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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral An equivocal word Concepts and Methodology An ideal-type of “value rationality” The ideal-type as questionnaire Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Valeurs et systèmes de valeurs (Moyen Âge et Temps modernes)

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    Table des matières

    Values in History: Shaping and Applying an Ideal-Type

    David D’Avray

    p. 47-56

    Texte intégral An equivocal word Concepts and Methodology An ideal-type of “value rationality” The ideal-type as questionnaire a) With what other medieval convictions was belief in penance linked? b) How was belief in penance reinforced by experience? c) By what instrumental techniques was belief in penance propagated? d) What techniques for calculating appropriate penances were developed? e) In what circumstances did monetary values come into play? Notes de bas de page Auteur

    Texte intégral

    An equivocal word

    1Values, Valori, Valeurs, Werte: the words have practically the same meanings in the main scholarly languages. But in each of these languages, there is the same ambiguity. The papers for this session are themselves an expression of this ambiguity. This paper and the paper by Guido Mongini are about “values” in the sense of deeply held convictions. The papers by Laurent Feller and Marie-Luce Demonet are about monetary values and the exchange value of things. It would serve no purpose to try to find a deep underlying unity between these different senses. To do so would merely cause confusion. Of course they can be intertwined, as we see in the sessions of the conference (not just the present one). Furthermore, monetary value can sometimes be a “value” in the sense of a deeply held conviction. Arguably it is in some very capitalist societies, or even in quite different societies where material prosperity is thought to be a sign of divine favour. Some of the papers at this conference will doubtless deal with such areas of overlap. Nonetheless the connections in such cases are contingent: there is no intrinsic link between the two senses of “value”. It is best to recognize from the beginning that “value” is simply an equivocal word. Nothing abnormal about that! The word “race” can mean both a “running competition” and “ethnicity”; the word “coach” can mean “pullman” or “trainer”; the word “state” can mean “body politic” as in “Church and State” or “condition”, as in “he is in a bad state”. It is best to be clear from the beginning: this was a conference with two different themes and we should not try to pretend otherwise.

    2Two concepts lurking behind one word, two conferences for the price of one! All the better. Moreover, there are naturally conceptual and etymological links between the two concepts. To elucidate them may be a stimulating exercise and generate insights. That is the right way to take advantage of the conference, rather than trying to find an underlying unity linking “Values A” (= convictions) and “Values B” (= money and analogous measurements). In the languages of sixties semiotics, we should look for “metonymic” rather than “metaphoric” connections: interactions, rather than analogies and similarities. Towards the end of my paper I will attempt do that in a small way, but the first task is to elucidate the “values-as-convictions” concept – “Values A”!

    Concepts and Methodology

    3To pinpoint a basic ambiguity in ordinary language usage is only a starting point – the clearing away of a conceptual obstacle, removing the undergrowth. Once that is done the real task begins. It is to create concepts which are custom built for our investigative purposes – ideal-types. Scholars are too familiar with that methodology and yet not familiar enough. I know that for many years I would have told anyone confidently that I was familiar with it, yet it was only when I started reading Weber’s substantive sociology closely that I saw what it meant. So I suggest a momentary “suspension of familiarity” while I very briefly rehearse its key features.

    4Ideal-types are a third way between the concepts of our own society on the one hand and those of the society studied on the other. The concepts of our own society are too blunt for the analytical purposes of historians and social scientists. By “our own society” is here meant “society at large” and its ordinary discourse, which is designed for getting around in that society rather than understanding other cultures or even the deep structures of its own culture. Often our everyday concepts are just too impressionistic to be useful: “bureaucracy” for instance was too vague to be helpful until Weber turned it into a checklist of features to look for, and created and ideal-type fit for purpose.

    5The concepts and categories of the societies we study may not be sufficient for analysing them either. Some ideal-types enable scholars to label states of mind that almost by definition are without self-awareness. The Marxist concept of a “false consciousness” is such an ideal-type. So is most “functionalist” explanation of institutions. The whole point of functionalism is that institutions may flourish because they do something that may have nothing to do with their intended purpose. The warriors of tribe of a prophet who promises immunity in battle for true believers may win wars, but not for the reason they think.

    6Neither our own every-day concepts nor those of the societies we study are particularly good for understanding the range and rationales of differences between societies. Until Mary Douglas invented the contrast between “grid” and “group”, the kinds of contrasts she was drawing could not be easily expressed. Ideal-types enable us to perceive ranges of possibility outside the repertoire of our own everyday world – societies which do not see the individual as the basic building block of human existence for instance, or which lack the distinction between “religious” and “secular” that our own society assumes is just how things are. Conversely, societies in which there is no such distinction, which is to say most societies in world history, would be hard put to understand the role it plays in say modern America or France. Scholars who do comparative work have to use ideal-types to achieve anything. The sophisticated contrast drawn by Louis Dumont between homo hierarchicus and modern Western individualism is an excellent example of such an ideal-type.

    7It is an oversimplification, as ideal-types are by definition. They are designed to be corrected, not “proved” or “disproved”. In this they are different from the “models” of natural scientists, which can be refuted by a single counter-example. Modern Western society is full of “hierarchical” elements in Dumont’s sense, and there are individualistic elements in the Hindu society on which he did the work that made him famous. Setting up the contrast as he did, however, makes us ask the right questions.

    8Actually, ideal-types are practically the same as questionnaires. A therapist or a police interrogator has a set of ready-made ideal-types in mind. These enable them to ask questions that might draw out the patient or suspect. Once they have started the questioning they must be ready to listen and revise their initial schemata. But if they start without such a questionnaire, they won’t get far. How far they get depends a lot on the quality of the questionnaire. So I will first propose an ideal-type of “value rationality” (one inspired by Weber but not necessarily true to his texts), then try to turn it into a questionnaire, then apply the questionnaire to a problem in medieval history: Penance.

    An ideal-type of “value rationality”

    9Inspired by Max Weber (but consciously travelling some way from his own explicit meanings) I have defined “value rationality” in a loose way and a tight way in two recent studies. Loosely, I have defined it as world-views and systems of conviction, secular and sacred: e.g. Communism, Liberalism, Catholicism or Hinduism. Examples of individual values might be “men and women are equal”, “souls are reborn in different bodies”, “there is a God”, “there is no God1”. More tightly, I defined value rationality as “a system where each part gives support to any other part that is attacked and where values are concrete in the mind, rather than abstract2”.

    10Max Weber himself did not say as much explicitly about “values” as one would like. He does say in a key passage that value-rational action is determined by “conscious belief in the unconditional intrinsic worth – ethical, aesthetic, religious, or however else one should characterize it – of a particular kind of behaviour, in and of itself, and irrespective of the outcome3”. The path from this pregnant remark to the ideal-type proposed above is as follows:

    • Weber though that beliefs in the intrinsic value of types of behaviour differed between individuals and cultures: there was no one set of such beliefs to which all rational people must subscribe, no hard-core of values evident to all;
    • nonetheless these beliefs in values are, for Weber, rational;
    • so one asks how they can be rational;
    • one reading of Weber sees such beliefs simply as individual choices – the problem with which is that Weber clearly thinks that values are often social phenomena;
    • their rationality as values makes more sense if one sees them as parts of a system, and as rooted in experience or simulacra thereof – as defined above;
    • once that is accepted, convictions about intrinsically worthwhile behaviour come to look very much like convictions about how the world is. The belief that torture is wrong is held by those who believe that in the same kind of way that the belief in karma is held by those who believe in it.

    11So I like to think that my definition of “value” is a logical extension of Max Weber’s thinking, though it does not much matter if it is not: even Weber should not be treated as holy writ.

    12Value rationality is distinct from instrumental rationality: “the calculation of practical and logical consequences, whether in the market or the monastery4”. These ideal-types (instrumental and value rationality) are distinct conceptually but mixed up together in social life. But one can say more about the relation of one to another. It is symbiotic.

    On the one hand, value rationality shapes and colours instrumental reasoning so that the latter’s essentially universal character is hard to perceive. On the other hand, instrumental rationality helps explain how values are perpetuated over time. Instrumental techniques make ideas concrete and vivid and bring out the coherence of systems and the connections between their various parts, preventing defections from value systems and transmitting them from one generation to the next5.

    13At the risk of oversimplification, the following formula may be risked: “A-type” values (= convictions) belong by definition to the “value rationality” sphere, but “B-type values” (= money and analogous measurements) belong to the instrumental rationality sphere; and “A-type values” can shape the forms in which “B-type” values appear.

    The ideal-type as questionnaire

    14The next stage is to turn these ideal-types into a questionnaire bearing on the relation between “values A” (= convictions) and “values B” (= money and similar measurements). We can skip a stage in the exposition and turn this directly into a questionnaire about a medieval value, penance, understood as a acts of reparation for sin, performed after confession:

    1. With what other medieval convictions was belief in penance linked?
    2. How was belief in penance reinforced by experience?
    3. By what instrumental techniques was belief in penance propagated?
    4. What techniques for calculating appropriate penances were developed?
    5. In what circumstances did monetary values come into play?

    a) With what other medieval convictions was belief in penance linked?

    15Above all, penance was linked to the conviction that “Christ’s self-denial and then ultimate sacrifice enabled other humans to perform meaningful sacrifices that could play a role in their redemption6”, and be counted with Christ’s reparation for their sins. Such acts of reparation were linked with abstinence in Lent. Lent lead in to Easter, the great commemoration of redemption, appropriately preceded by sacramental confession. Fasting in general, celibacy, and the various forms of self-denial imposed by monastic and religious rules all parallel penance after confession. Purgatory was an extension of penance into the next life. Suffering in purgatory could be mitigated by indulgences, which took the place of penance in this life, with a corresponding diminution of suffering in purgatory. Penance followed confession, at which penitents could be questioned on their knowledge of key articles of faith – so penance had a link to the whole dogmatic system. It had a special link with the idea of the priesthood, since sacramental confession was for priests to administer. Behind them were bishops and the pope, whose absolution might be required for especially grave, “reserved” cases. Thus penance is part of an intricate system of many criss-crossing convictions.

    b) How was belief in penance reinforced by experience?

    Penance was part of the religious experience of many people long before the reforms of Gregory VII and Innocent III: some would undergo it, and probably more would observe it, as public penance of one sort or another was an established institution. After 1215, when the Fourth Lateran Council made annual confession obligatory, the experience of personal private penance must have become increasingly general7.

    c) By what instrumental techniques was belief in penance propagated?

    16The new rule requiring annual confession was itself an instrumental legal technique to ensure that the idea of penance would become embodied in the practice of ordinary people: “It was also in the thirteenth century that preaching became a tool of mass communication, and penance was a recurrent theme in one form or another – not only in the penitential seasons8.”

    d) What techniques for calculating appropriate penances were developed?

    17Here we come to the interface between “Values A = convictions” and “Values B = measurement for purposes of exchange”. Medieval penance did indeed have systems of penance belonging to a quasi-exchange system. But it was not a real exchange system, and the world-view which was its context shaped its character in crucial respects.

    18In the post-Roman world, “tariff-penance” emerged as a less drastic alternative to the once-in-a-lifetime penitential system of Christian antiquity (tariff-penance was once thought to be an originally Irish development, but that has been called into question9). The handbooks which correlated sins with specified penances became a prominent genre10, even though it remains hard to tell how exactly they were used in practice and how influential they were. The analogy between penitentials, with their lists of sins and the days or years of penance to expiate them, and early Germanic Law codes, with their tariffs of fines for given crimes, is evident to anyone who looks at the two genres side by side. In both cases a price-tag is put on an offence, though with the penitentials the price is not expressed in monetary terms, but of days of penitential fasting etc.

    19It used to be thought that they were entirely displaced by the new confessional handbooks of the 12th and 13th century, but in fact the mysterious life of the “penitentials” genre appears to have continued even after that11. They came under fire from Carolingian Reformers, and in the aftermath more generally acceptable penitential handbooks were produced12, notably by Regino of Prüm (d. 915)13 and Burchard of Worms (d. 1025)14.

    20From the point of view of “Values B = measurement for purposes of exchange” their penitential handbooks are of interest. Both allow commutation of penance:

    Penance was measured in days fasting on bread and water, but Regino allowed for those to be commuted to the recital of psalms, or almsgiving or physical punishment: thus a day’s fasting is worth a meal for two or three poor men, one denarius in alms, the recital of a whole psalter in summer, or fifty psalms in winter, spring and autumn, or twelve strokes. Burchard’s prescriptions were more varied […] the number of psalms to be sung would vary with the length of the penance to be redeemed, and the posture and position ofthe penitent: the number was increased ifhe was standing, rather than kneeling, and in a convenient place rather than a church. Alternatively, the penitent could commission a priest to say mass, the equivalent of a year’s penance, but the penitent must confess his sins, if they were crimina capitalia, attend mass and abstain from wine, meat and fat on that day. Redemption through payment of money was means-tested15.

    21This is analogous to the convertibility of money into different goods, or other currencies. Still there is a difference, beyond the obvious difference between money fines and fasting or prayers. Arguably, severe penances were partly so high because the penitent wanted it that way. Two cases from widely spaced centuries may exemplify this. In the first half of the 11th century a man came from England to Pope John XIX begging in tears for forgiveness because he had accidentally killed his own child. The pope wrote to the Archbishop of Canterbury in the following terms: “Therefore, lest he become a prisoner of desperation, we gave him fourteen years of penance, namely, in such a way that in each year he would live on bread and water only for three Lenten periods16.” Now, it is conceivable that John XIX meant that he hadn’t set the penance still higher lest the man become desperate. It seems more likely however that he set it as high as he did because only a long and severe penance would enable the man to live with himself after what he had done.

    22In a case from the very different world around 1400 we see a penance assigned in a similar case being reduced because a woman from the diocese of Mainz found it too hard to manage in the long term. She had left two infant children at home when she went to church and one of them go to the fire and died. She voluntarily confessed the crime to a priest and the penance set was to eat bread and water only on every Friday for seven years. This was afterwards reduced to five years, but in the end she found that too much also and asked the Papal Penitentiary to have the penance commuted to other works of piety17. This case survives through a formulary and its outcome is unknown, but the likelihood is that she got her reduction.

    23The measurement and commutation of penances was naturally governed by a different mind-set or value system from that of the world of commercial value. The subjective need of the penitent seems to have been a key factor (as it can be of course in some pricing systems, but not so much in those of the free market). A penitent might need a harsh penance to escape desperate guilt, or a reduction in penance if the one assigned could not be handled. More generally, the medieval Church’s approach seems to have been to calculate the penance to fit the spiritual needs of the individual case.

    e) In what circumstances did monetary values come into play?

    24The penances discussed so far have been fasting or works of devotion. There were circumstances in which actual cash could come into the picture. We see how in the following extract from a papal letter of 1476 delegating powers to dispense to a legate in France:

    through this present letter, by apostolic authority, concede to you as a man of judgment for this period of time, as long as your legation lasts, the full and free power of granting dispensations by our authority, as you think fit, to any persons of either sex who are within the boundaries to which your legatine commission extends who are joined in the third or fourth degrees of consanguinity of affinity or these in combination, or however they may be related to each other, and, should they be of royal, ducal, or comital blood, in any degree, even the second degree, or who are joined or bound together in another way by any spiritual relationship or relationship of justice of public honesty, and persons who have polluted each other through adultery and desire to be joined in marriage when there are special grounds for considering that, or persons who, whether or not they knew that they would be joined in these degrees or in another way, contracted and consummated marriages with each other, even if they had offspring – those persons namely who want to get married – that, notwithstanding such an impediment deriving from consanguinity or affinity or spiritual relationship or justice of public honesty, they may be able to contract marriage with each other, in the case of those who acted in ignorance however to remain in the marriage contracted – but of absolving those who knowingly entered into the contract from the sentence of excommunication that they incurred because of the aforesaid things, and of granting to them – after, however, they have been separated from each other for a period of time to be left to your discretion – [of granting dispensations] to contract marriage anew and to remain in it freely and licitly after it has been contracted – [all this] so long as these women have not been taken for this purpose against their will; and of determining that the offspring that have or should issue from these unions are legitimate. We desire however that those persons to whom you grant a dispensation to contract marriage in the said second or third degrees of this sort or a combination of these, and those persons who knew that they were in any of the said degrees whatsoever when they contracted and consummated marriage, should be bound, in proportion to their resources, to pay and actually hand over to you a certain amount of money for the help of the faithful against the Turks, the details being left to your discretion18.

    25It needs to be read carefully. The payment to which the last sentence refers is only for the marriage of close relatives, deep within the zone normally forbidden, or those who knowingly broke the law by marrying when they were already aware of the impediment which invalidated their union. For the second category it is in fact a fine for people who have deliberately broken the law: a monetary punishment.

    26How to sum up? Penance in itself belongs to the world of value rationality. This value rationality generated an instrumental rationality expressed in the form of days of fasting, or even, as in this last case, of money. So type-A values generate type-B values. The type-B values doe not exist in a vacuum however. Their dynamics are shaped by the value rationality around them, without which they make no sense.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities: a Weberian Analysis, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 21.

    2 Id., Rationalities in History: a Weberian Essay in Comparison, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 92.

    3 M. Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Tübingen, Mohr, 1922, p. 12: bewußten Glauben an den – ethischen, ästhetischen, religiösen oder wie immer sonst zu deutenden – unbedingten Eigenwert eines bestimmten Sichverhaltens rein als solchen und unabhängig vom Erfolg.

    4 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities…, op. cit., p. 21.

    5 Ibid., p. 93.

    6 Ibid., p. 50.

    7 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities…, op. cit., p. 52.

    8 Ibid., p. 53.

    9 S. Hamilton, The Practice of Penance, 900-1050, Woodbridge/Rochester, Boydell Press, 2001, p. 4, with further references.

    10 For convenient translations see J. T. McNeill, H. M. Gamer, Medieval Handbooks of Penance: a Translation of the Principal “libri poenitentiales” and Selections from Related Documents, New York, Octagon Books, 1938.

    11 P. J. Payer, “The Humanism of the Penitentials and the Continuity of the Penitential Tradition”, Medieval Studies, 46, 1984, pp. 340-354.

    12 Good summary in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed., ed. by F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2005, s. v. “Penitential Books”, with further bibliography.

    13 S. Hamilton, The Practice of Penance…, op. cit., p. 27.

    14 The Oxford Dictionary…, op. cit., s. v. “Burchard”.

    15 S. Hamilton, The Practice of Penance…, op. cit., p. 42.

    16 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities…, op. cit., p. 52.

    17 Ibid., pp. 47-48.

    18 R. de Maulde La Clavière (ed.), Procédures politiques du règne de Louis XII, Paris, Imprimerie nationale (Collection de documents inédits sur l’histoire de France. Première série: histoire politique), 1885, p. 929.

    Auteur

    • David D’Avray

      University College London (United Kingdom)

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    1 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities: a Weberian Analysis, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 21.

    2 Id., Rationalities in History: a Weberian Essay in Comparison, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, p. 92.

    3 M. Weber, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft, Tübingen, Mohr, 1922, p. 12: bewußten Glauben an den – ethischen, ästhetischen, religiösen oder wie immer sonst zu deutenden – unbedingten Eigenwert eines bestimmten Sichverhaltens rein als solchen und unabhängig vom Erfolg.

    4 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities…, op. cit., p. 21.

    5 Ibid., p. 93.

    6 Ibid., p. 50.

    7 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities…, op. cit., p. 52.

    8 Ibid., p. 53.

    9 S. Hamilton, The Practice of Penance, 900-1050, Woodbridge/Rochester, Boydell Press, 2001, p. 4, with further references.

    10 For convenient translations see J. T. McNeill, H. M. Gamer, Medieval Handbooks of Penance: a Translation of the Principal “libri poenitentiales” and Selections from Related Documents, New York, Octagon Books, 1938.

    11 P. J. Payer, “The Humanism of the Penitentials and the Continuity of the Penitential Tradition”, Medieval Studies, 46, 1984, pp. 340-354.

    12 Good summary in The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 3rd ed., ed. by F. L. Cross and E. A. Livingstone, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2005, s. v. “Penitential Books”, with further bibliography.

    13 S. Hamilton, The Practice of Penance…, op. cit., p. 27.

    14 The Oxford Dictionary…, op. cit., s. v. “Burchard”.

    15 S. Hamilton, The Practice of Penance…, op. cit., p. 42.

    16 D. D’Avray, Medieval Religious Rationalities…, op. cit., p. 52.

    17 Ibid., pp. 47-48.

    18 R. de Maulde La Clavière (ed.), Procédures politiques du règne de Louis XII, Paris, Imprimerie nationale (Collection de documents inédits sur l’histoire de France. Première série: histoire politique), 1885, p. 929.

    Valeurs et systèmes de valeurs (Moyen Âge et Temps modernes)

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    D’Avray, D. (2016). Values in History: Shaping and Applying an Ideal-Type. In P. Boucheron, L. Gaffuri, & J.-P. Genet (éds.), Valeurs et systèmes de valeurs (Moyen Âge et Temps modernes) (1‑). Éditions de la Sorbonne. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.40851
    D’Avray, David. « Values in History: Shaping and Applying an Ideal-Type ». In Valeurs Et systèmes De Valeurs (Moyen Âge Et Temps Modernes), édité par Patrick Boucheron, Laura Gaffuri, et Jean-Philippe Genet. Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2016. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.40851.
    D’Avray, David. « Values in History: Shaping and Applying an Ideal-Type ». Valeurs Et systèmes De Valeurs (Moyen Âge Et Temps Modernes), édité par Patrick Boucheron et al., Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2016, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.40851.

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    Boucheron, P., Gaffuri, L., & Genet, J.-P. (éds.). (2016). Valeurs et systèmes de valeurs (Moyen Âge et Temps modernes) (1‑). Éditions de la Sorbonne. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.40801
    Boucheron, Patrick, Laura Gaffuri, et Jean-Philippe Genet, éd. Valeurs et systèmes de valeurs (Moyen Âge et Temps modernes). Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2016. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.40801.
    Boucheron, Patrick, et al., éditeurs. Valeurs et systèmes de valeurs (Moyen Âge et Temps modernes). Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2016, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.40801.
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