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La fabrique des sociétés médiévales méditerranéennes

 | 
Marie Dejoux
, 
Diane Chamboduc de Saint Pulgent

Troisième partie. Le crédit : outil de domination sociale et de développement économique

Women, Credit Markets, and Patriarchy

The Cities of Late Medieval Flanders

Martha Howell

Texte intégral

  • 1 For example, M. Postan, “Credit in Medieval Trade”, Economic History Review, 1, 1928, p. 234–61; R. (...)
  • 2 For example, P. Schuster, “The Age of Debt? Private Schulden in der spätmittelalterlichen Gesellsch (...)

1Until relatively recently, the history of credit in late medieval Europe was written almost exclusively from the perspective of the merchants, princes, ecclesiastical institutions and cities that played such central roles in the so-called commercial revolution.1 Consequently, women were absent from this story, and credit seemed to have been a product of the revolution itself. The past several decades of research have, however, upended these assumptions. Almost everyone in late medieval Europe – men and women, rich and poor alike – made and took loans and had long been doing so.2 Indeed, it can be argued that the financial instruments and legal institutions that developed in the period were simply elaborations and institutionalizations of practices long in existence.

  • 3 W. C. Jordan, Women and Credit in Pre-Industrial and Developing Societies, Philadelphia, University (...)

2W. C. Jordan’s 1993 Women and Credit in Pre-Industrial and Developing Societies provided us a valuable summary of the information then available about women’s roles in credit markets throughout medieval Europe as well as in parts of the modern world that he labeled “developing”3 In the Middle Ages women were active borrowers and lenders of small sums for what he called “domestic” purposes, a term he used to refer to the household. Although conceding that this arena was the only one where women’s participation may have matched men’s, he also pointed out that some women were active in sectors of the credit market where loans were significantly bigger, the terms longer, the registration procedures more elaborate, and the funds directed towards production or trading ventures instead of consumption.

3Probably nowhere were women more visible in these more formal sectors of the credit market than in the commercial cities of late medieval Flanders, which from about 1200 to 1500 was the wealthiest, the most commercialized, and the most urbanized county of northern Europe. The evidence from these cities allows us to see that women gained access to credit markets – and to the commercial market more generally – via sociopolitical and legal structures that provided them significant property rights. They were thus granted agency in the sense that they had rights – indeed, obligations – to produce goods both for household consumption and for sale; they also managed shops and were able to make some decisions about disposition of their property. Whether their property rights freed them from the period’s patriarchal system is, however, another matter.

The evidence from Flanders

  • 4 K. Reyerson, “Land, Houses, and Real Estate Investment in Montpellier: a study of the notarial prop (...)
  • 5 F. Blockmans, “Peilingen nopens de bezittende klasse te Gent omstreeks 1300 (I)”, Revue belge de ph (...)
  • 6 D. Nicholas, The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children, and the Family in fourteenth-ce (...)
  • 7 S. Hutton, “Of Herself and all her Property: Women’s economic activities in late medieval Ghent”, C (...)

4The Flemish cities were probably not the only places where women borrowed and lent in the upper reaches of the credit market – indeed, the evidence from Montpellier, London, or Genoa, for example, suggests that Flanders was not alone – but there were surely few that matched cities like Ghent or Bruges.4 As early as 1936, for example, F. Blockmans introduced historians to Verghine Van der Meere, a member of a rising commercial family in thirteenth-century Ghent who, in full partnership with her husband and sometimes entirely on her own account, lent huge sums to members of the court, the count of Flanders himself, and numerous international merchants5. In 1985 D. Nicholas added considerably more anecdotal evidence from Ghent, reporting, for example, that Celie Rebbe operated independently as a money changer and even worked as a tax farmer and that Lisbette Vanden Calchovene contracted many debts in Bruges as part of her business dealings. He had harder evidence as well: between 20% and 25% of those who paid forced loans in 1336–49 were women; between 10% and 20% of moneylenders, hostellers, and “lakensniders” (wholesalers of cloth who typically sold on credit) registered in tax rolls were female.6 S. Hutton has added to Nicholas’s data with studies based principally on Ghent’s “Jaarboeken van de Keure”, which recorded transfers of and disputes about property among Ghentenaars. Her data confirms that women there bought and sold property or borrowed and lent, apparently in their own names.7

  • 8 J. M. Murray, Bruges: Cradle of Capitalism, 1280–1390, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005.
  • 9 G. Des Marez, E. de Sagher (ed.), Comptes de la ville d’Ypres de 1267 à 1329, II, Bruxelles, Kiessi (...)

5In 2005 J. Murray demonstrated that women in Bruges made regular appearances as moneylenders, working both unofficially and officially (as pawnbrokers) to extend credit in small amounts, usually for consumption needs, and that some managed prestigious money-changing businesses allowing international merchants to trade currencies, keep deposit accounts, and borrow money for commercial ventures.8 In Ypres, one of Europe’s premier producers of luxury woolens, women provided the city a significant source of credit as purchasers of annuities that yielded an assured income for life: in the fiscal year 1325 women – few of them identified as married or widowed – accounted for 46% of the funds lent.9 Here, as elsewhere in Flemish cities, women evidently had funds for investment and the freedom to make investment decisions.

The sociopolitical and legal context of women’s impact on credit markets

  • 10 R. Jacob, Les époux, le seigneur et la cité : coutume et pratiques matrimoniales des bourgeois et p (...)
  • 11 For a description of this structure and a guide to sources, see M. C. Howell, The Marriage Exchange (...)
  • 12 In many places, women had to have their husbands’ permission to establish themselves as “femmes mar (...)

6Specialists agree that women’s participation in urban credit markets in Flanders reflected the social organization of economic production and the customary marital property and inheritance law particular to non-nobles, what the French called routiers10. The principal unit of production in Flemish cities – and in most of the urbanized north of the Europe in this period – was the household, a space that conceptually and usually physically incorporated the workshop, the retail shop, and the facilities for storing raw materials, inventories, and financial records. Usually nuclear in demographic form but including servants and apprentices, the household was formally governed by its male head, although in the absence of an adult male a woman could assume that role. Property brought to or earned by members of the household was managed by the head of household, although various provisions of law often made him or her accountable for the management of some of the assets11. Women in these households – wives, widows, daughters and other dependants – worked to sustain the household, and in commercial cities like Ghent that often meant producing for the market, for the line between work for the market and that for subsistence was not as clearly drawn then as it is today. Women easily slipped from one economic arena to the other, usually selling the kinds of goods they made for household use – cheese, ale, yarn or cloth for example. In accord with the same logic, women also helped in their husbands’ shops, perhaps producing shoes or keys, keeping books for the business, or dealing with customers. Some married women entered the market economy on their own, however, setting up their own businesses as what the Dutch speakers called “coopwijven” and the French speakers femmes marchandes, but their earnings were expected to return to the household12. Never-married adult women performed tasks similar to married women’s, whether in households of their own or in those headed by relatives or employers; widows often assumed their husbands’ jobs, at least for a period.

  • 13 Jacob, Les époux, le seigneur et la cité…, op. cit.; id., Les structures patrimoniales de la conjug (...)

7Inheritance law institutionalized these practices by granting girls the same inheritance rights as boys, in most customs without respect to birth order13. Customary marital property law similarly granted women substantial property rights. Although all the goods wives had brought to a marriage as well as those they acquired during the course of the marriage, whether by labor, gift, or inheritance, were managed by their husbands, in most regimes a husband had to obtain his wife’s permission to alienate or encumber the property his wife had brought to the marriage at its inception or had been promised at that time. This property was considered patrimonial and due to the offspring of the marriage (or, in the absence of live children, to the family from which the property had come) at the death of the spouse who had supplied it. In contrast, however, the husband had full control over all movable goods and all property acquired during the marriage (“after-acquired” property), whether real or movable. This was the “common” account and in effect the husband owned it absolutely.

8Nevertheless, when widowed a woman assumed ownership of at least half the common property; she also obtained her patrimonial property and during her life she had a right to half of the income from her late husband’s patrimonial property (her husband had exactly the same rights were he the survivor). Some customary regimes in Flanders, such as in Douai’s, did not recognize patrimonial property, however; instead, all property belonged to the common account if there had been a child born of the marriage. Even where patrimonial property was recognized, however, the common account could constitute the bulk of an ordinary urban family’s assets. Along with the domicile and its tenure, which were in most regimes treated as movable and thus common property, the account included inventories, raw materials, tools, equipment, accounts receivable, clothing, jewels, animals, and stored foodstuffs. A wife who received only 50% of this account upon her husband’s death thus could acquire a significant amount of wealth; a woman who succeeded to all of it was doubly empowered.

9Inheritance and marital property law thus combined to award women in commercial cities of Flanders significant property rights, even though women lost some or all of those rights during marriage (unless a marriage contract had been written to modify customary rules, a rare event until the late fifteenth century). Sometimes this opened doors to very prestigious roles in commerce – as money changers in Ghent or Bruges, for example. It often put them in court to defend their rights; it made them artisans with their own shops and apprentices; it required that they regularly circulate in the many marketplaces scattered throughout these cities. To perform these tasks, they had to borrow and lend, so it is no surprise to find them doing just that.

  • 14 For a discussion of this pattern throughout medieval Europe, see Jordan, Women and Credit…, op. cit (...)
  • 15 For Bruges, see Murray, Bruges…, op. cit., p. 309 and the references he cites.

10It is perhaps also no surprise to find that women had a particularly marked impact on the market for consumption loans. They regularly borrowed from the ubiquitous pawnbrokers, unlicensed moneylenders, and the occasional neighbor or relative in order to provision the household until wages were paid, a shop’s inventories sold, or a garden ready for harvest14. Many of the lenders to whom they turned were female15. We do not know precisely how many, but there is no doubt that the loans extended, although very small, were made so frequently and met such urgent needs that they must be counted a crucial support of the urban economy.

  • 16 This data is taken from an analysis of the documents published by C. Wyffels, Analyses de reconnais (...)

11Women (or men acting on their behalf) also played a special role in a distinct sector of the more formal credit market by extending loans to the city in exchange for a life annuity. In Ypres women acting in their own name often counted for about half of such loans made, but even when the official purchaser was male (or husband and wife together) the purpose was usually the same: to guarantee the support of wives and children in the event of the man’s death or incapacity. We do not have enough evidence to conclude that women played so distinctive a role as creditors or debtors in other market sectors but some data from Ypres’s “lettres de foires” suggests that women lent more often to women than did men. There, 12% of the 252 loans with women as creditors or joint creditors were made to women while less than 5% of the 5 536 loans made by men went to females16.

Women’s agency and the bonds of patriarchy

  • 17 The “Introduction” to D. Simonton, A. Montenanch (ed.), Female Agency in the Urban Economy. Gender (...)

12Women’s visibility in urban credit markets of the day is one of the signs of what many historians consider the unusual “agency” of women in this period, by which they seem to mean the ability to act independently of men, sometimes in ways that threatened the prevailing patriarchal system17. The “coopwijven” or femmes marchandes of Flanders exemplify these women, but any woman who bought and sold or borrowed and lent outside a close kin or residential network had acquired status in the commercial world that might have jeopardized a patriarchal system based in part on men’s control of women’s property and their use of it.

  • 18 J. G. van Dillen, “Gildewezen en publiekrechtelijke bedrijfsorganisatie”, De Socialistische Gids, 1(...)
  • 19 C. Crowston, “Women, Gender and Guilds in Early Modern Europe”, International Review of Social Hist (...)
  • 20 S. Hutton, “Women, Men, and Markets: The Gendering of Market Space in Late Medieval Ghent”, in A. C (...)

13The evidence we have, however, suggests that barriers were firmly in place to limit any such threat. For example, those guilds exercising political power or providing access to such power were always governed by men, and women’s only supervisory tasks in such crafts were to assure quality control, inevitably in trades such as spinning wool or silk that women had traditionally done18. The few guild-like organizations allowing women formal leadership positions, always those institutionalizing crafts in which women specialized, were little more than agents of municipal control19. Many more crafts, guild-organized or not, had no women members. Women were also often blocked from numerous mercantile sectors of the economy. In Ghent, for example, women sold luxury cloth only at retail, in stalls specifically set aside for that commerce, thus reserving the more lucrative and prestigious wholesale trade for men. In the same city they were denied a place in the prestigious Corn Hall, the site of Ghent’s grain staple, and they were similarly absent from the Meat Hall where butchers, who ranked among the richest of Ghent’s ordinary tradesmen, did their business20.

  • 21 For a recent summary and analysis of the abundant literature, see P. Stabel, “Working women and gui (...)
  • 22 Jacob, Les époux…, op. cit.; Howell, Marriage Exchange…, op. cit.

14Limits to women’s agency in the marketplace even multiplied as the Middle Ages came to a close. Guilds in Flanders (and elsewhere) unevenly but nevertheless inexorably wrote women out of the organized crafts, sometimes simply by omitting mention of women in new ordinances, sometimes by explicitly forbidding daughters or wives to assist in the family shop, and sometimes even eliminating a widow’s right to practice her late husband’s trade21. In some places, such as Douai, marriage contracts written to modify customary law denied a widow managerial rights over the marital estate and prevented her from carrying property belonging to her late husband into a new marriage22.

  • 23 See, for example, a Douaisien document of 1351 (AM Douai 585/142): “[…] et ausi Maroie Pilete a rav (...)
  • 24 W. Prevenier, “Violence against Women in a Medieval Metropolis: Paris around 1400”, in B. S. Bachra (...)

15More generally, legal texts of various kinds consistently confirmed male authority over women’s persons and their bodies. Husbands were regularly described as their wives’ barons or similar; criminal statutes cautioned only that a husband not beat his wife so severely that she died or was permanently incapacitated, even as priests and friars often counseled husbands to treat their wives “kindly”23. Rape was rarely prosecuted and a woman’s charge would stand only if her cries of protest and pain had been heard, the act had been witnessed, or the attacker had confessed. One surviving court case from Paris even blamed a woman for the rape she was known to have suffered because she had been on the streets after the curfew24.

  • 25 For examples see A. Blamires, Woman Defamed and Womand Defended, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1990.
  • 26 For this discourse see F. Riddy, “‘Burgeis’ Domesticity in Late-Medieval England”, in M. Kowaleski, (...)

16Women who disobeyed their husbands or otherwise challenged his authority, pushed too hard in the marketplace, or whose “loose tongues” disrupted social order were the stuff of the period’s comic literature and moralist texts that circulated widely during the period25. Other cultural texts, in contrast, offered a positive model for women by cautioning them about the dangers of the public and counseling them on the importance of their roles in the household. The well-known Le Ménagier de Paris or the English What the Goodwife told her Daughter, for example, instructed young women to walk “modestly” in public or while provisioning the household in the marketplace26. The courtesy books and similar manuals that proliferated toward the end of the period praised the docile housewife who kept an orderly household, willingly served her husband, and disciplined her children; while she might well work for the market, she did so in order to provision the household, not for her own advancement. Of course many women, married and single, did not or could not retreat to domesticity as such texts urged. They worked hard as retailers, craftspeople, or wage laborers, constantly circulating in the public marketplace to earn their and their children’s keep. But precisely their public visibility distinguished them from the idealized bourgeois woman who served a stable household and was only indirectly connected to the marketplace. The market women, in contrast, not only sold; they could seem to be for sale themselves.

  • 27 For a fuller argument about patriarchy’s endurance through time, see J. M. Bennett, History Matters (...)

17The abundant evidence of women’s presence in urban credit markets of late medieval Flanders thus provides shaky ground for a celebration of women’s agency. These women certainly enjoyed robust property rights, especially as compared to bourgeois women of later centuries, but they acquired them – and were expected to exercise them – in the service of household economies formally governed by men. While women frequently stepped into what contemporaries considered – and we consider – male roles, they were systematically excluded from the political status that accompanied these roles. And to the extent that their positions in commerce might have compromised patriarchal authority, they were eased, or forced, out. Thus, even as women played important roles as creditors and debtors, they simultaneously strengthened a commercial economy that resolutely privileged men. And would continue to do so for centuries to come27.

Notes

1 For example, M. Postan, “Credit in Medieval Trade”, Economic History Review, 1, 1928, p. 234–61; R. de Roover, Money, Banking and Credit in Mediaeval Bruges: Italian Merchant-Bankers, Lombards and Money-Changers, Cambridge Mass., Medieval Academy of America, 1948; B. Kuske, “Die Entstehung der Kreditwirtschaft und des Kapitalverkehrs”, in id., Köln, der Rhein und das Reich. Beiträge aus fünf Jahrzehnten wirtschaftsgeschichtlicher Forschung, Köln/Graz, Böhlau, 1956, p. 48–137; M. North (ed.), Kredit im spätmittelalterlichen und frühneuzeitlichen Europe, Köln/Graz, Böhlau, 1991.

2 For example, P. Schuster, “The Age of Debt? Private Schulden in der spätmittelalterlichen Gesellschaft”, in G. B. Clemens (ed.), Schuldenlast und Schuldenwert: Kreditnetzwerke in der europäischen Geschichte 1300–1900, Trier, Kliomedia, 2008, p. 3–52; G. Signori, Schuldenwirtschaft. Konsumenten- und Hypothekarkredite im spätmittelalterlichen Basel, Konstanz/München, UVK Verlagsgesellschaft, 2015; M. Berthe, (ed.), Endettement paysan et crédit rural dans l’Europe médievale et moderne. Actes des XVIIes Journées Internationales d’Histoire de l’Abbaye de Flaran, Septembre 1995, Toulouse, Presses universitaires du Mirail, 1998.

3 W. C. Jordan, Women and Credit in Pre-Industrial and Developing Societies, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1993.

4 K. Reyerson, “Land, Houses, and Real Estate Investment in Montpellier: a study of the notarial property transactions, 1293–1348”, Studies in Medieval and Renaissance History, 6, 1983, p. 39–112; id., “Women in Business in medieval Montpellier”, in B. Hanawalt (ed.), Women and Work in Preindustrial Europe, Bloomington Ind., Indiana University Press, 1986, p. 117–144; id., The Art of the Deal. Intermediaries of Trade in Medieval Montpellier, Leiden, Brill, 2002; K. Lacey, “Women and Work in Fourteenth and Fifteenth Century London”, in L. Charles, L. Duffin (ed.), Women and Work in Pre-Industrial England, London, Croom Helm, 1985, p. 24–82; G. Jehel, “Le rôle des femmes et du milieu familial à Gênes dans les acivités commerciales au cours de la première moitié du xiiie siècle”, Revue d’histoire économique et sociale, 53, 1975, p. 193–215.

5 F. Blockmans, “Peilingen nopens de bezittende klasse te Gent omstreeks 1300 (I)”, Revue belge de philologie et d’histoire, 15/2, 1936, p. 496–516.

6 D. Nicholas, The Domestic Life of a Medieval City: Women, Children, and the Family in fourteenth-century Ghent, Lincoln Nebraska, University of Nebraska Press, 1985, p. 23, 90 and following, and for the statistical data p. 75, 85–6.

7 S. Hutton, “Of Herself and all her Property: Women’s economic activities in late medieval Ghent”, Continuity and Change, 20/3, 2005, p. 325–49. By her count, some 22% of property transaction or legal disputes about property rights involved what she called “active” women, i.e., those taking an active role in the process, independently of a male guardian. Another 10% appeared in the record as “passive” participants and about 9% were named simply as consenting partners to men, usually their husbands. Also see Reyerson, “Land, Houses, and Real Estate Investment…”, art. cit., which suggests that women in Montpellier were equally active in property markets, although her data is not organized in a way that allows direct comparison with Hutton’s.

8 J. M. Murray, Bruges: Cradle of Capitalism, 1280–1390, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2005.

9 G. Des Marez, E. de Sagher (ed.), Comptes de la ville d’Ypres de 1267 à 1329, II, Bruxelles, Kiessing, 1909, p. 429–33.

10 R. Jacob, Les époux, le seigneur et la cité : coutume et pratiques matrimoniales des bourgeois et paysans de France du Nord au Moyen Âge, Brussels, Publications des Facultés universitaires Saint-Louis, 1990, and id., Les structures patrimoniales de la conjugalité au Moyen Âge dans la France du Nord. Essai d’histoire comparée des époux nobles et roturiers dans les pays du groupe de coutumes “picard-wallon”, thèse de doctorat dirigée par P. C. Timbal, université Paris 2, 1984, provides an authoritative analysis of these systems. For the southern Low Countries as a whole see P. Godding, Le droit privé dans les Pays-Bas méridionaux du xiie au xviiie siècle, Brussels, Académie royale de Belgique, 1987.

11 For a description of this structure and a guide to sources, see M. C. Howell, The Marriage Exchange: Women, Property and Social Place in late medieval Cities, Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1998, and id., Commerce before Capitalism in Europe, 1300–1600, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2010, “Introduction”, “chapters 1 and 2”.

12 In many places, women had to have their husbands’ permission to establish themselves as “femmes marchandes” or “coopwijven”.

13 Jacob, Les époux, le seigneur et la cité…, op. cit.; id., Les structures patrimoniales de la conjugalité…, op. cit., and Godding, Le droit privé…, op. cit.

14 For a discussion of this pattern throughout medieval Europe, see Jordan, Women and Credit…, op. cit., p. 24–25.

15 For Bruges, see Murray, Bruges…, op. cit., p. 309 and the references he cites.

16 This data is taken from an analysis of the documents published by C. Wyffels, Analyses de reconnaissances de dettes passées devant les échevins d’Ypres, éditées selon le manuscrit de (†) Guillaume Des Marez, Brussels, Commission royale d’histoire, 1991.

17 The “Introduction” to D. Simonton, A. Montenanch (ed.), Female Agency in the Urban Economy. Gender in European Towns, 1640–1830, London, Routledge, 2013 provides a useful discussion of the meaning(s) of the term “agency” as it will be used in their volume, although many of the scholars using the term do not.

18 J. G. van Dillen, “Gildewezen en publiekrechtelijke bedrijfsorganisatie”, De Socialistische Gids, 18, 1934, p. 785–97, 860–74, and H. Lentze, Der Kaiser und die Zunftverfassung in den Reichsstädten bis zum Tode Karls IV. Studien zur städtichen Verfassungsentwicklung im späteren Mittelalter, Breslau, M. und H. Marcus, 1933, distinguish “political” guilds from those organized simply to supervise production on behalf of political authorities.

19 C. Crowston, “Women, Gender and Guilds in Early Modern Europe”, International Review of Social History, 53/S16, 2008, p. 19–44, argues that this was no longer the case in early modern France, although changes in the political administration of the economy may account for the apparent improvement in women’s corporative rights. Also see C. L. Loats, “Gender, Guilds and Work Identity. Perspectives from Sixteenth-Century Paris”, French Historical Studies, 20/1, 1997, p. 15–30.

20 S. Hutton, “Women, Men, and Markets: The Gendering of Market Space in Late Medieval Ghent”, in A. Classen (ed.), Urban Space in the Middle Ages and Early Modern Age, Berlin/New York, Walter de Gruyter, 2009, p. 409–33.

21 For a recent summary and analysis of the abundant literature, see P. Stabel, “Working women and guildsmen in an era of economic change: Discourses on labour and gender identity (Flanders, 13th and 14th century)”, may 2011 (http://www.medievalists.net/2011/05/28/working-women-and-guildsmen-in-an-era-of-economic-change-discourses-on-labour-and-gender-identity-flanders-13th-and-14th-century/ consulted online on the 11th of July 2016).

22 Jacob, Les époux…, op. cit.; Howell, Marriage Exchange…, op. cit.

23 See, for example, a Douaisien document of 1351 (AM Douai 585/142): “[…] et ausi Maroie Pilete a ravestist Ernoul d’Amrin sen baron”. For the customary law in the southern Low Countries permitting husbands to beat wives, if not to death, see Godding, Le droit privé…, op. cit., p. 111. A xvith century edition of Namur’s custom provided that “ung home ne fourfaict rien a battre sa femme, s’il ne la tue”.

24 W. Prevenier, “Violence against Women in a Medieval Metropolis: Paris around 1400”, in B. S. Bachrach, D. Nicholas (ed.), Law, Custom, and the Social Fabric in Medieval Europe: Essays in Honor of Bryce Lyon, Kalamazoo, Mich., Medieval Institute Publications, 1990, p. 262–84.

25 For examples see A. Blamires, Woman Defamed and Womand Defended, Oxford, Clarendon Press, 1990.

26 For this discourse see F. Riddy, “‘Burgeis’ Domesticity in Late-Medieval England”, in M. Kowaleski, P. J. P. Goldberg (ed.), Medieval Domesticity: Home, Housing and Household in Medieval England, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2008, p. 14–37.

27 For a fuller argument about patriarchy’s endurance through time, see J. M. Bennett, History Matters: Patriarchy and the Challenge of Feminism, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006, p. 54–81.

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université de Columbia

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