκάδι καὶ πέμπτῃ
τομίαν67 τριέτην ‘Hλίω ς εὔξησεν
Συμμασιν καὶ Μαμμαν τὴν γυ-
ναῖκα αὐτοῦ καὶ εὐωχηθήσονται ἐν
20
ταύτῃ τ ἡμέρα ἄγοντες ἐπώνυ-
μον μέραν Συμμασιος καὶ Μαμ-
μας τς γυναικòς αὐτοῦ, ἐπὶ δὲ τὴν
εὐωχίαν παρέσονται ἀεὶ κα-
τ' ἐνιαυτόν οἱ υἱοί μου Σύμμα-
25
χος καὶ ‘Eρμάφιλος καὶ Κλεῖνός
οἱ Συμμασιος καὶ οἱ γαμβροί μου68
Ερμακτυβελις καὶ ‘Eρμόλυκος
οἱ Τινζασιος Βελλεροφόντειο[ι].
θύσουσιν δὲ ἀεί κατ' ἐνιαυτòν ο[ί]
30
αἱρούμενοι ἄρχοντες τοῦ κοινοῦ
τῶν χαλκέων ἥρωι Συμμασιος
καὶ Μαμμας ἐπί τοῦ ίδρυθησομέ-
νου ὑπ' αὐτοῦ βωμοῦ ἱερεῖον αἴ-
γεον προβάτεον69 καὶ εὐωχηθή-
35
σονται καὶ ἐν ταύτη τῆ μέρ
πρòς τῶ τάφῳ οἱ χειρισταὶ καὶ
οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες.70 οἱ προγ[ε]-
γραμμένοι ἀνχιστεΐς δώσο[υ]-
[σι]ν δὲ καὶ πρòς τῆ γεινομένη
40 [μ]ερίδι καὶ ἄλλην ἐπί κῶλον71 με-
ρίδα πίσθιαν Συμμάσει Σο[ρ]-
τιου σον ἂν χρόνον ζῆ, -
ταν δὲ μεταλλάξη προσ-
παρατιθέτωσαν τοῖς υἱοῖς μου.
45 ταν δὲ κἄν οὗτοι μεταλλάξ[ου]-
σιν72 διδότωσαν τοῖς ἐνγό[νοις]
διὰ γένους. ἀεί τῆς δὲ θυσ[ίας]73
καὶ εὐωχίας προστήσονται

[the association of coppersmiths?] has decided (that the amount is) to be received by Hermolykos, son of Kregdeis of (the deme) lobates, Inondis, son of Hermokles of (the deme) Sarpedon, Kleines, son of Symmasis and Symmasis, son of Sortias(?) both of (the kome?) Araileisa and to be administered always by the annually elected (officials); the above mentioned, being present, agreed that they have received the amount in full, on condition to preserve the capital intact in perpetuity, and from the annually generated and apportioned interest always to provide a sum of money in order to sacrifice every year in the month of Loios, on the twenty-fifth day, a three year old castrated animal to Helios, who has helped Symmasis and Mamma, his wife, to prosper and they shall feast on that day celebrating the memory of Symmasis and Mamma his wife; in the annual feast shall participate always my sons Symmachos and Hermaphilos and Kleines, sons of Symmasis and my sons-in-law Ermaktybelis and Hermolykos, sons of Tinzasis of (the deme) Bellerophon. Once a year the elected magistrates of the association of coppersmiths shall always sacrifice a goat and a lamb to the hero Symmasis and Mamma on the altar to be erected by him; and the cbeiristai and other magistrates shall feast on that day, next to the tomb. The above mentioned relatives shall give to Symmasis, son of Sortias (?) on top of the regular portion, an extra portion form the hind leg, as long as he is alive; when he dies, his portion shall be added to the portion of my sons; and when they die, it shall be added to the portion of grandchildren from generation to generation; and always in the sacrifice and the feast shall participate...

Face C

[ἐπ]ιτελείτωσαν ἐν ἄλλαι[ς]
[ἡ]μέραις τριάκοντα, ἀπò δέ74
[τ]οῦ δεδομένου ἀργυρίου ὑπò
Συμμασιος μηθενὶ ἐξέστω ἀφε-
5 λεῖν ἢ μετενέγκαι εἰς ἄλ<λ>ο-
ν <ἢ>75 καταχρήσασθαι. ἐὰν δέ
τις ἀφέλῃ ἢ μετενέγκῃ ἢ ε-
ἰς ἄλλον καταχρήσηται ἁμα-
[ρ]τωλός ἔστω ‘Hλίου καὶ τῶν
10 ἄλλων θεῶν καὶ ἀποτινέτω-
σαν οἱ αἴτιοι ὅσον ν ἀφέλω-
σιν τοῦτο διπλοῦν καὶ στω
ἐγδικασία τῶι βουλομένωι ἐ-
πὶ τῷ ἡμίσει. εἰς δὲ τòν τάφον
15 μηθενὶ ἐξουσία ἔστω θάψαι
οὗ ἐστὶν τò πῶμα μονόλι-
θον ἢ ὀφειλέτω τῶι κοινῶι
τῶι προγεγραμμένωι <ρ'
θάψας καθάπερ ἐγ δίκης,
20 καὶ κύριοι ἔστωσαν ἐνεχυρά-
ζοντες ὡς ἂν προαιρῶνται <οί>76
κατ' ἐκείνον τòν καιρòν ντες
χειρισταὶ. ἐπὶ δ τοῖς προγεγραμ
μένοις πᾶσιν εὐδόκησεν τò κοινòν
25 τών χαλκέων ἀναδοθείσης ψήφου, ἐ-
κρίθη πάσαις. μάρτυρες Ιδλαιμις
Μίδου, Ἀττίνας, ’Επίγονος οί Ερμαδε-
[ι]ρου Βελλεροφόντειοι ἀρχόντων.

shall carry out in the next thirty days. Nobody is allowed to remove or to carry forward or to use for other purpose the amount of money donated by Symmasis. If anyone removes or carries forward or uses it for a different purpose, he shall be considered transgressor in front of Helios and the other gods and those responsible shall pay double the amount removed; and anyone wishing may prosecute them receiving half the imposed penalty. And in the tomb, which has a one-piece lid, nobody is allowed to bury (anyone else), otherwise he, who will bury, will owe to the above mentioned association 100 (drachmas) as if there was a court decision and the cheiristai in office shall have the authority to pledge the property of the violator as they wish. The association of coppersmiths, following a vote, has unanimously agreed to all the above written. Witnesses from among the magistrates, Idlaimis, son of Midas, Attinas, Epigonos sons of Ermadeiros of (the deme) Bellerophon.

Notes

1 See the highly controversial theory of Watson 1974. Cf. the pertinent remarks of Gaudemet 1976.

2 For a reassessment of whether synoikismos-regulation were implemented see Ager 1998.

3 See Text A in the Appendix, with Bencivenni 2003: 169-202.

4 Similarly in the letter of Eumenes II (187-159 BC) to Toriaion (Phrygia), SEG 47.174 5, 28-30 (Epigraphica Anatolica, 29 (1997): 1-34; Bulletin épigraphique, 1999, no. 509): συνχωρῶ... καὶ νό/μοις τε χρῆσθαι ἰδίοις, οἷς εἰ μέν τισιν αὐτ[οὶ] εὐαρεστείτε, / ἀνενέγκατε ἐφ' ἡμᾶς ὄπως ἐπικρίνωμε[ν π]ρòς τò μηθὲ ν / χε[ιν] ἐναντίον τοῖς <ἡ>μῖν συμφέρουσιν. εἰ δ[] μὴ[[ι]], διασαφή/σατε καὶ δωσομεν τοὺς ἐπιτδείους. For a discussion of the differences between archaic and hellenistic foundation of poleis see Helmis 2005.

5 For the constitution of Kos see Sherwin-White 1978, and Grieb 2008: 139-198.

6 See Rupprecht 2005, and Mélèze Modrzejewski 2005.

7 See the publication of the whole archive by Vandorpe 2002.

8 The inscription is dated by the editors in the second half of the second century BC. I am inclined to accept a date closer to the middle of the century, since war and civic unrest are mentioned in A 49-54 as possible reasons for the suspension of sacrifices and feasts. Similar events, undoubtedly fresh in the memory of Symmasis, took place in Lycia between 165-140 BC, according to the events narrated in the honorary decree of Orthagoras, itself dated c. 120 BC (Pouilloux 2003, no. 4, 36-47: Λυσανίου τε καὶ / Εὐδήμου καταλαβομένων τὴν Ξανθίων πόλιν / καὶ σφαγάς ποιησαμένων καὶ ἑπὶ τυραννίδα ἐπαναστ[άν]/των, ἀποτέλειος ὢν καὶ αποστολεὶς ἐπί τῶν νεανίσκω[ν] / συνεστράτευσεν μετὰ Λυκίων κατὰ τής τῶν τυράννων ἀναιρέσεως. Εὐδήμου τε καταλαβομένου τή[ν] / Τλωέων πόλιν καὶ σφαγάς ποησαμένου καὶ ἐπὶ τυραν/νίδα ἐπαναστάντος, συνεστράτευσεν μετὰ Λυκίων / καὶ συνηγωνίσατο ἐπάνδρως μέχρι τῆς παραλήνψεως τῆς Τλωέων πόλεως καὶ καθαιρέσεως τς τυραννίδος). Ed. Harris has drawn my attention to the fact that the reference to war may not be necessarily associated with particular events but it may be the standard clause of “force majeure” appearing in contracts [IG XII(9) 191, 15-16 (Eretria), IPArk 3, 6-9, 12-15 (Tegea), IG II2 463 (Athens)] and in the foundations of Aristomenes and Psylla [IG IX(1) 694, 15-19, 25-29 (Kerkyra)] and of Diomedon [IG XII(4) 348, 80-86 (Kos)]. What, however, is striking and makes the association of events with the clause more compelling is the combined reference to war and civic impediment.

9 Köse and Tekoglu 2007 (with Bulletin épigraphique 2008, no. 484). The text reproduced in the Appendix is drawn from this publication. Dr. R. Tekoglu has kindly informed me per litt, that a new edition, incorporating new readings and restorations, was planned for 2009. Meanwhile, Robert Parker has published his readings in Parker 2010.

10 For the text see Appendix (Text B).

11 See Colvin 2004, especially p. 61-62, 65, and Schuler 2006: 419-420 with n. 55-56.

12 See the pertinent remarks of Mélèze Modrzejewski 2006, especially p. 117.

13 See also ΤΑΜ II 604 (Tlos, imperial) and Petersen and Luschan 1889: 35 no. 54 (Myra). Similar forms are attested in Lycia, Ermand(e)imasis (TAM II 127, 698, Petersen and Luschan 1889: 50 no. 88), E[.]ormasis (ΤΑΜ II 1010), in Pisidia, Komasis (TAM III 572), in Cilicia, Terbemasis (Heberdey and Wilhelm 1896: 71, no. 155; Journal of Hellenic Studies, 12 (1891)· 766 no. 68).

14 Name widespread in Asia Minor; it is attested in Bithynia, Phrygia, Lykaonia, Pisidia, etc.

15 See also TAM II 544 (Arsada), 638 (Tlos), Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 155 (2006): 145 no. 1 and the related Sortalis (SEG 53.1698, Kyaneai).

16 See also Ermaktibilos (Mendel 1912: 106), Deuktybelis (Istlada, Chiron, 36 (2006): 400 no. 2), Ktibilas (Kyaneai, SAG 43.969, 23).

17 See also Alaimis in TAM II 260 (Pydnai/Kydna, post AD 212).

18 See for example Tinzasis father of Hermolykos (A 21-23), Kregdeis father of Hermolykos (B 4), Ermadeiros father of Attinas and Epigonos (C 27-28). Bat there are, also, cases of sons being named following the indigenous tradition, Idlaimis son of Midas (C 26-27), Inondeis son of Hermokles (B 5), Ermaktybelis son of Tinzasis (A 21) and Symmasis son of Sortias (B 7, 41). For a discussion of crossover naming see Colvin 2004: 53-54.

19 For an equivalence of Lycian and Greek theonyms as well as the process of hellenization in classical Lycia see Raimond 2007 and 2006.

20 See in particular, ΤΑΜ II 1 (Telmessos, 240 BC) 24-29: καὶ ἱδρύσασθαι ύ/[πὲ]ρ αὐτοῦ Διὶ Σωτῆρι βωμόν ἐν τῆι ἀγορᾶι ἐν / [τῶ]ι ἐπιφανεστάτοι τόπω[ι] καὶ θύειν κατἐνια[υ]/[τò]ν ἐν μην Δύστρωι τῆι ἑνδεκάτηι βοῦν τρι/[έ] Image 100000000000000A0000000F54204775.jpgην; ΤΑΜ II 636 (Tlos, ii/i c. BC): Λεοντίσκος Πτολε/μαίου ἐπὶ τῷ υἰῷ Ἀνδρο/βίῳ καὶ Τειτανὶς Λεον/τίσκου ἐπὶ τφ ἀδελφῶ/καὶ ἀνδρὶ Ἀνδροβίῳ / Image 100000000000000D0000000F1F96FC6B.jpgαὶ Λεοντίσκος ἐπ[]/τῳ πατρὶ μνήμης / []νεκεν ἥρωι. θύσει δImage 10000000000000070000000F3984EA1C.jpg / [ κ]τήτωρ τς οἰκίας / [κα]τ' ἐνιαυτόν ἐν τ ιβ' / [το] Ξανδικοῦ ἕριφον/[δ]ι<ε>τῖ· ἐὰν δὲ μὴ θύσει, / []μαρτωλòς ἔστω / θεοῖς καὶ ἥρωσι; SEG 27.910, 3-4 (= Zeitschrift für Papyrologie und Epigraphik, 24 (1977): 280 no. 8) (Arsada, 1 c. BC-1 c. AD?): θύ[σουσι]/δὲ οἱ κληρονόμοι ἐν Δα[ισίῳ μην] οἶ[ν] διετῆν. See also Bryce 1980, who argues for continuity between the classical and Hellenistic period as far as sacrifices to the dead are concerned. For rituals and sacrifices in Letoon see Le Roy 2006.

21 Cult of Helios in Kyaneai, Schuler and Walser 2006. Perhaps the logistai appearing in Phellos and Antiphellos are also due to Rhodian influence. Evidence: SEG 53.1698 from Hellenistic Kyaneai and Schuler 2003 180.

22 See Le Guen 2001, and Aneziri 2003.

23 Mistaken seems the view of the editors that coppersmiths were not organized in guilds, since the association had regular and special magistrates for the administration of the donated sum. Associations of coppersmiths are attested in imperial times, IK 10 (Iznik) 73 [i/ii c. AD, honorary inscription for T Flaouios, Nikaia region in Bithynia]; TAM V(2) 936 [(IGR IV.1256; Waltzing 1895-1900: III, 163), end I c. AD, honorary inscription for M. Ant. Galates, Thyateira in Lydia]; Judeich 1898: no. 1 33 [(Waltzing 1895-1900: III, 124), ii/iii c. AD, funerary inscription in which the association is appointed to perform rites on the tomb of the deceased, Hierapolis in Phrygia]; and IK3 (Ilion) 171 [Waltzing 1895-1900: III, 138; IK53 (Alexandreia Troas) 122, ii c. AD, funerary inscription in which the association is designated as recipient of a fine for tomb violation in Alexandreia Troas]. For the epigraphical evidence on coppersmiths in Asia Minor see Zimmermann 2002: 212-213. For the position of professional associations or professional classes in the structure ofpolis, as it is revealed in sacrifices and distributions see Van Nijf 1997: 156ff. Religious associations in Hellenistic and Roman Lycia, θιασίτης at Myra in a dedication to Ermapias, son of Ermakotas [SEG 49.1925,1 c. BCi c. AD]; θίασος and θιασείτης in a dedication from Hellenistic Tlos [TAM II(2) 640]; and ό θίασος τῶν Σαραπιαστῶν in a dedication of an altar in Hellenistic Limyra [RICIS 306/0601].

24 In this respect, the assessment of Zimmermann, that there is no evidence for professional associations charged with the maintenance of a grave is seriously undermined, Zimmermann 1992: 166.

25 Cf. the concept of “poliadisation” discussed by Couvenhes and Heller 2006, especially p. 27-34.

26 Anatolia Antiqua, 12 (2004): 317 (Xanthos) (= SEG 54.1464 [17]); ΤΑΜ II 372 (Xanthos, i c. BC); Balland 1981: no. 75 (Xanthos, i c. BC/i c. AD); no. 17 (Xanthos, imperial); TAM II 283 (Xanthos, i c. AD); 309 (Xanthos, i c. AD); 313 (Xanthos); 372 (Xanthos, before i c. AD); 386 (Xanthos, i c. AD); 389 (Xanthos, i c. AD); 589 (found in Tlos, i c. AD).

27 ΤΑΜ II 264; 265 (beg. i c. BC); 552 (ii/i c. BC); 597a (ii/i c. BC); 609 (i c. AD).

28 ΤΑΜ II 548 and 590 (i c. AD). See Frei 1990: 1782 (cult of Bellerophontes), 1805 (cult of Iobates), 1825 (cult of Sarpedon), and Benda-Weber 2005.

29 Therefore, the statement of Schuler 1998: 41-45, 211-215, that in inscriptions from Lycia, the word demos qualifies the political community, but not a subdivision of it, should be emended.

30 For a possible identification see now Parker 2010: 103 n. 4.

31 For the rest of the Greek world, see Jones 1987.

32 Division of the citizen body as constituent part of organizing a community in the Greek way: letter of Eumenes II to Toriaion, SEG 47.1745, 30-34 (= Epigraphica Anatolica, 29 (1997): 1-34) with Bulletin épigraphique 1999, no. 509: εἰ δὲ μή, διασαφή/σατε καὶ δώσομεν τοὐς ἐπιτηδείους καὶ βουλήν καὶ ἀρχ[άς] / καθιστάναι καὶ δμον νέμειν εἰς φυλὰς καταμερισθέντα / καὶ χυμνάσιον ποιησαμένους τοῖς νέοις τιθ[]ναι ἄλειμ/μα.

33 “Donation” and acceptance appearing as one document, IG IX(1) 694 (Kerkyra, before 229 BC), 7(7 XII(3) 330 (Thera, iii/ii centuries BC); decision of the trustee accepting the donation and setting up its administration, IG IV 841 (Kalaureia, late III century BC), IG XII(3) 329 (Thera, ii century BC), IG XII(7) 515 (Amorgos, II century BC); “donation”, IG IV 840 (Kalaureia, late III century BC).

34 Similar Hellenistic foundations in IG IV 840 (Laum 1914: no. 57) and 841 (Laum 1914: no. 58) from Kalaureia (Peloponnese); IG XII(3) 329 (Laum 1914: no. 44) and 330 (Laum 1914: no. 43) from Thera; IG IX(1) 694 (Laum 1914: no. 1) from Kerkyra; Laum 1914: no. 117 from Halikarnassos; IG XII(7) 515 (Laum 1914: no. 50) from Amorgos; Laum 1914: no. 45 from Kos; and perhaps IG II2 1243 (Laum 1914: no. 19a), from Athens. See Jones 1983 who distinguishes between funerary (prominent in Hellenistic times) and civic (appearing during the revival of the imperial era) foundations.

35 In particular there is a penalty for the non observance of the rules about sacrifices and the banquet, the attribution of the proper pieces of victim to the priests, the use of the income generated by the interest for other purposes and the abuse of the capital or the interest, IK 28 (Iasos) 245, 1-12 (Laum 1914: no. 120): ἐὰν] / δε μὴ ἐπιτελέσωσιν τὰς [θ]υσίας καὶ [τò δ]ε[ῖπνον] / ὡς προγέγραπται, μὴ δῶσιν τὰ γέρ[α τὰ] διατετα/γμένα ὧι ἐπιτέτακται, μ[ε]τενέγκω[σιν] τò διάφο/ρον εἰς ἔτερόν τι, διέλωσιν τὴν πρόσ[οδ]ον τοῦ δι/αφόρου τò ἀρχαῖον, ἀποτεισάτω ἔκαστος τῶν αἰ/τίων τῶι ἀναθέντι τò διάφορον δραχμὰς τρισχιλί/ας. παθόντος δέ τι αὐτοῦ, ἐὰμ μὴ ἐπιτελέσωσιν / οἱ διοικηταὶ τὰ ἐπιτεταγμένα, ἀποτεισάτωσαν / τò αὐτò πρόσ[τι]μον τοῖς κληρονόμοις τοῖς Φαινίπ/που, τς πρά[ξεω]ς [οὔσ]ης κατ' αὐτών καθάπερ ἐγ δί/κης. The foundation’s property is to be administered by officials called dioiketai, who are to be fined in case they do not comply with their prescribed duties. Ceremonies are to be held over the tomb of Phainippos, 11.16-23: ὡς δ]έ καὶ ἐπὶ τ[οῦδε τοῦ] μνημείου ἐν ὦι αν ταφ[ῆι] / Φαίνιππο[ς καθἕκα]στον ἕτος ἐν τῶι μηνὶ τῶι Φυλλιῶ/νι τῆι δωδ[εκάτηι ]πιφορὰ γίνη[τ]αι, καὶ ὑπό τῶν πρεσβυ/τέρων [ποδεικνύμ]ενοι διοικηταὶ [ναλώσου]σιν ἀπò τῶν / προσόδ[ων δραχμ]ς δ[εκ]απέ[ντε·] καὶ θυσίαν ἐπι/τελεσά[τωσαν παρ]όντ[ος τοῦ] γυμνασιάρχου / ἐπὶ τοῦ μνη[μείου. δὲ π]ρόσοδος γ[ενήσεται] / ἀπò τών ἀνα[θέντων| χρημάτων.

36 IK 28 (Iasos) 246, 17-28 (Laum 1914: no. 121): [- ἐὰν] δ[ μὴ ἐπιτελεσωσιν τὰς θυ]/[σίας] <κ>αὶ τò δεῖπνον [ώς προγέγραπται, μὴ δῶ]/[σι]ν τὰ γέρα τ[ διατεταγμένα ὦι ἐπιτέτακ]/ται, με[τε]<ν>έν[κωσιν τò διάφορον εἰς έτερόν]/[τ]ι, δι<έ>λωσι[ν την πρόσοδον τοῦ διαφόρου τό] / [ἀρχ]αῖον, ποτεισ[άτω καστος τών αιτίων τῶι] / [ἀναθ]έντι τò διά[φορον δραχμὰς τρισχιλίας] / [πα]θόντος δέ τι α[ύτοῦ, ἐὰμ μὴ πιτελέσωσιν οἱ δι]/[οι]κηταὶ τὰ ἐπι[τεταγμένα, ἀποτεισάτωσαν τò] / [α]ὐτò πρόστιμον [τοῖς κληρονόμοις τοῖςΙεροκλ]/[ε]ίους τοῦ Κτησί[ππου, της πράξεως οὔσης] / [κ]α<τ>' αύτ<ώ>ν κα[θάπερ ἐκ δίκης].

37 IG ΧΙΙ(9) 236, 17-23 (Laum 1914: no. 61): ἀνατέθεικεν ἐκ τοῦ ἰδίου βίου / τῷ δήμῳ εἰς ἐλαιοχρείστιον ἀργυρίου δραχμὰς τετρα/κισμυρίας εἵνεκεν τοῦ δανειζόμένου τοῦ προγεγραμ/μένου πλήθους ἐπὶ ὑποθήκαις ἀξιοχρέοσιν καταγο/ράζεσθαι ἀπò το πίπτοντος κατ' ἐνιαυτόν τόκου /λαιον εἰς τό γυμνάσιον, γινομένης ἐγδόσεως ὑπò τῶν έπί / ταῦτα τεταγμένων ρχόντων, and ll. 51-60: ὅπως δέ μένη τò νακείμενον σφα/λῶς κατὰ τὴν το ἀναθέντος βούλησιν καὶ εἰς ἄλλο / μηθν ἦι καταχρήσασθαι μηθενὶ ξουσίαν εἶναι πò τούτου τοῦ διαφόρου μηδὲ ἀπò τοῦ πίπτοντος π' / αὐτοῦ τόκου μήτε καταχρήσασθαι εἰς ἄλλο μηθὲν/μήτε ἐπιψηφίσασθαι μήτε ἐπερωτῆσαι· εί δέ μή, τε γρά/ψας ἐπεριοτήσας ὀφείλέται ἱερὰς τής Ἀρτέμιδος δραχμὰς ἑξακισμυρίας καὶ στω παγωγή κατ' α/τοῦ τῷ βουλομένῳ ἐπί τῶ τρίτοι μέρει πρòς τούς/ἄρχοντας, καὶ τὰ γραφέντα κυρα στω. For the term enechyrasamenos see also Harris 2008.

38 Adjudication in a sacred place is attested in I.Délos 502A, 22-23 (297 BC), I.Magn. 93a, 9-11 (c. 175-160 BC), SEG 37.876,20-21,23-24 (117 BC) and Syll3 685, 26-30 (c. 140 BC). For diadikasia in Athens see Harrison 1968: 214-217, MacDowell 1978: 145-147, Todd 1993: 119-120.

39 The fines in Epikteta’s testament concern mainly the non-compliance with the designated duties of the officials and they range from 100 to 500 dr., IG XII(3) 330 IV 34-36, V 17-20, 28-33, VI 29-33, VI 35-VII 5, VII 13-25, VIII 9-15.

40 For example in the funerary monument of Apollonides, son of Mollisis and Laparas, son of Apollonides, TAM II 6 (Telmessos, late iv c. BC): καὶ ν τις ἀδικήσηι τò μνῆμα τοῦτο / ἐξώλεα καὶ πανώλεα εἴη ἀοτῶι πάντων there is no reference to a fine for violation of the tomb. See BRYCE 1976: 190. BRYCE 1981 distinguishes i) two categories of disciplinary agents in Lycian inscriptions, religious (such as Leto, etc.) and secular (such as a locality, minti and itlehi)·, ii) four types of penalty clauses “which illustrate the transition from threats of divine vengeance to the detailed, matter of fact statement of the penalty”. The fourth type, in which the penalty in kind to be imposed and the deity or the religious institution to whom the penalty is payable, was the basis for the development of similar clauses in Hellenistic era. Schweyer 2002: 78, claims that there is no reference to fines in the Greek inscriptions of the classical period, but in Lycian inscriptions “toute violation tombe dans la catégorie des offenses à une divinité”; cf. Fröhlich in Topoi, 12-13 (2005): 711-742. See also Schuler 2001-2002: 270, who claims that there was no continuity between the pre-Hellenistic and Hellenistic era in the association between gods and tomb violation.

41 See Bryce 1981: 91. For the legal nature and the legitimacy of the fine, see Christophilopoulos 1977.

42 Members in this koinon were primarily male; women and offspring follow in the enumeration. The prominent position of males in foundations is attested in the one set up by Diomedon of Kos (IG XII(4) 348) in which males are designated to take part in sacrifices, in the elections of epimenioi and to prosecute anyone violating the terms of the testament. Similarly in the foundation of Poseidonios of Halikarnassos (Laum 1914: no. 117), the male descendants are to hold the priesthood and to enjoy the usufruct of the land dedicated to Apollo.

43 For an evolutionary interpretation of the recipient and administrator of the donated property see Kamps 1937.

44 The term appears in the honorary inscription for Archippe of Kyme (SEG 33.1041 VI, 65-67, after 130 BC), in the administrative structure of the Macedonian army (IG XII Suppl 644; SEG 40.524), in Samos (SEG 1.379; IG XII(6) 185 A, 1). The form cheiristeusas is attested in the honorary inscription for Symbras (TAM II 539, Arsada, Hellenistic?), while cheirizein in IK 6 (Lampsakos) 9, 14-16, I.Magn. 100b, 36-38, and IK 28 (Iasos) 23, 7-15.

45 In several Hellenistic inscriptions the term prosangelia is attested (TAM II 487, 524, etc.). Strictly speaking prosangelia means the denunciation, but when one denounces he is expected to proceed to an egdikasia and lodge a formal accusation.

46 Petersen and Luschan 1889: 56 no. 108 (Teimioussa): τòν τάφον κατεσκευάσαντο --- /‘Hγίας Σεδεπλεμιος αυτῷ καὶ τ γυναικὶ αὐτοῦ / --- ἄλλωι δὲ μὴ<ι> ἐξέστω<ι> θάψαι / ὀφειλήσει παρὰ ταῦτα θάψας ἐιτίμιον / καθάπερ [γ] δίκης Θρασυμάχῳ η τοῖς ἐγγόνοις αύτοῦ δραχμὰς χιλίας / καὶ Θρασύμαχος Ἀρχίου ἑαυτῷ καὶ τ γυναικὶ αύτοῦ Νο[σ]σί[δι] / Μενεκράτου και τοῖς τέκνοις ατών κ[α] [το]ῖς τούτ[ω]ν ἐγγόνοις; see also Heberdey and Kalinka 1896: 28 no. 28 (Kyaneai, ii c. BC), ΤΑΜ II 526 (Pinara, mid i c. BC). Much more eloquent is the expression used in the funerary monument of Euainetos and his wife, SEG 43.980, 5-8 (Myra, i c. BC/i c. AD): ὀφειλήσει θάψας τΕλεύθέρ κιθαρη/φόρους ἑξάκισχιλίας ὡς ἀπò καταδίκης τέλος / ἐχούσης, τῆς πράξεως οσης παντὶ τῷ βουλομέ/νῳ ἐπὶ τῷ τρίτῳ μέρει. Recently another expression with similar meaning is attested, Chiron, 36 (2006): 421 no. 17, 4-6 (Istlada, i c. BC): ’Εὰν δέ τις παρὰ τατα θάψη, ὀφειλέ[τω] / ’Iσλαδέων τῷ δήμῳ κιθαρηφόρους τρισχιλίας / της πράξεω<ς> οὔσης χωρὶς ἀπογραφῆς ἐπὶ τῷ ήμίσει. It is tempting but not rigorous to equate the kathaper ek dikes with choris apographes clauses. The context of the term τῆς πράξεως οσης χωρὶς ἀπογραφῆς, clearly situates it in the realm of execution and therefore it does not necessarily imply a legal procedure; it most probably refers to an execution without the need of a list of properties.

47 Magistrates as witnesses appear in a series of Hellenistic legal documents, such as the leases of sacred land from Mylasa in Caria (martyres dikastai, IK 34 (Mylasa) 202; 214; 221; 224; 226; IK 35 (Mylasa) 806-807; 810-811; 816A; 824; 828; 830; 833; 849; 904), in sales of land from Mieza in Macedonia (martyres dikastai, SEG 53.613, c. 250-225 BC), in manumissions from Delphoi (martyres hiereis, archontes and idiotai), Phoinike in Epeiros (martyres ton archonton, SEG 23.478; 26.720, c. 232-207 BC) and Orchomenos in Arkadia (martyres damiourgon, IG V(2) 345, 79/78 BC). See the discussion in Fröhlich 2004: 241-243.

48 In late Hellenistic and imperial Iasos, dioiketai are appointed by thepresbyteroi to administer the donation of Phainippos (IK 28 (Iasos) 245) and of Hierokles (IK 28 (Iasos) 246).

49 IG IX(1) 694, 66-71; IG XII(9) 236, 51-60.

50 In the earlier literature an inscription published originally by Petersen and Luschan 1889: 47 no. 85 (Istlada, i c. BC/i c. AD): τòν τάφον κατεσκευάσαντο Μόσχος καὶ ‘Eρμα[π]ίας καὶ Δημή/τριος καὶ Πλάτων o() Μόσχου β' τοῦ ‘Eρβλάτου ἑαυτοῖς καὶ γυναι/ξὶν ἡμῶν καὶ τοῖς ἐσομένοις ()ξ ἡμῶν τέκνοις καὶ τοῖς ἐκ τούτων /σομένοις τέκνοις καὶ Μόσχῳ τῷ πατρί καὶ Χναύ τ μητρὶ ημών· ἄλλῳ/δε μηδενί ἐξέστω θάψαν· ἐὰν δέ τις θάψῃ, αμαρτωλòς στω θεοῖς / χθονίοις καὶ ὠφειλέτω ’Iστλαδέων τῷ δήμῳ εἰς τòν του ξομενδυος (?) / λόγον (δραχμὰς) γ’, τῆς πράξεως οσης παντί τῷ βουλομένῳ ἐπὶ τῷ ἡμίσει. / εἰς δέ τò ποσόριον ἐνταφησονται οἵ τε δοῦλοι μῶν καὶ οἱ ἀπε/λεύθεροι, was considered as another reference to “mendis”. However, a new edition of the inscription after inspection, published in Chiron, 36 (2006): 425 no. 19 (= SEG 56.1751) restores 11.6-7 as εις τον τοΰ Σομενδυος/λόγον referring explicitly to an unknown deity Somendis. Cf. Chiron, 37 (2007): 275.

51 For the classical period see Bryce 1976: 183-184; Zimmermann 2002: 146-151, who considers it as a representative of the community (Gemeinswesen), and for Hellenistic times Brixhe 1999. More recent wholesale treatment of the term in Schürr 2007 and 2008.

52 Περισòν – ed. pr.

53 τòν – ed. pr.

54 ἐπίκωλον Parker 2010.

55 έπίκωλον Parker 2010.

56 πρòς τη Parker 2010.

57 όμοίω-lap., ed. pr.

58 μοι – Parker 2010.

59 έπιγεινόμενοι – lap., ed. pr. καὶ οἱ <τού>των ἐπιγεινόμενοι – Parker 2010.

60 πρωτοιπρωτοι – lap., πρωτοίπρωτοι – ed. pr. πρῶτοι πρώτοι – Parker 2010.

61 γένωνται – Parker 2010.

62 άνφισβήτηισις – ed. pr.

63 ὤς τι ἀσφα/λὲς τὰ – ed. pr., ὣς ὅτι άσ[φα]/λεστα<τα> – Parker 2010.

64 α[ἴτι]/οι Parker 2010.

65 οί ed. pr.

66 προσπείπτον τῶν – ed. pr.

67 τò μίαν – ed. pr.

68 μ[οι?] – Parker 2010.

69 <> προβάτεον – Parker 2010.

70 καί/oἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες οί προγ[ε]/γραμμένοι άνχιστεῖς – ed. pr. καὶ/οἱ ἄλλοι ἄρχοντες <καὶ> οἱ προγ[ε]/γραμμένοι νχιστεῖς – Parker 2010.

71 ἐπίκωλον – Parker 2010.

72 μεταλλάξ[ω]/σιν – Parker 2010.

73 δι γένους, ἀεί της δὲ θυσ[ίας] – ed. pr. δι γένους ἀεί. τής δέ θυσ[ίας] – Parker 2010.

74 ἐπ]ιτελείτωσαν έν ἄλλαι[ς] / [ἡ]μέραις τριάκοντα πò δ ed. pr.

75 εἰς ἄλ<λ>ο/ν καταχρήσασθαι – ed. pr. <> εἰς αλ<λ>ο/ν καταχρήσασθαι – Parker 2010.

76 ό θάψας καθάπερ έγ δίκης. / και κύριοι ἔστωσαν νεχυρά/ζοντες ὅσαν προαιρῶνται / κατ' κεῖνον τòν καιρòν ὄντες – ed. pr. I owe this point to Ed. Harris.

© Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2012

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