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Les vivants et les morts dans les sociétés médiévales

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Société des historiens médiévistes de l’Enseignement supérieur public

Écritures funéraires

Reflections of Everyday Jewish Life: Evidence from Medieval Cemeteries

Elisheva Baumgarten

Résumé

This article discusses the connection between Jewish cemeteries and Jewish communal circumstances and focuses on the possibility of analysing surviving epitaphs to discover information about every day life. Using examples from Worms and Würzburg, the article points to possible directions for future research and conclusions that emerge from these sources.

Texte intégral

  • 1 M. Grünwald, “Le Cimetière de Worms”, Revue des études juives, 54 (1938), p. 71-111, p. 107.

Wail and cry charity [tzedakah] and the pious [Hasidim] should weep bitterly for your mother has broken, your parent has fallen
And the poor lack support and those who study the Torah [lit. hold the Torah] are in fear for lack of the praiseworthy mistress
Marat Yokhebed, daughter of R. Yehiel son of R. Ephraim who marveled in her deeds, building synagogues and cemeteries in many communities as well as other charities
And also surrounded cemetery [lit. the house of life] with a high wall here and now she has been gathered to God, justice has been buried with her and we have come to bury her on Monday, the second of Av, 5047 [1287]1.

  • 2 We also know nothing about her parents despite the importance attributed to them. This is not the f (...)

1This epitaph from 13th century Worms describes a woman about whom absolutely nothing is known. Yokhebed was the daughter of a rabbi who was the son of another rabbi and they must have been fairly important, as in contrast to common practice both her father and grandfather were mentioned on the tombstone2. Her epitaph notes her generosity as well as the deep sense of loss with her death. She was a patron of the local Jewish cemeteries and synagogues and as such, one can assume a wealthy woman. Her prosperity is also evident in the length of the verses at the opening of the epitaph as the length and detail of the epitaph most likely reflect her economic abilities.

  • 3 See note 236 where the different studies and collections are detailed.
  • 4 The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages (Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries), dir. C. Cluse, Turnhout, 2004 (...)
  • 5 This is most evident in the maps compiled by Alfred Haverkamp and his team, see: Geschichte der Jud (...)
  • 6 For the Shum communities, see http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat. For Würzburg see: Di (...)
  • 7 In the case of Marat Yokhebed, Grünwald’s reading is important as the tombstone was not as legible (...)
  • 8 For a discussion of the kinds of sources that are available, see E. Baumgarten, Mothers and Childre (...)

2This epitaph is one of thousands that have been recovered from German Jewish cemeteries in the High Middle Ages3. Jews settled in different locations in medieval Germany mainly from the ninth century and onwards and their communities expanded in number and in size over the course of the twelfth and thirteenth century4. The evidence also become more plentiful at this point in time5. This article will focus on tombstones from these communities during the two hundred years before the Black Death and on the evidence the cemetery provides for the lives of the Jews they commemorate. I will move between the Rhineland communities Speyer, Worms and Mainz, known as the Shum communities and Würzburg where a recent collection of over 1500 tombstones from 1147-1346 has been studied and published6. The epitaph of Marat Yokhebed7 will serve as a point of departure to present some findings concerning the information in these epitaphs and the ways that they can be used by social historians interested in the daily lives of these medieval Jews. I will argue that the epitaphs are a little utilized resource that hold tremendous import as they reveal a wide array of values held by Jewish community members and highlight institutions that were important to the community. In addition, the epitaphs depict people that are rarely recognized or discussed by historians, those who did not leave any written documents and their tombstones are often the only information we have about their lives8.

  • 9 For overviews of the synagogue and the cemetery, see: I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, (...)
  • 10 See for example in the case of Speyer in the charter given by Rüdiger of Speyer where he noted: “I (...)
  • 11 L. Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages, New York, 1924, p. 198.

3As is evident from Marat Yokhebed’s epitaph, two of the most important institutions within these communities were the synagogue, where many of the communal rites and events took place and the cemetery where the dead were buried9. Marat Yokhebed is noted as enabling the creation of synagogues and cemeteries and building a wall around the cemetery. Here in a nutshell we have one facet of medieval Jewish life. Every community that was large enough had both these institutions and the terms of their construction and upkeep were often negotiated as part of the privileges given to the Jews in each location10. Smaller communities often used the cemetery in the closest large community and had to negotiate the transportation of the dead from place to place. Although most Jewish communities, even those with a relatively small population had synagogues, in cases in which they did not, Jews would travel from their locations to larger communities for holidays as is evident in the early statutes of the community11. From this perspective, cemeteries and synagogues are comparable as communal institutions throughout the High Middle Ages.

4The cemetery was sometimes purchased or allotted to the Jews when the community was founded as in the case of Speyer. Here the Jews were invited by the bishop, Rüdiger of Speyer to settle in the city after a fire in the Jewish quarter of Mainz in 1084. As the charter states:

  • 12 Ibid., n. 240.

When I made the villa of Speyer into a town, thought I would increase the honor I was bestowing on the place if I brought in the Jews… I have granted also to them within the district where they dwell, and from that district outside the town as far as the harbor, and within the harbor itself, full power to change gold and silver, and to buy and sell what they Besides this I have given them land of the church for a cemetery with rights of inheritance12.

  • 13 M. Lauwers, Naissance du cimetière. Lieux sacrés et terre des morts dans l’Occident médiéval, Paris (...)

5The cemetery and the living quarters of the Jews and the synagogue were not adjacent and this in contrast to the presence of the dead within the church in the surrounding Christian society13.

  • 14 The Nürnberger Memorbuch notes this and the formula mentioning them was recorded in additional memo (...)

6In other locations we hear of benefactors, who bought the land for the cemetery for communal use. For example, in Mainz, a couple Marat Rachel and Mar Shlomo purchased the land. This deed was so appreciated that it was commemorated in the Sabbath services: « These are the souls commemorated on all the Sabbaths throughout the year: Mar Shlomo and Marat Rachel [who bought the cemetery in Mainz] and toiled for the communities…14 »

7Sometimes, the Jews were allotted land after an attack on the community when the need for burial grounds became pressing. In Würzburg the Jews bought land for the cemetery from the local bishop after an attack on the Jews in 1171. As Ephraim of Bonn recounted:

  • 15 R. Ephraim b. Jacob of Bonn, “Sefer Zekhira”, Sefer Gezerot, ed. A. M. Haberman, Jerusalem, 1947, p (...)

On the following day, the bishop ordered all the slaughtered Jews to be collected on wagons… and buried in his garden. Hezekiah the son of our master Rabbi Eliakim and Mistress Judith his wife, purchased this Garden of Eden from the bishop and consecrated it as an eternal burial ground15.

  • 16 For Sicut Judais see: S. Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the xiiith Century: a Study of Their R (...)
  • 17 For the privilege see J. Aronius, Regesten zur Geschichte Der Juden im Fränkischen und Deutschen Re (...)

8The rights of burial and especially of passage from place to place were detailed in charters as well as in papal bulls. To note just two famous examples: This matter is discussed in the papal bull Sicut Judaeis issued and reissued throughout the medieval period16 and outside the treasury of the Cologne cathedral where one of the most powerful archbishops of the city, Archbishop Engelbert II von Falkenburg had the Judenprivileg carved in stone in 126617.

  • 18 The manuscript is now in private hands but was originally known as Mainz IR Anon 19. The list was t (...)
  • 19 See: E. Baumgarten, Practicing Piety in Medieval Ashkenaz: Men, Women, and Everyday Religious Obser (...)
  • 20 Ibid., p. 103-137.

9Many documents produced by the Jewish communities themselves in Hebrew emphasize the centrality of these two institutions tying them to each other. Lists of benefactors include wealthy individuals, like Marat Yokhebed who contributed to the community by buying the plots for the cemeteries and synagogues as well as those who paid for their upkeep. The upkeep of the local cemetery was one of the responsibilities of the community as a unit. As a result, donations to the cemetery seem to have been a regular practice for almost all community members. This is evident in the necrologium, known as the Nürnberg memorbuch that lists among other things donations to the community. The Nürnberg memorbuch was originally transcribed with the dedication of a local synagogue in 1296 and the donations recorded are Jewish pro anima donations, made by the donors before death and then given to the synagogue by the donors themselves or after their deaths by family members18. My recent work has analyzed the lists from the Nürnberg memorbuch from the late thirteenth century until the Black Death19. The donors who are recorded during this period are divided quite evenly between men and women and many of them detail the purposes for which they are donating their monies. The cemetery was noted by the majority of donors already in the earlier part of the list. After 1298 when the community was attacked and severely depleted, with hundreds of casualties, the need to protect the cemetery became even greater and there is hardly a donor that does not dedicate funds to it. From this perspective one can see the support of the cemetery entailing not only the acquirement of the property but also its upkeep20.

  • 21 For an outline of some of these activities, see: L. Raspe, “Sacred Space, Local History, and Diaspo (...)

10The cemetery also held an important place in medieval daily. Multiple rituals spanned the distance between the local synagogue and the cemetery, with the members of the community traversing between them, men, women and children. Jews went to the cemetery on fast days, on new moons and in honor of specific holidays, usually on the eve of the holiday21. These activities were performed by all members of the community. In this way, despite the distance between the Jewish quarter in which the Jews lived and the cemetery one can see the cemetery as an extension of Jewish communal space. These factors are all illustrations of the ties between the living and the dead.

  • 22 A. Kober, “Jewish Monuments of the Middle Ages in Germany: One Hundred and Ten Tombstone Inscriptio (...)
  • 23 See n. 236. Brocke has also published books and articles concerning tombstones, see for example: M. (...)
  • 24 See n. 236.

11Like the connections between everyday Jewish life and the cemetery, the epitaphs too tell us not only of the dead but also of their lives. Interest in medieval Jewish epitaphs first produced a significant body of research in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century. As part of German Jewish scholars’ interest in the medieval period, indices of the surviving tombstones and initials attempts at copying them were made and the largest study of these epitaphs can be found in the 1944 study published by Adolf Kober, a German Jew of Polish origin who escaped to the United States from the Nazis in 193922. More recently Michael Brocke, director of the Steinheim Institut in Duisburg-Essen has led multiple expeditions to preserve epitaphs and his database epidat is one of the central resources for any research on medieval and modern German Jewish tombstones23. So too, in Würzburg, a research project led by Karlheinz Müller, has addressed the multiple stones found there24. The case of Würzburg is unusual as the stones were preserved and rescued after being used in secondary ways during the Nazi era and were literally retrieved from other buildings.

  • 25 These issues are discussed briefly within the volumes published by Müller et al. but in greater det (...)

12Recent studies have focused on a wide variety of questions: They have identified important people who lived in the communities; sought details of events that are mentioned on the tombstones; and analyzed the names used by medieval Jews. Rami Reiner, whose recent work is the most extensive, has analyzed the honorific titles used on the tombstones such as rabbi, cantor and midwife as well as formulas of commemoration and the way they reflect changing beliefs and ideas of the afterlife25.

13However, almost no attention has been paid to the adjectives used to describe the dead. If we return to Marat Yokhebed, she is described as mehulelet, literally praiseworthy. Is this a standard praise and what does it refer to? Marat Yokhebed is not the only woman in Worms referred to by this adjective. Similarly Marat Sarah, an old woman at the time of her death is referred to in the same way26. Unlike Yokhebed, it is not clear what Sarah did that merited praise. Three other women from Worms are described as praiseworthy27, further enforcing this choice of term.

14With an eye to gender differences, the adjective “praiseworthy” (mehulelet or mehulala) might be expected to be a praise for women as it is based on Proverbs 31, “A God fearing woman should be praised28”. Yet, it is not reserved for women alone. David bar Levi of Worms, killed in 1184, is described as “pleasant and praiseworthy” (gever na’im umehulal). Here too we can hear of an event of everyday life, a violent death by “bad people” zedim, presumably non-Jews29.

15Praiseworthy is just one adjective and perhaps it is more characteristic of women. Yet there are other adjectives as well: David is also called a gentleman (gever naim). Reviewing the tombstones that have been deciphered in Würzburg and by the Steinheim Institut team one has over 2000 tombstones. Many of them do not include any adjectives and are very basic stating the name of the deceased, his or her father’s name and the date of death. Many others are partial due to the wear and tear they suffered. Hundreds of tombstones contain such adjectives as demonstrated in this chart:

Chart 1:

Adjective

Men

Women

Würzburg

Shum

Würzburg

Shum

Beautiful

יפ/ה

0

5

0

2

Decent

הגון/ה

0

2

4

13

Generous

נדיב/ה

0

31

1

0

Honest

ישר/ה

1

27

0

17

Honorable

נכבד/ה

1

4

0

0

Humble

עניו

0

4

0

0

Important

חשוב/ה

8

2

12

25

Knowledgable

בקי

1

2

0

0

Modest

צנוע/ה

0

20

4

22

Nice

חמוד/ה

0

0

17

2

Pious

חסיד/ה

6

2

0

10

Pleasant

נעימ/ה

11

19

4

6

Pure

תם/תמימה

1

34

5

22

Righteous

צדיק/צדקת

2

4

4

4

Shining

מאיר/ה

0

0

0

2

Wise

חכם/ה

1

3

0

0

16As is evident from this chart some adjectives were used to describe both men and women, in other cases the gendered uses of language are evident. Women are decent (hagunot) and important (hashuvot) more than they are generous (nadiv). They are modest (tznua’h) and this is an important quality, whereas men are humble (anav). Yet they are also pure (tamim, temimah), pious (hasid, hasidah) and righteous (tzadik, tzadikah or tzadeket), if not like the men then in comparable numbers.

  • 30 Reiner, “‘A Tombstone Inscribed’…”, loc. cit. n. 25.

17The relative parity between the adjectives describing men and women is augmented by the lack of parity when comparing honorofics as Rami Reiner demonstrated. Men bore many titles (parnas, haver, hakham, rabbenu sofer darshan) whereas women were only noted as midwives (meyaledet, isha hakhamah) and prayer leaders (mitpalellet hanashim). As many of the terms Reiner listed refer to actual communal roles, this is evidence of the different activities men and women assumed in their lives30. But what of those who were not leaders? After all most men were not rabbis, scribes and parnasim. When looking at the adjectives, it would seem that despite some differences, men and women are described in similar terms.

18Adjectives are hard to go by and are less common than tombstones that just list names. Yet these adjectives tell us about the values of the community and are the only descriptions we have of so many individuals. Were expectations from women and men so different?

19Compare Marat Miriam who died in Würzburg in 1247 and was described as a « young woman and her deeds were good31 » and R. Berakhya b. Moshe of Worms (d. 1300) « who died with good repute and good deeds32 ». They both performed generic good deeds. Some epitaphs provide more detail concerning these good deeds themselves. Isaac the son of Eleazar from Worms (d. 1242) was of priestly descent. He was a true and honest man in his deeds and thought. He walked in the path of God with love. He worshipped God with a heart full of adoration, held the hand of the poor, went to synagogue morning and night with a full soul33. Yaacov b. Yosef of Worms who died in 1289 was knowledgable in Talmud and Prophets. Guta the daughter of Abraham (d. 1242) was righteous and pure, she was pleasant and did many good deeds. She woke up early to fulfill commandments and fulfilled them until she went to sleep34. These descriptions are not identical but include common values. Both the men and the women are described as fulfilling commandments, worshipping God and praying.

  • 35 I hope to publish a fuller study with all these details in the future. I have brought one example f (...)
  • 36 See the chart above. For a discussion of a similar phenomenon seen in Hebrew stories from the thirt (...)

20Many stones list a variety of activities: attendance of synagogue as well as charity or visiting the sick. Here too, we see both men and women commemorated doing these deeds. More women than men are listed as going to the synagogue devoutly35. The only activity that men did more than women is study Torah and most of those listed as practicing piety in the synagogue and with the poor are not mentioned as Torah scholars36.

21Men didn’t have an upper hand on devotion to God either. For example Marat Rivka of Worms who died in 1160 is described as: “a happy and encircled woman, devout in her love of the Torah, and also modest and shining in all commandments and loyal with her entire soul to her creator37”. A different Rivka, d. 1143, was described as “pious and quick to observe commandments, to welcome guests and to do good deeds38”.

  • 39 See for example A. Grossman, Pious and Rebellious: Jewish Women in Medieval Europe, trans. J. Chipm (...)
  • 40 Baumgarten, Practicing Piety…, op. cit. n. 19, p. 9-12.

22The information that emerges from the tombstones deserves fuller treatment. For the purpose of this essay, it is important to note that it is not in disagreement with the information we have to date about Jewish daily lives but it also is not completely in concurrence with the way Jewish life is described and especially in regard with descriptions of expectations of men and women39. As noted above, most of our sources in Hebrew were written by elite men and the information in them has been read as describing them. The tombstones reflect a different environment. Indeed few are described as scholars. Yet many are described as pious individuals, decent, honest and devoted to God and commited in their religious observance. This type of vocabulary has served to date to describe learned Jewish rabbis, not unknown members of society40. The tombstones demonstrate that these adjectives were too common to be ascribed only to exceptional individuals. Many mundane religious activities, the everyday pious practices of upstanding men and women in the community who were not necessarily learned, were not so different for men and women. From this perspective, these epitaphs are a treasure trove that are worthy of further exploration.

Notes

1 M. Grünwald, “Le Cimetière de Worms”, Revue des études juives, 54 (1938), p. 71-111, p. 107.

2 We also know nothing about her parents despite the importance attributed to them. This is not the family of the famous R. Asher b. Yehiel.

3 See note 236 where the different studies and collections are detailed.

4 The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages (Tenth to Fifteenth Centuries), dir. C. Cluse, Turnhout, 2004; R. Chazan, The Jews of Medieval Western Christendom, 1000-1500, Cambridge/New York, 2006; W. Transier, “The Shum Communities: Cradle and Center of Jewry along the Rhine in the Middle Ages”, The Jews of Europe in the Middle Ages, dir. C. Cluse, Speyer, 2005, p. 59-68.

5 This is most evident in the maps compiled by Alfred Haverkamp and his team, see: Geschichte der Juden im Mittelalter von der Nordsee bis zu den Südalpen: kommentiertes Kartenwerk, dir. A. Haverkamp, Hannover, 2002. The 13th century maps contain far more communities than the earlier ones. Compare the maps in series A4.

6 For the Shum communities, see http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat. For Würzburg see: Die Grabsteine vom jüdischen Friedhof in Würzburg aus der Zeit vor dem Schwarzen Tod (1147-1346), dir. K. Müller et al., Würzburg, 2011.

7 In the case of Marat Yokhebed, Grünwald’s reading is important as the tombstone was not as legible when Brocke and his team examined it. See: http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-801&lang=en (consulted January 26, 2018).

8 For a discussion of the kinds of sources that are available, see E. Baumgarten, Mothers and Children: Jewish Family Life in Medieval Europe, Princeton, 2004, p. 17-18.

9 For overviews of the synagogue and the cemetery, see: I. Abrahams, Jewish Life in the Middle Ages, New York, 1978. For the synagogue, see: A. Isaacs, An Anthropological and Historical Study of the Role of the Synagogue in Ashkenazi Jewish life in the Middle Ages, Jerusalem, 2002); for the cemetery, see: Y. Y. Schur, The Care for the Dead in Medieval Ashkenaz, 1000-1500, University of Pennsylvania, 2008, p. 63-74.

10 See for example in the case of Speyer in the charter given by Rüdiger of Speyer where he noted: “I have given them land of the church for a cemetery with rights of inheritance.” See: https://sourcebooks.fordham.edu/halsall/source/1084landjews.asp (consulted January 26, 2018). See also: R. Engels, “Topography of Jewish Speyer in the Middle Ages”, The Jews of Europe…, op. cit. n. 4, Speyer, 2005, p. 69-76.

11 L. Finkelstein, Jewish Self-Government in the Middle Ages, New York, 1924, p. 198.

12 Ibid., n. 240.

13 M. Lauwers, Naissance du cimetière. Lieux sacrés et terre des morts dans l’Occident médiéval, Paris, 2005.

14 The Nürnberger Memorbuch notes this and the formula mentioning them was recorded in additional memorbücher. See S. Salfeld, Das Martyrologium des Nürnberger Memorbuches, Berlin, 1898, p. 85-86; M. Weinberg, Die Memorbücher der jüdischen Gemeinden in Bayern, Frankfurt-am-Main, 1937.

15 R. Ephraim b. Jacob of Bonn, “Sefer Zekhira”, Sefer Gezerot, ed. A. M. Haberman, Jerusalem, 1947, p. 119.

16 For Sicut Judais see: S. Grayzel, The Church and the Jews in the xiiith Century: a Study of Their Relations during the Years 1198-1254, Based on the Papal Letters and the Conciliar Decrees of the Period, Philadelphia, 1933.

17 For the privilege see J. Aronius, Regesten zur Geschichte Der Juden im Fränkischen und Deutschen Reiche bis zum Jahre 1273, repr. Berlin, 1887, Hildesheim/New York, 1970. For the history of the Jews of Cologne, see A. Kober, Cologne, trans. S. Grayzel, Philadelphia, 1940, esp. p. 43-45.

18 The manuscript is now in private hands but was originally known as Mainz IR Anon 19. The list was transcribed in Salfeld, Das Martyrologium…, op. cit. n. 14, p. 87-93.

19 See: E. Baumgarten, Practicing Piety in Medieval Ashkenaz: Men, Women, and Everyday Religious Observance, Philadelphia, 2014, chapter 3.

20 Ibid., p. 103-137.

21 For an outline of some of these activities, see: L. Raspe, “Sacred Space, Local History, and Diasporic Identity: The Graves of the Righteous in Medieval and Early Modern Ashkenaz”, Jewish Studies at the Crossroads of Anthropology and History; Authority, Diaspora, Tradition, ed. R. S. Boustan, O. Kosansky and M. Rustow, Philadelphia, 2011, p. 147-163.

22 A. Kober, “Jewish Monuments of the Middle Ages in Germany: One Hundred and Ten Tombstone Inscriptions from Speyer, Cologne, Nuremberg and Worms (1085-c. 1428): Part I”, Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, 14 (1944), p. 149-220; id., “Jewish Monuments of the Middle Ages in Germany (Continued)”, Proceedings of the American Academy for Jewish Research, 15 (1945), p. 1-90.

23 See n. 236. Brocke has also published books and articles concerning tombstones, see for example: M. Brocke, “The Lilies of Worms”, Brill, 8 (2011), p. 3-13; M. Brocke and C. E. Müller, Haus des Lebens: Jüdische Friedhöfe in Deutschland, Leipzig, 2001.

24 See n. 236.

25 These issues are discussed briefly within the volumes published by Müller et al. but in greater detail in additional articles, see, A. Reiner, “‘A Tombstone Inscribed’: Titles Used to Describe the Deceased in Tombstones from Würzburg between 1147-1148 and 1346”, Tarbiz, 78 (2009), p. 123-152; id., “An Addition to M. Beit-Arié’s Article, ‘An Unusual Method of Rendering the Date From the Creation in Hebrew Manuscripts’”, Tarbiz, 79 (2010), p. 143-147; id., “From Paradise to the Bonds of Life’: Blessings for the Dead on Tombstones in Medieval Ashkenaz”, Zion, 76 (2011), p. 5-28. “An Unusual Method of Rendering the Date From the Creation in Hebrew Manuscripts”, published in Tarbiz in 1972 (Vol. 41, p. 116-124.

26 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-151&lang=en.

27 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-853&lang=en; http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-1023&lang=en; http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-413&lang=en (consulted January 26, 2018). These stones commemorate Marat Hannah b. R. Israel (d. 1262); Marat Gutlin b. R. Isaac the kadosh [holy] (d. 1263) and Marat Magentin b. R. Samason the Kohen [Priest] (d. 1316) respectively. All three women’s epi­taphs contain additional information about their deeds. Unlike Yokhebed they are praised for their piety rather than their generosity.

28 Some of the epitaphs above refer to other parts of this chapter as well.

29 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-79&lang=en (consulted January 26, 2018).

30 Reiner, “‘A Tombstone Inscribed’…”, loc. cit. n. 25.

31 Müller et al., Die Grabsteine…, op. cit. n. 6, v. 2, #92, p. 162-163.

32 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-550&lang=en (consulted January 26, 2018).

33 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-271&lang=en (consulted January 26, 2018).

34 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-1080&lang=en (consulted January 26, 2018).

35 I hope to publish a fuller study with all these details in the future. I have brought one example for each deed.

36 See the chart above. For a discussion of a similar phenomenon seen in Hebrew stories from the thirteenth century, see E. Baumgarten, “Tales in Context: A Historical Perspective”, Tales in Context Sefer Ha-Ma’asim in Medieval Northern France, dir. R. Kushelevsky, Detroit, 2017, p. 687-721.

37 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-1276&lang=en (consulted January 26, 2018).

38 http://www.steinheim-institut.de/cgi-bin/epidat?id=wrm-8&lang=en consulted January 26, 2018).

39 See for example A. Grossman, Pious and Rebellious: Jewish Women in Medieval Europe, trans. J. Chipman, Hanover (N. H.), 2004.

40 Baumgarten, Practicing Piety…, op. cit. n. 19, p. 9-12.

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