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    Plan détaillé Texte intégral Shōke no ikki in the fourteenth centuryIkkō ikki and the language of communityConclusive considerations Notes de bas de page Auteurs

    Horizons médiévaux d’Orient et d’Occident

    Ce livre est recensé par

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    Table des matières

    Ikki 一揆 / Leagues: Languages and Representations of Community in Medieval Japan and Europe

    Serena Ferente et Hitomi Satō

    p. 199-224

    Texte intégral Shōke no ikki in the fourteenth centurySome keys from the historiography of ikki in the fourteenth-fifteenth centuryShōke-no-ikki in the fourteenth century: a case study from Yano-no-shō矢野荘Ikkō ikki and the language of communityConclusive considerations Notes de bas de page Auteurs

    Texte intégral

    1Collective, horizontal formations have long been recognised as fundamental actors in the politics of medieval and early modern Europe. Opposed or complementary to forms of individual power, monarchic or lordly, collectivities such as communes, leagues, corporations and confederations are among the most intriguing and pervasive forms of political organisation in European history, and produced a coherent, if not always theoretically explicit, understanding of the nature of political power and legitimacy.1

    2Collective political action in such formations relied on discourses and practices that imagined and represented the many acting as one; the collectivity was an entity constituted by its members but surpassing them. Language and ritual, often melded together, were essential in framing ideas and practices of collective identity. The oath was perhaps the single most important and durable linguistic-ritual tool for creating collective entities in Europe – a speech-act capable of binding individuals together to form a different and unified entity. Oaths were always sacred, and often explicitly religious acts, even when they were uttered in a secular context, by laypeople, and for entirely non-religious ends. Concepts and images elaborated in religious discourse and ecclesiastical circles frequently populated the language of collective identities; in such a process of transmission and borrowing the distinction between religious and secular discourse is indeed very difficult to trace.2

    3Two prominent elements of the language of collective identity in medieval Europe, pax/peace and the body metaphor, foregrounded in this essay, were the product of ancient philosophical and legal traditions, appropriated and developed by Christian churchmen in the Middle Ages, and re-claimed by lay communities as the tool for imagining their collective identity and action.

    4In 1982 Katsumata Shizuo 勝俣鎮夫 defined the Japanese ikki as “the collectivity of people united through determined practices, that overcome existing social relationships among individuals usually divided by conflicting interests, to carry out one or more actions of common interest”.3 The comparative potential of such collective formations in the history of Japan (or East Asia) implicitly runs through Katsumata’s great book, and is mentioned, in passing, in the works of Katsumata’s friend and translator, Pierre-François Souyri.4 The ikki was occasionally included in comparative histories of revolt (particularly in the tradition of American historical sociology) in its derivate meaning of “rebellion”, rather than its original meaning of “league”, or “sworn community”.5 Yet the history of ikki as a political form and language, rather than instances of revolt, has not yet fully benefited from an approach that takes into account its comparative potential, as some recent comparative works show.6

    5Our essay, while focusing entirely on Japanese history, brings to the study of ikki questions that its authors have largely developed in their research in the history of late medieval and early modern Europe. Despite the obvious similarities between ikki and sworn collective formations in European medieval history, a historical comparison that can include language and concepts is very challenging. This essay presents some preliminary attempts to approach differences and similarities in the language of ikki, by analyzing fourteenth- and fifteenth-century cases of ikki. The choice of the period puts the emphasis on the high point of ikki diffusion and power in the history of Japan, and takes into consideration fundamental processes occurring in that era, which were prominent in Europe in the very same centuries. One of such processes was the increasing territorialisation of political power, the other was the clash between religious establishments and secular lords. The essay is divided in two parts: in Part One, Satō Hitomi focuses on the development of an ikki language of territorial community; in Part Two, Serena Ferente explores the contribution of specifically religious language of the community in the case of ikkō ikki 一向一揆.

    Shōke no ikki in the fourteenth century

    Some keys from the historiography of ikki in the fourteenth-fifteenth century7

    6The medieval ikki is a form of league not exclusive to any single social status or legal category, so its practices might be considered a form of communication shared by all the social and political classes that existed in medieval Japan. In the fourteenth century, the protagonists of medieval ikki, namely local lords and common peasants, experienced important changes in their ikki. Leagues of local lords were called ryōshu-ikki 領主一揆while leagues of peasants were named after their territorial frameworks. The league of peasants who lived on the same estate was called shōke-no-ikki 荘家の一揆, meaning the league of inhabitants of an estate.

    7Among the ikki of local lords, there are two sub-categories. The clan-based ikki with blood relationships was called ichizoku-ikki 一族一揆: it was formed by the members of illegitimate sons’ houses in the same clan. The territory-based ikki formed by provincial local lords was named kokujin-ikki 国人一揆, created for the purpose of mutual help in securing territorial dominions.8 As Kurushima Noriko 久留島典子 has suggested, however, ichizoku-ikki emphasised blood relationships that were in some cases fictive, and this implies that it included members from outside the clan, most probably those gathered because of common local interests.9

    8Two notable recent studies on the ikki of local lords seem to confirm this assumption. Kobayashi Kazutake 小林一岳 has highlighted its nature as a legal agreement 契約 (keiyaku), suggesting similarities between the ikki and the so-called leagues of “evil brigands” 悪党 (akutō10).11 This was defined in the fourteenth-century Mineaiki 峯相記 as “those who make a league and reach a mutual aid agreement”.12 Goza Yūichi 呉座勇一 also followed in this direction, underlining that ikki were leagues of people without blood relationships. If, at the beginning of the Middle Ages, the underlying social structure of the Japanese warrior society was regulated on the basis of blood relationships under the general leadership of the house head over the extended family 惣領制 (sōryō system13), when the sōryō system collapsed in the period of the Northern and Southern dynasties 南北朝時代 (1336–92), local lords constructed new relationships simulating the bonds of blood. And these strangers defined their mutual relationships as “intimate relationships similar to those among family members” 水魚の思い (suigyo no omoi).14 The ikki of local lords developed, therefore, as a means to strengthen territorial relationships as early as the beginning of the fourteenth century, with a vocabulary simulating a familial relationship and emphasising its emotional aspect.

    9How did this sense of territorial identity develop among members of the lordly class as compared to leagues of commoners, such as that of the inhabitants of an estate (shōke-no-ikki)? Historians in the latter half of the twentieth century studied this problem within the framework of the people’s movements against lords such as shōen 荘園 proprietors or provincial governors. According to Inagaki Yasuhiko 稲垣泰彦, the shōke-no-ikki was limited because it could hardly develop beyond the territory of one village or one estate, while the ikki of provincial lords presented a more developed form, encompassing a whole province.15 More recent studies, however, have pointed out that the peasants who composed the shōke-no-ikki often had wide networks of marriages, religious activities, and collaboration and conflict regarding the usufruct of water resources crossing estate borders. Thus it has been suggested that the ikki of commoners may have drawn support from wider geographical areas than a single village or estate.16

    10This fact leads us to question these ikki’s self-understanding and representations. Katsumata Shizuo has underlined the connection between membership of the village community and the idea of being “one” shared by the members of shōke-no-ikki, which surpassed the socio-economic differences between the upper class of peasants called myōshu 名主, and their dependent cultivators.17 This idea of “oneness” was closely related to a defined society with a small territorial framework.

    11Since the shōen and shōke-no-ikki was a potentially open and undetermined political form, we should be able to investigate their self-understanding and representations from new points of view. The section that follows is dedicated to the shōke-no-ikki in the fourteenth century.

    Shōke-no-ikki in the fourteenth century: a case study from Yano-no-shō 矢野荘18

    12In this section, I will examine a case of protest made by inhabitants of a shōen that belonged to one of the most important monasteries, called Tōji 東寺.19 The shōen, Yano-no-shō, was located in the province of Harima, a part of today’s Hyōgo prefecture.20 The protest broke out in 1377 and took the form of a concerted abandonment of the land, which was called chōsan 逃散 in contemporary Japanese. This form of protest was almost always accompanied by the formation of ikki.

    13The territory of Yano-no-shō was initially managed by the descendants of its developer, Hata Tametatsu 秦為辰. After various transfers, the territory of Yano-no-shō was divided into two portions in the twelfth century; one was called Rei-myō 例名 and the other Betsu-myō 別名, and proprietorship of the former was transferred to the Retired Emperor Go-Uda 後宇多上皇 (r. 1274–87 as Emperor) in 1305. Eventually, Go-Uda donated it to the monastery of Tōji in 1313.21

    14This Retired Emperor was strongly motivated by his devotion to esoteric Buddhism. In 1313, he wrote with his own hand the deed of donation of Yano-no-shō.22 According to this document, the donation was made in perpetuity to support the religious activities of the monks of Tōji, and, therefore, no one else should intervene in the shōen’s administration because it was an exclusive competence of the monks’ community. It continued warning that the administrators must not be avaricious because the prosperity of this estate was the basis for the religious service of monks who worked for the peace and security of all the country:23 the ideal thus expressed had wider ambitions for the shōen’s administration, as it was understood to affect the whole country by virtue of the monks’ religious activities.

    15As was the case with many other shōen, an estate steward 地頭 (jitō) was established in Yano-no-shō under the command of the provincial military governor of Harima. One of the significant problems of this estate was, therefore, that the jitō and the monks of Tōji were often in conflict over control of the territory. A definitive solution to the conflict had been attempted before Tōji obtained titular proprietorship of Rei-myō. In 1297, the jitō and the then shōen proprietor of Rei-myō reached an agreement about territorial division下地中分 (shitaji chūbun). Rei-myō was further divided into two territorial units: the eastern part was assigned to the jitō while the shōen proprietor obtained the western part, which was later donated to Tōji.24

    16Conflict, however, continued, and involved local potentates. In order to control the shōen directly, the monks dispatched their agent to Yano-no-shō. When the protest of 1377 occurred, the agent was a man called Takai Yūson 高井祐尊.25 The protest was a result of previous hostility between the shōen inhabitants and the agent.

    17Given that the direct influence of the military governor in the estate was increasing, Yūson tried to address local problems by developing networks, from the beginning of his career, in a political space close to the military governor. At the same time, he was accumulating more and more revenue and obtaining the remunerative offices of myōshu to the detriment of members of the local community. This led him to clash with the inhabitants of the estate, particularly with an individual called Jitsuen 実円 who had worked hard, in collaboration with Tōji, on land assessment to increase the revenue from Yano-no-shō,26 as well as with Jitsuen’s son, Sanenaga 実長. Jitsuen and Sanenaga represented the local people’s side connecting Toji’s authority and Yano-no-shō, while Yūson came from the opposite side of the same juncture.

    18Hostilities reached a peak in 1377. At first, the monks peacefully invited the people who had walked out to return immediately. The escaped inhabitants, however, declared that they were determined never to return to the estate unless Yūson was removed from office. Knowing this, Yūson seized the initiative. He involved the military governor, obtaining from him a written order to chase the escaping people.27 Seeing that Yūson’s relationship with the military governor was too close, the monks distrusted him and dispatched a person called Jōen 乗円 to Yano-no-shō to investigate the local situation. It was discovered that Yūson, in secret, had mobilised his relatives, friends, and acquaintances living in Yano-no-shō to assault the community’s assembly violently. Then he ordered his men to construct a fence and confine the rebelling people within it.28

    19Although the monks suspended Yūson from all activities as their agent, Yūson continued to persecute the people of the estate. At this point, the monks requested that the governor stop offering support to their agent immediately.29 After that, Yūson’s role as an agent disappears from the sources. It seems that he left Yano-no-shō in 1379.

    20This set of events affords us a perspective on how each party understood or illustrated the facts, thanks to the register of the monks’ assembly. For the sake of the better management of various religious activities, the monks of Tōji were organised into sub-groups, each specialised in determined activities. The chief monk of each group presided over the monks’ assemblies, where the member monks discussed various matters regarding their organisation. The above-mentioned register contains the minutes of those assemblies.30 These sources demonstrate different understandings of the same events.

    21a) First, Yūson’s version. In 1378, on the eighth of the second month, a nephew of Yūson handed Yūson’s letter to the monks of Tōji. Yūson deplored the monks of the monastery for accepting the proposal of a person called Iehisa 家久, who was a local collaborator of the monastery chosen among the inhabitants. Iehisa had proposed that the inhabitants of the estate should pay their rent to the monks directly, by-passing the agent completely. According to Yūson, Iehisa plotted with the inhabitants against the monastery.31 Therefore, the monks should return Yūson to command the local situation, if they wanted to regain “tranquillity” 静謐 in Yano-no-shō.32

    22b) Iehisa’s version, instead, was that, in the name of all the inhabitants of Yano-no-shō, Yūson was accused of continuing to act as an agent after he had been dismissed. The inhabitants had no choice but to escape from the estate because Yūson, together with the envoy of the military governor, announced their arrest. Thus Iehisa asked the monastery to obtain a written order from the military governor to suspend his envoy’s activity. In this way, “tranquillity” would return to the estate.33

    23The two men’s versions were different but shared one keyword: “tranquillity”. Both Yūson and Iehisa claimed to be in the right and defended their position with reference to the “tranquillity” of the estate, as well as accusing their enemy of being a danger for the good of the shōen proprietor. After this exchange of opinions, the monks tried to reconcile the parties, promising some economic help to the escaped people and ordering Yūson to do his best to get the inhabitants back. The course of events, however, reveals in more detail the structure of both sides’ arguments. Some months after the first information about the abandonment of the land, Yūson’s nephew arrived in Kyōto with his letter.34 According to it, Yūson was trying to obtain help from the military governor so that he could threaten the disobedient people.35 Now the monks recognised Yūson as definitely dangerous, because the military governor himself was lending him his support. Their anxiety is expressed with the following words: “If he plots with a number of influential people, all the yearly revenue will eventually be spent as his expenditure. […] This would become a source of confusion for the estate, a cause for quarrels and conflict.”36 Thus, the monks ordered Yūson not to persecute the inhabitants.37 Despite their injunction, Yūson did just that, because he was allowed to do so by the military governor.

    24The monks’ envoy, Jōen, reported on further developments. When the people of Yano-no-shō held a meeting to discuss the problem, Yūson’s collaborators launched a surprise attack on the meeting place.38 The people gathered there were imprisoned and their houses were plundered.39 Jōen’s words are worthy of attention. He stated: “Those who had personal ties with these imprisoned myōshu and peasants, would have arrived soon, in great numbers, to free them, in order to take revenge [on those who had damaged their] honor. If so, we would certainly have seen numerous murders and injuries, which should absolutely not occur!”40

    25Jōen, therefore, suggested taking into consideration the request of the inhabitants to replace the agent41. In the minutes of the monks’ assembly, there is a passage that seems to be intended as follows: “If [the people in the estate and Yūson] involve themselves in armed conflicts, they will cause murders and injuries with swords, involving brigands, which will open a space for [the military governor’s] interference. So, if we let the inhabitants of the estate be dishonoured, how could it be possible to maintain the estate in a peaceful state?”42 The problem was that dishonouring the inhabitants of the estate would provoke armed conflict with bloodshed and involve brigands. Jōen was against Yūson especially because of the possibility of armed conflict exploding as revenge from the members of the community. This would have caused confusion on the estate.

    26What emerges from these sources is the strong emphasis on “tranquillity”, because peace on the estate was necessary to guarantee cultivation. In order to manage the estate successfully, however, it was also necessary to maintain a delicate relationship with the military authority of the bakufu 幕府. This offered one of the bases of legitimisation for various actors on the local political scene, who offered diverse arguments in defense of their own legitimacy.

    27I want to tentatively offer a consideration on the relationship between the idea of tranquillity and that of territory. In the case of Yano-no-shō, the conservation of the “tranquillity” of the estate not only evokes the idea of territory, but is also important as an argument against the agent who abused the external authority of the military governor.

    28Here, the couple of antonyms is “tranquillity” and “confusion”. The monastery interpreted “confusion” as a state filled with conflict and violence, which could invite intervention by the military governor. Yūson, instead, was convinced that such an intervention was necessary to re-establish “tranquillity”. These conflicting ideas about the relation between peace, territory and personal relationships inside and outside the territory collided in the course of development of the ikki and chōsan of 1377.

    29It is worth underlining that, for a person like Yūson, the idea of the internal tranquillity of the estate is inextricably linked to the relationship with the external authority of the military governor and that the ikki members produced their arguments in opposition to it. Both parties used their languages in response to a determined situation, which is however typical of the fourteenth century: crisis and difficult attempts at the reconstruction of the shōen system, the gradual penetration of the authority of the provincial military governor, the development of interlocal personal networks of people in the intermediate stratum of society, to which both Yūson and the leaders of the shōke-no-ikki belonged. The two arguments were potentially interchangeable between the two parties. Both the ideas of closeness and openness of the territory coagulated with “tranquillity” and “confusion”.

    Ikkō ikki and the language of community

    30The most obvious element of comparison between ikki and sworn societies in European history, such as leagues or fraternities, is the ritual performativity of the act of oath-taking and the equal and mutual nature of the bond thus created. The ritual and oath-taking had not only the power to bind, but also the effect of transcending the many and small to form a unity bigger and stronger than the sum of its parts. This property of ikki oaths bears striking similarities with the working of some oaths in European history, which contemporaries believed capable of creating corporate groups. In addition, the (ideological) re-signification of the word ikki, from “sworn community” to the meaning of “revolt” displays some intriguing parallels with the semantic re-positioning of the Latin word coniuratio from “(common) oath” to “conspiracy”.

    31The characters employed to write the word ikki 一揆, refer to the notion of being of “one reckoning”, of “one mind”.43 Several other expressions present in documents and semantically related to ikki reinforce the same concept: ichimi dōshin 一味同心, or “same disposition, same mind”, and ichimi dō, “together in the same way”, “in harmony”, convey notions of unity of wills.44 The ikki ritual could involve the signing of a collective written oath, which was then burnt and whose ashes were mixed with sacred water 一味神水 (ichimi shinsui) and drunk by all the oath-takers in the presence of Buddhas and kami 神祇. The water, drunk by all, bound ikki members together in a ritual manner, transformed them into a collective entity invested with the specific mission detailed in the oath. It also gave them a superior sense of legitimacy deriving from the sacredness of their collective commitment before the gods.

    32An ikki, then, was a fundamental institution-building tool at the disposal of medieval Japanese people – including those not invested with official authority, be they court councillors, warriors, urban dwellers, members of a profession, or peasants. An ikki was by definition a temporary movement, aimed at a particular objective, and it quickly dissolved once the objective had been reached. For the duration of an ikki, however, some forms of collective decision-making needed to be established, and such forms were often assemblies, with more-or-less regulated meetings and procedures and more-or-less developed debate and vote. In his fundamental book of 1982 Katsumata Shizuo pointed to the need to reach a collective decision, one decision, from the multiplicity of hearts and opinions, as the raison d’être of ikki.

    33Katsumata offered a cultural approach to medieval ikki as a political ritual with religious connotations. He highlighted how the ikki assembly practices and their spirit of “harmonious accord” bore a close resemblance to the rules of the Buddhist monastic assembly, sangha (in Japanese sōgya 僧伽) and the ideal of ichimi wagō 一味和合, mentioned already in Kūkai’s (空海, 744–835) writings in the ninth century, but more systematically evoked from the twelfth century onwards. For Katsumata the similarity does not imply derivation, however; the ichimi dōshin of ikki was for him an “endogenous” phenomenon, and not a product of Buddhist influence.45 There are nonetheless several other features of ikki ritual across the centuries that seem to echo, if not borrow from, Buddhist-Shinto practice – from the frequently recorded sounding of bells to the rather more distinctive uchimawari, or circular procession, which became a feature of Nichiren ikki 日蓮一揆 (hokke ikki 法華一揆) in early sixteenth-century Kyōto.46

    34Katsumata’s study curiously (and perhaps deliberately) left out one of the most important versions of ikki in the late medieval period, the ikkō ikki.47 Ikkō ikki were probably the most successful, certainly the most durable ikki forms in fifteenth- and sixteenth-century Japan; for nearly a century they dominated the wealthy and vast Kaga province 加賀国, and represented one of the most dangerous military opponents of Oda Nobunaga 織田信長 (1534–82). Ikkō ikki have generated a rich but relatively distinct historiography, which treats them as a manifestation, the principal one, of the spread and power in the Muromachi period (1336–1573) of the Buddhist True Pure Land School 浄土真宗 (Jōdo Shinshū) and its increasingly centralised organisational structure under the control of Honganji 本願寺 and its head abbots.48

    35This historiography in great part reflects the typologies of sources about ikkō ikki that survive. Almost no written material is extant which emanates directly and autonomously from the ikki; the bulk of written sources were produced by parties hostile to ikki (the establishment of great Buddhist land-owning monasteries, Nobunaga, Hideyoshi 秀吉 (1537–98), the imperial court, the shōgun and other military commanders), or by Honganji and affiliated temples. Scholarship on Honganji in this period has focused on its leadership from the times of Rennyo 蓮如 (1415–99) onwards (and particularly the complex kinship networks at the helm of the religious order, whose priestly leaders could and did officially marry), on its relations with other prominent political players, and on developments in Jōdo Shinshū doctrine and practice49. Rennyo’s life coincided with one of the most turbulent and creative periods of Japanese history, and Honganji’s rise as the foremost school within Jōdo Shinshū is a prominent sub-plot of that broader story. From the rather subdued and vulnerable condition of the 1450s, Rennyo’s tenure as head abbot of Honganji (1457–89) sparked an extraordinary development of the school, whose followers and temples multiplied manifold over the second half of the fifteenth century. Rennyo’s talent was unquestionably that of the institution-builder – one of the most evident differences between him and the founder Shinran 親鸞 (1173–1262) – and the proselytiser. Yet the connection between Rennyo’s activity and the ikki that formed in many provinces of Japan from the mid-1400s until the 1580s is not without ambiguities and contradictions. Many ikki included, and were often numerically dominated by, followers of the Honganji, and already during Rennyo’s lifetime, but most strikingly under his successors, the leaders of Honganji were deemed capable, rightly or wrongly, of commanding and controlling the more powerful ikki.50 The nexus – whether essential or due to historical circumstances – between Rennyo and the ikki is the problem that looms over any interpretation of Rennyo’s doctrine, be it by religious scholars or historians.

    36The twin nature of ikkō ikki as both a political and a religious phenomenon is striking; it brings into focus the role of ikkō ikki in the dramatic re-framing of the relationship between secular powers and Buddhist establishment in the Muromachi period. Such a relationship was in previous centuries one of mutual support, indeed so close as to make it nearly impossible to distinguish the two powers as separate spheres. In the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, however, the relationship was violently re-configured, before it was consolidated into a new system under the Tokugawa shōgunate 徳川幕府 (1603–1867).51 Here I present some tentative ideas for a reconsideration of ikkō ikki as a religio-political phenomenon. I want to argue that ikkō ikki, as a movement, produced a language and culture of the community that was distinctive, and some aspects of Jōdo Shinshū’s doctrine were central to that. I would also suggest that an analysis of images and metaphors of community can become the basis for comparative cultural and intellectual histories of European and East Asian political forms.

    37Ikkō means “single-minded”; the word refers to the True Pure Land School’s rejection of the sundry practices of other Buddhist schools (particularly esoteric Buddhism), as well as kami worship and the variety of recitation practices common in Pure Land Buddhism in Japan.52 The doctrinal content of True Pure Land (or Jōdo shinshū) teachings played a crucial role in determining the distinctive socio-political identity of ikkō ikki. The emphasis on Amida Buddha’s Other Power 他力 (tariki) as the only source of salvation open to all, the exalted place of faith in the path to Amida’s Pure Land, and the married priesthood and organisational structure of Honganji are all essential aspects of the encounter between Jōdo shinshū and ikki.

    38Three (interrelated) features of Jōdo shinshū in the late Muromachi period have a bearing on the nature of ikkō ikki.

    391. Jōdo shinshū built its new identity outside (and against) the capital and its religious establishment;

    402. Jōdo shinshū’s message presented itself as radically egalitarian (even if it did not achieve such egalitarianism in practice), both socially and in its ostensible rejection of the distinction between laypeople and monks and of taboo observance that kept certain social groups apart;

    413. Rennyo’s insistence that his followers abstain from disputes with other Buddhist groups and instead focus on discussion and mutual correction within the community fostered a strong culture of separateness.

    421) Jōdo shinshū had its headquarters in the capital but had enjoyed very limited success in Japanese society before Rennyo’s time. Indeed, it can be argued that Rennyo’s Honganji came into its own precisely when it left behind the area around the imperial capital and its religio-political establishment, after the destruction of the Ōtani temple 大谷本願寺 at the hands of the armed monks of Enryakuji 延暦寺 in 1465. Rennyo spent much of his life travelling, fleeing persecution, and juggling his concern for orthodoxy with seemingly uncontainable pastoral success.53 The Hokuriku region, north of Lake Biwa, stretching along the Sea of Japan and encompassing the provinces of Echizen, Kaga, Noto, Etchū and Echgo, would become Rennyo’s second home and the most important and resilient stronghold of Honganji throughout the sixteenth century. Rennyo would move again in his later life, first back to the capital, then settling in the wide and sparsely inhabited slope near the ocean, the future Osaka.

    43The question of what impact ikki forms of organisation could have had on Rennyo has received no particular attention, since it can be only fragmentarily glimpsed from the existing evidence. Yet it is a question worth asking. Rennyo lived in a world where ikki were a common occurrence, a normal feature of the socio-political landscape. Rennyo’s first initiative as new head abbot in 1457 was to launch a campaign of preaching and proselytising in the Ōmi province 近江国, where Jōdo shinshū congregations included fishermen, craftsmen, and transporters of goods – the latter one of the groups that sources indicate specifically as members of the ikki of those years. If Rennyo’s message undoubtedly found a very large audience, his experience living among the “lowly young and old” and the “ignorant men and women”54 of the villages and small towns of that area (especially Katada 堅田) must have taught him something, too, or at the very least familiarised him with the practices and principles of ikki from the vantage point of people who were or had been ikki members. As a result, it is likely that Rennyo’s attitude towards ikki began to depart from the mixture of contempt and terror one finds in the writings of religious establishments and secular powers in the capital.

    442) One of the most striking aspects of Rennyo’s pastoral message is its social inclusiveness. In my analysis I will be relying particularly on Rennyo’s ofumi 御文, the pastoral/doctrinal letters he composed for shinshū followers in simple language and script, eighty of which were later selected for collection, and soon also printed, in five fascicles as Gojō Ofumi 五帖御文. The letters included in the first four fascicles are dated, and constitute a particularly precious body of sources not only on issues of doctrine and practice, but also on the lives of Rennyo and shinshū believers in the fifteenth century. The wide circulation of these texts during and immediately after Rennyo’s lifetime among an extraordinarily wide public of readers and listeners is well attested; indeed, with the woodblock-print edition the letters consolidated their scriptural status among shinshū followers, having themselves already become the object of commentary and authoritative interpretation. Pierre-François Souyri calls Rennyo’s ofumi prêches écrits,55 and indeed many of the letters appear as the written equivalent of sermons delivered on particular ritual occasions. Some of the texts, particularly those written in old age, strike a distinctly personal and confessional tone, and Rennyo stresses there the spontaneity of his writing and his reflections on life, suffering and impermanence. Yet a substantial number of letters are structured as questions-answers, as a sort of catechism rather than a sermon, and suggest the reactive and adaptive nature of Rennyo’s teaching, concerned with orthodoxy as much as a widespread understanding of the core tenets of the faith. It is to Rennyo’s ofumi, therefore, that one must look to identify those aspects of Jōdo shinshū doctrine that appealed so profoundly to ordinary fifteenth-century followers – and also, as a negative mirror, those practices and beliefs that had spread despite Rennyo’s admonishments.

    45The universality of Amida’s salvific Vow 本願 (hongan) is repeatedly expounded on in Rennyo’s letters and acts as a great unifying force across class, gender, and lay/clerical divides. Rennyo often explicitly names humble social groups and trades:

    First, [realising] the settled mind 安心 (anjin) in our tradition does not mean that we put a stop to our mind evil or to the rising of delusions and attachments. Simply carry on your trade or position of service, hunt and fish.56 (I-3, 1471)
    Next, those who seek to know in full what the settled mind means in our tradition need no wisdom or learning at all; they do not need to be male or female, noble or humble. For when we simply realise that we are wretched beings of deep evil karma and know that the only Buddha, who saves even such persons as this, is Amida Tathagata […], then Amida deeply rejoices […]. (II-13, 1474)

    46One of the most substantial of such letters is addressed to the wives of priests in charge of the lodgings at the Yoshizaki temple 吉崎寺, established by Rennyo on the coast of the sea of Japan in the Hokuriku region. Rennyo, who was at the time a thrice-married man and father of 18 children,57 shows some acquaintance with the world of women:

    I hear that during the past seven days of thanksgiving services, wives of priests in charge of the lodgings, and others as well, have, for the most part, undergone a decisive settling of faith (anjin). This is wonderful, and one could hope for nothing more. […]
    In regard to this [it must be understood that] although women have been abandoned by all the Buddhas of the ten directions and the three periods, it is indeed thanks to Amida Tathagata that they are saved. For to whatever extent women’s mind may be true, their inclination to doubt is deep, and their tendency to avoid things [impure and inauspicious] is still more difficult to cast off. Laywomen in particular, absorbed in practical matters and in their concern for children and grandchildren, devote themselves only to this life. (II-1, 1473)

    47This letter opens with a celebration of the news that the women have achieved the decisive settling of the faith (anjin), despite, Rennyo says, their peculiar burden of evil karma, their inclination to doubt, and their hesitation at breaking pollution taboos – the latter a particular weakness of their gender. It seems that precisely the breaking of taboos might have been one of the signs, perhaps the most obvious one, of having reached anjin, the conception of faith that is most crucial in, and most specific of, Rennyo’s Buddhism.

    48Regarding clergy and laypeople, the founder of Jōdo shinshū Shinran had chosen to be “neither layman nor monk”. He had taken a wife and fathered children – one of whom, his daughter Kakushinni 覚信尼 (1224–83), would become the genealogical link to Shinran for all subsequent leaders of Honganji. Thus with Shinran Jōdo shinshū had become unique among Japanese Buddhist schools in the way it reproduced its leadership and managed networks of branch-temples. Marriage alliances soon connected head abbots of Honganji to the court aristocracy (Shinran’s own original milieu) and powerful families of the Ashikaga bakufu 足利幕府.58 It is true that such blood relations could, and to an extent did, define an internal elite within the broader shinshū membership, marking a boundary between Honganji’s leadership and ordinary followers. Shinran’s choice to elide the distinction between lay and monk, however, had a more profound influence on identity and membership. Particularly at the local level, there was no visible and fixed difference between a clergy of leaders and a laity of followers, but only between shinshū insiders and outsiders. The blurring of boundaries between monks and laymen was at its most visible in shinshū assembly practices, where leaders were expected to relinquish higher seating positions, and where everyone ate the same food (including meat and fish, when available).

    493) The letter cited above addressed to the women at Yoshizaki allows a glimpse into a central aspect of shinshū practice, attested by several hostile sources about Honganji followers but otherwise nearly invisible in Rennyo’s own writings: the disregard of pollution taboos and prohibitions connected with kami worship. The extent to which Rennyo knew of and authorised the iconoclastic acts his followers were often accused of performing is a complex issue, but the letter suggests that breaking the observance of taboos, far from being an excess and a misunderstanding of Rennyo’s teaching, may instead have been seen, at least in the early 1470s, as a litmus test of authentic adherence to Honganji’s Jōdo shinshū.

    50Yet Rennyo was also unequivocal in intimating respect for the kami and other Buddhas. If the iconoclasm and disregard for taboos of Honganji’s followers is believed, Rennyo’s insistence, in his letters, on a non-adversarial relationship with kami and other Buddhist schools can be read instead as part of a strategy of separateness. Rennyo repeatedly prohibited criticism and slander of other teachings, open debates with non-believers, and the public exhibition of one’s faith:

    Among those in our tradition, [there are] some who unhesitatingly proclaim our teaching in the presence of other schools and other sects. This is a great mistake. Observing our tradition’s rules of conduct 掟 (okite) means keeping firmly to ourselves the teaching transmitted in our tradition and not giving any outward sign of it; those who do this are said to be people of discretion. These days, however, some talk carelessly and without reserve about matters concerning our sect in the presence of other schools and other sects; as a result, our tradition is considered shallow. Because there are some with mistaken views, others see our sect as degraded and detestable. (I-9, 1473)
    Among those on pilgrimage from the various provinces, there are some who, regardless of where they are – even on main roads and thoroughfares, at checking stations and on ferryboats – talk to others openly about matters concerning the Buddha-dharma. This should not be. (IV-8, 1485)

    51The context that called for Rennyo’s normative interventions is perhaps self-evident. Jōdo shinshū was spreading exceptionally widely and quickly into contemporary society, attracting people from all walks of life, including a majority of unlearned laymen and laywomen. These followers were unlikely to be able to sustain any debate with monks or priests from other schools or sects. Their views could be imprecise, erroneous or even heretical. Yet their enthusiasm poured out in public, and in mundane places, or during travel, in “main roads and thoroughfares, at checking stations and on ferryboats”. To Rennyo, it was essential that they abstain from engaging in disputes about belief with people outside the community.

    52On the other hand, Rennyo never ceased to recommend attendance to the monthly or bi-monthly local assemblies of the followers, where discussion of matters of faith had to take place:

    Now, what is the purpose of monthly meetings in our sect?
    Laypeople, lacking wisdom, spend their days and nights in vain; their lives pass by meaninglessly, and at the end they fall into the three evil paths. The meetings are occasions when, even if only once a month, just those who practice the
    nenbutsu 念仏 should at least gather in the meeting place 道場 (dōjō) and discuss their own faith and the faith of others. Recently, however, because matters of faith are never discussed in terms of right and wrong, the situation is deplorable beyond words.
    In conclusion, there must definitively be discussions of faith from now on among those at the meetings. For this is how we are to attain birth in the true and real land of utmost bliss. (I-12, 1473)
    Even if you feel that you understand the significance of Buddha-dharma – having listened through sliding doors or over a hedge – faith will be decisively settled [only] by your repeatedly and carefully asking others about its meaning. If you leave things to your own way of thinking, there will invariably be mistakes. (IV-7, 1484)
    There are some people who have not yet undergone any decisive settling of faith and should for this reason raise their doubts. They keep these things to themselves, however, and do not talk openly about them. When we press and question them, they just try to evade the point, without saying frankly what is on their minds. This is inexcusable. They should speak unreservedly and thus ground themselves in true and real faith. (IV-8, 1485)

    53In Rennyo’s letters the settlement of faith to be achieved through the One-Thought moment is connected with discussion among believers. Anjin is the result of individual but also, it seems, interpersonal experience. Correction of misunderstandings is to take place as a process of discussion and exchange, rather than through top-down sanction. Little or no emphasis is put on the authoritative role of teachers. Indeed, it is noticeable that Rennyo’s encouragements to discuss faith with other believers are often coupled, in the very same letters, with criticism of assembly leaders and priests, who are showing themselves less worthy than ordinary followers:

    In recent years, priests who are pillars of the Buddha-dharma have been seriously lacking in faith while followers – companions – have, on the contrary, undergone a decisive settling of faith. (IV-8)

    54Similar statements have contributed to a history of Honganji as an increasingly centralised, church-like institution, which is a well-established theme in the historiography.59 What deserves to be emphasised, however, is that Rennyo constructs a new sense of separateness among his followers, via the twin admonishments to discuss frequently with other believers and avoid all discussion with non-believers. In several letters written throughout his abbacy, and even after his retirement in 1489, Rennyo resorts to distinctions about “inner” and “outer”, external behaviour and internal faith. These semantics go beyond, but are surely determined by, the problem of the relationship with the established socio-political authorities, inextricably both secular and religious. A short but crucial letter can illustrate the problem and deserves to be quoted in full:

    If there are any of you who have heard the meaning of our tradition’s Other-Power faith and become decisively settled, you must store the truth of that faith in the bottom of your hearts; do not talk about it with those of other sects or others [not of our tradition]. Furthermore, you must not praise it openly (in the presence of [such] people) on byways and main roads and in the villages where you live. Next do not slight the provincial military governors and local land stewards, claiming that you have attained faith; without fail meet your public obligations in full. Further, do not belittle the various kami and Buddhas and Bodhisattvas, for they are all encompassed within the six characters Na-mu A-mi-da Butsu 南無阿弥陀仏. Besides this, in particular, take the laws of the state 王法 (ōbō) as your outer aspect, store Other-Power faith deep in your hearts, and take the principles of humanity and justice 仁義 (jingi) as essential. Bear in mind that these are the rules of conduct that have been established within our tradition. (II-6, 1474)

    55The much commented final sentences of this letter are the first of many subsequent statements where Rennyo articulates “external” and “internal” loyalties – elsewhere also worded as “on your brow” and “in your heart”. This passage and its pronounced dualism have been, over the centuries, the most important scriptural prop for Jōdo Shinshū leaders who needed to demonstrate the loyalty of their school to the Japanese state, often during periods of persecution. In 1871 the head-abbot of Nishi-Honganji 西本願寺, Kōnyo 広如 (1798–1871), used it to signify that loyal obedience to the law of the Emperor is essential and that Rennyo saw devotion to the Emperor as fundamental 王法為本 (ōbō ihon60).

    56It seems important to highlight that Rennyo’s statements on the relationship between ōbō and faith often appear, as in the letter cited above, together with prescriptions about the boundaries of the community of believers; it is to this particular separation that they seem to be primarily aimed. Rennyo’s notion of anjin, or settlement of the faith, is this-worldly, and explicitly antithetical to other Jōdo Shinshū schools that stressed instead the importance of the moment of death. Anjin constituted the essence of Rennyo’s Jōdo Shinshū not only as a doctrine but also as a community of believers, who seek, or have already achieved, the decisive settlement of the faith, and spend the rest of their life reciting the six-character nenbutsu 念仏 only in gratefulness to Amida. According to Rennyo, to them faith is fundamental, while ōbō and the Confucian-inspired jingi are “on the outside”.

    *

    57This “outside”, however, is explicitly branded as superficial and inauthentic in other letters:

    [The Master Shinran] said: “Even if you are called a cow thief, do not act in such a way that you are seen as the follower of the Buddha-dharma or as an aspirant [for the buddhahood] in the afterlife.” Besides this, he also carefully stipulated that we should observe humanity, justice, propriety, wisdom and sincerity; that we should honor the laws of the state; and that deep within we should take Other-Power faith, established by the Primal Vow, as fundamental.
    But recently, although people these days act as if they knew the Buddha-dharma, [it is clear] from what I have observed [that] while they give an outward appearance of relying on the Buddha-dharma, there is no decisive settling of faith (anjin), the single path in our tradition. […] Wandering among the followers of our [sect] and others, they make up lies and finally, under “orders from the head temple”, they deceive people and take things from them, thereby debasing the fundamental principles of our tradition. Is this not truly deplorable? (III-11, 1475)

    58The dynamic between faith “deep within” vs. “outward appearance” is not neutral, and indeed is quite clearly value-laden: what is external and apparent can be deceiving and inauthentic. Anjin, in particular, is deep within one’s heart and needs not, indeed must not, be “acted out” and trumpeted around. Again, discussion of inward and outward is adjacent in this letter to prescriptions about comportment in the presence of non-members of the community. The inward and outward dimension of the individual believer overlap and intersect with the inside and outside of the community of the faithful. Those who outwardly show adherence to the Buddha-dharma can be liars and debase the principles of the faith.

    59The dynamic between inner and outer connects the notion of an individual body to that of the community as a whole and suggests that the metaphorical equivalence to which historians of medieval Europe are so used – that between the mystical body of Christ and the Church, and more generally the body and the community – was at work in medieval Japan as well.

    Conclusive considerations

    60Some elements we briefly touched in this paper can form the basis, we think, for future comparative considerations between Japanese ikki and European sworn societies.

    611) The principle of peace and tranquillity. As we have seen with the case of Yano-no-shō, the language of peace and tranquillity was a useful tool of legitimation of ikki. This suggests that we could investigate differences from and common features with medieval European ideas of peace as coextensive with the common good and the commune.61

    622) The language of “inner” and “outer”. In the case of ikkō ikki, Rennyo’s suggest that the distinction between the inside and outside of the community of the faithful overlapped with the dualism between inner faith and apparent behavior, charging the former with a positive value. But even in the estate ikki of the fourteenth century, a similar inside/outside relationship was involved in the course of development of the event, although it was not clearly put into a language: the “outside” was the provincial military governor’s authority, which was the most dangerous potential enemy but needed to be in a good relationship for the sake of the “inner” peace. This “outside” was an ambiguous word, which became the focus of conflict in argumentations of both contrasting parties. Complex mutual influences between the languages and the existing reality around the inside/outside relationships should be investigated further.

    633) The body metaphor. The language of “inner” and “outer”, in particular, can be referred to basic metaphors that derive from ideas and perceptions of the body. Together with other scattered references to “forming one body” in the case of ikki, we can see traces of the body metaphor, which was so important in European languages of corporate unity.

    64In Europe, the formation and self-legitimation of sworn societies are among the most important historical processes of the Middle Ages and the early modern period. Such political forms influenced in crucial ways the plural landscape of political power in Europe, and contributed institutions and ideas to processes of state-building. Some sworn societies turned into independent states (notably, the Swiss Confederation); others were absorbed and legitimately positioned inside larger state-forms; others still were outlawed and condemned as being against the common good, equated to the peace and integrity of the body politic. In Japan the political parable of ikki followed the latter path; under the Tokugawa regime ikki were outlawed, punished and denigrated as mere revolts, limited to the peasant class, with which the people of the dominant classes were never to mix. Yet the question of the legacy of ikki as a tradition and a language of community and political pluralism deserves further analysis. The very different traditions of political languages in Europe and Japan, combined with relatively parallel socio-political developments, can offer a new basis for comparative research.

    Notes de bas de page

    1 The legal history of medieval associations and communities came into prominence in the second half of the nineteenth century with the work of Otto von Gierke, of whose book Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht (4 vol., 1868–1913) see the portions in English translation: Otto von Gierke, Community in Historical Perspective, transl. by M. Fisher, ed. by A. Black, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990. For more recent debates see Susan Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe, 900–1300, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997; Peter Blickle, Kommunalismus. Skizzen einer gesellschaftlichen Organisationsform, vol. 2, Europa, Munich, Oldenbourg, 2000.

    2 On oaths see, among many other works, Paolo Prodi, Il sacramento del potere. Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale dell’Occidente, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1992; Elizabeth Brown, “Ritual Brotherhoods in Western Medieval Europe”, Traditio, 52, 1997, p. 357–81, and on the early modern period John Spurr, “A Profane History of Early Modern Oaths”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 11, 2001, p. 37–63. Japanese historiography paid attention to the ikki as the sworn community from comparative viewpoints. See Takatani Chika’s historiographical consideration on the comparative history of the contract, the oath, and the league: 高谷知佳 「契約・誓約・盟約をめぐる比較史」 酒井紀美編 『契約・誓約・盟約』 東京, 竹林舎, 2015, p. 53–76 (Takatani Chika, “The Comparative History of the Contract, the Oath, and the League”, in Sakai Kimi [ed.], The Contract, the Oath, and the League, Tōkyō, Chikurinsha).

    3 勝俣鎮夫 『一揆』 東京, 岩波書店, 1982, p. 3 (Katsumata Shizuo, Ikki, Tōkyō, Iwanami Shoten); French translation: Katsumata Shizuo, Ikki. Coalitions, ligues et révoltes dans le Japon d’autrefois, transl. by Pierre-François Souyri, Paris, Éd. du CNRS, 2011.

    4 Pierre-François Souyri, Le monde à l’envers. La dynamique de la société médiévale, Paris, Maisonneuve & Larose, 1998, ch. 10 and 11.

    5 The earliest comparative works on ikki in Japanese historiography also paid attention to ikki as revolts. For example, Hara Katsurō suggested a similarity between Japanese tsuchi-ikki and the German Peasants’ War. 原勝郎 「足利時代を論ず」『日本中世史』 大阪, 創元社, 1940, p. 187–203 (Hara Katsurō, “On the Ashikaga Period”, in id., Japanese Mediaeval History, Osaka, Sōgensha [https://ndlonline.ndl.go.jp]). See also a comprehensive historiographical article: 佐藤和彦 「中世一揆史研究の軌跡」 青木美智男, 入間田宣夫, 黒川直則他編 『一揆』 第1巻, 東京, 東京大学出版会, 1981, p. 161–217 (Satō Kazuhiko, “The Progress of Historical Studies on Medieval Ikki”, in Aoki Michio et al. [eds], Ikki, vol. 1, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press). However, the exclusive use of the word ikki in the sense of “revolt” is proved only in the early modern period. 神田千里 『戦国時代の自力と秩序』 東京, 吉川弘文館, 2013, p. 185 (Kanda Chisato, Self Determination and Order in the Sengoku Period, Tōkyō, Yoshikawakōbunkan).

    6 Recent Japanese comparative works on ikki seem to share an interest in the ikki’s potential as a conflict-solving and peace-keeping political form. 服部良久 『アルプスの農民紛争―中・近世の地域公共性と国家―』京都,京都大学学術出版会, 2009 (Hattori Yoshihisa, Conflicts in the Rural Society of the Alpine Region: Local Public Life and the State in the Late Mediaeval and Early Modern Periods, Kyōto, Kyōto University Press); 長谷川裕子 「惣国一揆の平和維持と軍事行動―伊賀・甲賀の他国奉行と「足軽」―」藤木久志編 『京郊圏の中世社会』 東京, 高志書院, 2011, p. 314–343 (Hasegawa Yasuko, “The Peace-keeping and the Military Actions of the General Province Ikki: Foot Soldiers and Their Military Services to Another Country”, in Fujiki Hisashi [ed.], Mediaeval Society around Kyōto, Tōkyō, Koshi Shoin); 佐藤公美 「一揆の比較史のための予備的考察」『立教大学日本学研究所年報』 9/3, 2012, p. 48–58 (Satō Hitomi, “Preliminary Considerations for a Comparative History of Ikki”, Rikkyo Institute of Japanese Studies Annual Report, 9/3); Takatani, “The Comparative History”, art. cit.

    7 It is impossible to illustrate the rich historiography of ikki in this short section fully, so only some limited points that concern the purpose of this article will be mentioned. For a more detailed historiography, see 酒井紀美 「中世一揆論の軌跡を追って」『日本歴史』 700, 2006, p. 68–74 (Sakai Kimi, “Following the Progress of Ikki Studies”, History of Japan, 700).

    8 久留島典子 「領主の一揆と中世後期社会」『岩波講座 日本通史第 9 巻 中世 3』 東京, 岩波書店, 1994, p. 103–41, esp. 109–12 (Kurushima Noriko, “The Ikki of Lords and Late Medieval Society”, in Iwanami Course on the General History of Japan, 9, Middle Ages 3, Tōkyō, Iwanami Shoten).

    9 Ibid.

    10 The word akutō means a group of armed people, who assaulted shōen 荘園 proprietors protected by the bakufu 幕府, and they were considered criminals to be officially captured and punished by the police authority. 新井孝重 「悪党」『日本歴史大事典』 東京, 小学館, 2000 (Arai Takashige, s. v. “Akutō”, in Encyclopedia of Japanese History, Tōkyō, Shōgakukan). Works on the subject available in Western languages are Satō Kazuhiko, “Des gens étranges à l’allure insolite. Contestation et valeurs nouvelles dans le Japon médiéval”, Annales HSS, 50/2, 1995, p. 307–40 (www.persee.fr/issue/ahess); Souyri, Le monde à l’envers, op. cit.

    11 小林一岳 「鎌倉~南北朝期の領主一揆と当知行」『日本中世の一揆と戦争』 東京, 校倉書房, 2001, p. 177–200 (Kobayashi Kazutake, “The Local Lords Ikki and their Actual Enfeoffment during the Kamakura and Southern and Northern Dynasties Periods”, in id., Ikki and War in Mediaeval Japan, Tōkyō, Azekura Shobō).

    12 Ibid., p. 192.

    13 The sōryō system 惣領制 (sōryōsei) was a “system of divided inheritance of family property used by warrior houses in the late Heian 平安時代 (794–1185) and Kamakura 鎌倉時代 (1185–1333) periods; designation also for a pattern of warrior organisation in which, despite divided inheritance, general leadership over the extended family was retained by the house head,” according to John W. Hall, Jeffery P. Mass (eds), Medieval Japan: Essays in Institutional History, New Haven/London, Yale University Press, 1974, p. 259.

    14 呉座勇一 『日本中世の領主一揆』 京都, 思文閣出版, 2014, p. 198 (Goza Yūichi, Ikki of the Lords in the Middle Ages, Kyōto, Shibunkaku Shuppan).

    15 稲垣泰彦 「土一揆をめぐって」『日本中世社会史論』 東京, 東京大学出版会, 1981, p. 329–44, esp. p. 333 (Inagaki Yasuhiko, “On the Tsuchi Ikki”, in id., Studies on Japanese Mediaeval Social History, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press).

    16 清水亮 「南北朝期~戦国期の荘園」 荘園研究会編 『荘園史研究ハンドブック』 東京, 東京堂出版, 2013, p. 153–90, esp. p. 187 (Shimizu Ryō, “The Shōen in the Nambokuchō-Sengoku Period”, in Shōenshikenkyūkai [ed.], Handbook of Shōen History Studies, Tōkyōdō Shuppan).

    17 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit., p. 87–8.

    18 This section elaborates on some parts of chapter 2 of Satō Hitomi, Peace and Conflicts in Late Medieval Japan and Europe, tesi di dottorato in Storia medievale, coordinatrice Elisa Occhipinti, tutor Giorgio Chittolini, Università degli studi di Milano, anno accademico 2010–11.

    19 The official name of Tōji is Kyōōgokokuji 教王護国寺. It is located in today’s Minami Ward of the city of Kyōto. The word “Tōji” means “eastern temple” because it was founded together with another temple called Saiji 西寺, which means “western temple”. Both monasteries were constructed by imperial order on the two sides of the main gate of the city, shortly after the foundation of the city as a new capital.

    20 There is a rich historiography on Yano-no-shō. Of fundamental importance is a series of studies conducted by Umada Ayako that are included in the volumes Aioishishi 『相生市史』 (History of the City of Aioi): 馬田綾子 「鎌倉時代の矢野荘」 相生市史編纂専門委員会編 『相生市史』 第1巻, 相生市, 1984, p. 518–603 (Umada Ayako, “Yano-no-shō in the Kamakura period”, in Aioishishi Hensan Senmon Iinkai [ed.], History of the City of Aioi, vol. 1); id., 「矢野荘の動向」 相生市史編纂専門委員会編 『相生市史』 第2巻, 相生市, 1986, p. 45–108 (“The Movement in Yano-no-shō”, in Aioishishi Hensan Senmon Iinkai [ed.], History of the City of Aioi, vol. 2); id., 「逃散と一揆」 同書 p. 112–73 (id., “Thōsan and ikki”, ibid., p. 112–73). A general description of this shōen is id., 「矢野荘」 網野善彦, 稲垣泰彦, 石井進, 永原慶二編 『講座日本荘園史 8 』 東京, 吉川弘文館 (近畿地方の荘園 3), 2001, p. 356–85 (“Yano-no-shō”, in Amino Yoshihiko, Ishii Susumu, Inagaki Yasuhiko, Nagahara Keiji [eds], Course on the History of Japanese Shōen 8, Tōkyō, Yoshikawakōbunkan [Shōen of the Kansai Region, 3]). Concerning some ikki and various conflicts in Yano-no-shō, 網野善彦 『中世東寺と東寺領荘園』 東京,東京大学出版会 1978 (Amino Yoshihiko, Medieval Tōji and its Shōens, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press); 佐藤和彦 『南北朝内乱試論』 東京, 東京大学出版会, 1979 (Satō Kazuhiko, Studies on the Civil Wars in the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press); 伊藤俊一 『室町期荘園制の研究』 東京, 塙書房, 2010 (Itō Toshikazu, Studies on the Shōen System in the Muromachi period, Tōkyō, Hanawa Shobō); 小川弘和 「14世紀の地域社会と荘園制」『歴史学研究』 807/10, 2005, p. 45–53 (Ogawa Hirokazu, “Shōen System and Regional Society in Medieval Japan”, Journal of Historical Studies, 807/10); 上島有 「播磨国矢野庄における百姓名の成立と名主百姓」『日本史研究』 29, 1956, p. 1–25 (Uejima Tamotsu, “The Birth of myō and myō Head”, Journal of Japanese History, 29); id., 「中世村落と荘家の一揆:播磨国矢野荘の場合」 日本史研究会史料研究部会編 『中世の権力と民衆』 大阪, 創元社, 1970, p. 183–210 (id., “Medieval Villages and General Estate Ikki. A Case Study on Yano-no-shō in the Province of Harima”, in Nihonshikenyūkai Shiryōkenkyūbukai [ed.], Powers and Common People in the Middle Ages, Osaka, Sōgensha); 佐々木久彦 「南北朝期における農民の動向―東寺領播磨国矢野荘の場合―」『国史学』 80, 1970, p. 12–35 (Sasaki Hisahiko, “On the movements of Peasants during the Era of Nanbokuchō”, The Journal of Japanese History, 80); 北爪眞佐夫 「庄家の一揆の基礎構造―十四世紀における東寺領播磨国矢野庄例名西方の場合―」『国史学』 84, 1971, p. 22–47 (Kitazume Masao, “The structure of a riot in manor”, The Journal of Japanese History, 84); 青山英夫 「播磨国矢野荘における守護領国の展開-明徳・応永の強訴逃散事件をもとに―」『上智史学』 20/11, 1975, p. 97–110 (Aoyama Hideo, “The Development of the Shugo-Ryogoku in Yano-shō in the Fourteenth Century”, Sophia Historical Studies, 20/11); 苗木紀子 「損免要求と荘家一揆―播磨国矢野荘―」『法制史学』 34, 1982, p. 37–53 (Fueki Noriko, “Peasants’ Exemption Request and the General Estate Ikki. Yano-no-shō in the Harima Province”, in Hōsei shigaku, 34); 徳永裕之 「南北朝期の名主・荘官職相論と守護被官の形成」 悪党研究会編 『南北朝 「内乱」 』 東京, 岩田書院, 2018, p. 73–99 (Tokunaga Hiroyuki, “Conflicts Regarding the Myōshu and Other Local Shōen Offices and the Development of the Military Governor’s Clientship”, in Akutōkenkyūkai [ed.], The Civil Wars in the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period, Tōkyō, Iwata Shoin); 赤松秀亮 「播磨国矢野庄における水害と損免要求― 「荘家の一揆」 形成の社会的論理―」『地方史研究』 398, 2019, p. 5–25 (Akamatsu Hideaki, “Flood damages and Exemption Demands in Yano Estate in Harima Province. Social Logic of Shōke-no-ikki”, Chihōshikenkyū, 398); 同 「南北朝期における広域的 「村」 の特質と機能―播磨国矢野荘の上村と下村に注目して―」『歴史学研究』 998, 2020, p. 38–54 (Id., “Characteristics and Functions of the Extended ‘Village’ in 14th Century Japan. The Case of Kamimura and Shimomura in Yano Estate in Harima Province”, Journal of Historical Studies, 998).

    21 On the development of Yano-no-shō, see 上島有 「鎌倉時代の播磨国矢野荘について」『古文書研究』 7–8/2, 1975, p. 65–80 (Uejima Tamotsu, “On Yano-no-shō in Harima Province during the Kamakura Period”, Japanese Journal of Diplomatics, 7–8/2).

    22 The document is published in 相生市史編纂専門委員会編 『相生市史』 第 7 巻, 相生市, 1990, p. 627–8 (History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7). Vol. 7 and 8 of the same series of Aioishishi contain edited medieval documents concerning Yano-no-shō.

    23 Ibid.

    24 Umada, “Yano-no-shō in the Kamakura period”, art. cit., p. 565–90.

    25 Takai Yūson succeeded his father. Most low-ranking monks were married, and their sons used to inherit the family names and occupations of their fathers. For information on Yūson’s life, see 伊藤俊一 「高井法眼祐尊の一生―南北朝~室町前期における東寺の寺領経営と寺官―」『日本史研究』 354/2, 1992, p. 1–34. 現在は同前掲書 251–300 頁に再録 (Itō Toshikazu, “Life of an Economic Temple Priest. Takai Yūson”, Journal of Japanese history, 354, now in id., The Shōen System in the Muromachi period, p. 251–300); 薗部寿樹 「惣荘一揆―播磨国矢野荘と祐尊―」 阿部猛・佐藤和彦編 『人物でたどる日本荘園史』 東京, 東京堂出版, 1990, p. 235–51 (Sonobe Toshiki, “The General Estate Ikki. The Yano-no-shō in the Harima Province and Yūson”, in Abe Takeshi, Satō Kazuhiko [eds], The History of Japanese Shōen and its Protagonists, Tōkyō, Tōkyōdō Shuppan, 1990); 網野善彦 「悪党・代官・有力名主-鎌倉・南北朝期の播磨国矢野荘を中心に―」『歴史学研究』 298/3, 1965, p. 18–29. 現在は同前掲書 387–476 に再録 (Amino Yoshihiko, “Some Problems ni Yanono-sho in the Province of Harima in the 14th Century”, Journal of Historical Studies, 298. Now in id., Mediaeval Tōji and Its Shōens, op. cit., p. 387–476).

    26 Umada, “The Movement in Yano-no-shō”, art. cit., p. 58.

    27 History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7, p. 230, 18th of the eleventh month of 1377 (Eiwa 永和 3).

    28 Ibid., p. 230–2, 8th of the twelfth month of 1377 (Eiwa 永和 3).

    29 Ibid., p. 239–40, 6th of the second month of 1378 (Eiwa 永和 4).

    30 黒川直則 「中世東寺の文書管理」 根津美術館編 『百合文書と東寺の重宝』 東京, 根津美術館, 1997, p. 107–13 (Kurokawa Naonori, “Document Management in Medieval Tōji”, in The Hyakugō Archives and the Treasure of Tōji, Tōkyō, Nezu Museum). Tōji preserved large numbers of ancient and medieval documents, i.e. about 25,000 existing items, in its archives. Today, these documents are divided into three groups and preserved in the Kyōto Institute, Library and Archives (former Kyōto Prefectural Library and Archives), at Kyōto University, and in the monastery of Tōji, respectively. The first group is called the “documents of Tōji in one hundred boxes” or Tōji hyakugō monjo 東寺百合文書, and the minutes of the monks’ assemblies are included in this group. All three groups are called generically “Documents of Tōji”. On these, see 京都府立総合資料館編 『東寺百合文書にみる日本の中世』 京都, 京都新聞社, 1998 (Kyōto Prefectural Library [ed.], Medieval Japan in the Archives of Tōji temple [hyakugō monjo], Kyōto Shinbunsha); 上島有 「寺宝としての東寺百合文書の伝来」 前掲書, p. 9–41 (Uejima Tamotsu, “The Legacy of the Documents of Tōji as the Temple’s Treasure”, ibid.); 黒川直則 「中世東寺における文書の管理と保存」 安藤正人, 青山英幸編 『記録史料の管理と文書館』 札幌, 北海道大学図書刊行会, 1996, p. 73–104 (Kurokawa Naonori, “Document Management and Conservation in Medieval Tōji”, in Andō Masahito, Aoyama Hideyuki [eds], Archives Administration and Archival Institutions in Japan: Their Past, Present and Future, Sapporo, Hokkaidō University Press); 黒川 「中世東寺の文書管理」 (Kurokawa, “Document Management in Medieval Tōji”); 上島有, 大山喬平, 黒川直則編 『東寺百合文書を読む』 京都, 思文閣出版, 1998 (Uejima Tamotsu, Ōyama Kyōhei, Kurokawa Naonori [eds], Reading the Hyakugō Archives, Kyōto, Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1998); 高橋敏子編 『東寺における寺院統括組織に関する史料の収集とその総合的研究』 科学研究費補助金(基盤研究[B][2])研究成果報告書, 2002年度-2004 年度, 東京, 東京大学史料編纂所, 2005 (Takahashi Toshiko [ed.], Collection and Comprehensive Research of Historical Materials on the Supervising Organisation of Tōji, Report on the Research Achievements of Grants-in-aid for Scientific Research [KAKENHI] [B] [2], Tōkyō, Historiographical Institute, The University of Tōkyō). The registers of minutes contain numerous items concerning various estates belonging to Tōji, including Yano-no-shō. Those referring to Yano-no-shō are edited by Umada Ayako, in History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7 and 8.

    31 History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7, p. 240, 8th of the second month of 1378 (Eiwa 4).

    32 Ibid.

    33 Ibid., p. 239, 4th of the second month of 1378 (Eiwa 4).

    34 Ibid., p. 223–4, 23rd of the tenth month of 1377 (Eiwa 3).

    35 Ibid.

    36 Ibid., p. 224. 「相語権門人勢者,当年〻 貢悉成彼要脚,不可有寺用実,庄家 之基,喧嘩闘諍等之因縁也」。

    37 Ibid.

    38 Ibid., p. 230–1, 8th of the twelfth month of 1377 (Eiwa 3).

    39 Ibid.

    40 Ibid., p. 231. 「籠舎名主・百姓等所縁物共,為雪恥,率大勢,可禁 籠云〻,然者,定可有殺害刃,傷穴賢,不可有其儀」。

    41 Ibid.

    42 Ibid., p. 231. 「引弓放箭荘豈無為□□不及刃傷殺害之条 相語悪党人,令-庄家,□恥辱於名主・百姓之,可令安堵庄内哉」。I express my sincere gratitude to Professor Takahashi Toshiko for her precious help in the photographic verification of some parts of hyakugō monjo, which I have used in this section. The interpretation is entirely my own.

    43 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit., p. 59–71.

    44 See also Thomas Keirstead, The Geography of Power in Medieval Japan, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1992, p. 83 and following.

    45 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit., p. 59–65.

    46 On uchimawari see Mary Elizabeth Berry, The Culture of Civil War in Kyōto, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1994.

    47 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit.

    48 On ikkō ikki see especially, in English, David Lee Davis, The Kaga ikkō ikki. 1473–1580, PhD dissertation, Chicago, University of Chicago, 1978; Neil McMullin, Buddhism and the State in Sixteenth-Century Japan, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1984; Carol Richmond Tsang, War and Faith: Ikkō ikki in late Muromachi Japan, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2007.

    49 A short introduction is James Dobbins, Jōdo Shinshū. Shin Buddhism in Medieval Japan, Bloomington/Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1989.

    50 Ira Michael Solomon, “The Dilemma of Religious Power. Honganji and Hosokawa Masamoto”, Monumenta Nipponica, 33, 1978, p. 51–65.

    51 The great historian of religion Kuroda Toshio 黒田俊雄 (1926–93) suggested that Rennyo’s own pronouncements about the Dharma law undermined the doctrinal foundation of the established system 顕密体制 (the kenmitsu system), and therefore undermined the alliance between ōbō 王法 and buppō 仏法, imperial law and Buddhist law, imperial-military rule and the great Buddhist establishments of medieval Japan. On the kenmitsu system see, in English, Kuroda Toshio, “The Development of the Kenmitsu System as Japan’s Medieval Orthodoxy”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 23, 1996, p. 233–69. For a recent reassessment, see Taira Masayuki, “Kuroda Toshio and the Kenmitsu Taisei Theory”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 23, 1996, p. 427–48.

    52 See Dobbins, Jōdo Shinshū, op. cit.

    53 On Rennyo, see now Minor Rogers, Ann Rogers, Rennyo: The Second Founder of Shin Buddhism. With a Translation of His Letters, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991; Mark Blum, Yasutomi Shinya (eds), Rennyo and the Roots of Modern Japanese Buddhism, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006.

    54 The citations are from Enryakuji’s indictment of Rennyo’s activities in Kusano Kenshi, “The Kanshō Persecution. An Examination of Mt. Hiei’s Destruction of Ōtani Honganji”, in Blum, Yasutomi (eds), Rennyo, op. cit., p. 83–95.

    55 Souyri, Le monde à l’envers, op. cit., p. 268.

    56 All the citations from Rennyo’s letters are in the translation of Rogers, Rennyo, op. cit., 1991.

    57 On family matters and adoptions within Honganji, see Carol Richmond Tsang, “Marriage, Adoption and Honganji”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 32, 2005, p. 53–83.

    58 See ibid.

    59 See especially Solomon, “The Dilemma of Religious Power”, art. cit.

    60 On this and subsequent episodes of tension between Honganji and the imperial state in modern Japanese history, see Christopher Ives, “The Mobilisation of Doctrine. Buddhist Contributions to Imperial Ideology in Modern Japan”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 26, 1999, p. 83–106.

    61 A consideration on this point focused on the period of the Southern and Northern Dynasties is to be found in 佐藤公美 「「内乱」 の歴史の射程―悪党研究会シンポジウム南北朝 「内乱」 へのコメント―」 悪党研究会編, 前掲書, p. 101–23 (Satō Hitomi, “The Reach of the History of the ‘Civil War’. A Comment on the Symposium Nambokuchō nairan Organised by Akutōkenkyūkai”, in Akutōkenkyūkai [ed.], The Civil Wars, op. cit.). See also Takatani, “Comparative History”, art. cit.

    Auteurs

    • Serena Ferente

      Serena FERENTE : Professor of Medieval History, University of Amsterdam, History Department.

    • Hitomi Satō

      SATŌ Hitomi 佐藤公美 : Professor, Kyōto University (Kyōto), Graduate School of Human and Environmental Studies.

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    1 The legal history of medieval associations and communities came into prominence in the second half of the nineteenth century with the work of Otto von Gierke, of whose book Das deutsche Genossenschaftsrecht (4 vol., 1868–1913) see the portions in English translation: Otto von Gierke, Community in Historical Perspective, transl. by M. Fisher, ed. by A. Black, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1990. For more recent debates see Susan Reynolds, Kingdoms and Communities in Western Europe, 900–1300, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 1997; Peter Blickle, Kommunalismus. Skizzen einer gesellschaftlichen Organisationsform, vol. 2, Europa, Munich, Oldenbourg, 2000.

    2 On oaths see, among many other works, Paolo Prodi, Il sacramento del potere. Il giuramento politico nella storia costituzionale dell’Occidente, Bologna, Il Mulino, 1992; Elizabeth Brown, “Ritual Brotherhoods in Western Medieval Europe”, Traditio, 52, 1997, p. 357–81, and on the early modern period John Spurr, “A Profane History of Early Modern Oaths”, Transactions of the Royal Historical Society, 11, 2001, p. 37–63. Japanese historiography paid attention to the ikki as the sworn community from comparative viewpoints. See Takatani Chika’s historiographical consideration on the comparative history of the contract, the oath, and the league: 高谷知佳 「契約・誓約・盟約をめぐる比較史」 酒井紀美編 『契約・誓約・盟約』 東京, 竹林舎, 2015, p. 53–76 (Takatani Chika, “The Comparative History of the Contract, the Oath, and the League”, in Sakai Kimi [ed.], The Contract, the Oath, and the League, Tōkyō, Chikurinsha).

    3 勝俣鎮夫 『一揆』 東京, 岩波書店, 1982, p. 3 (Katsumata Shizuo, Ikki, Tōkyō, Iwanami Shoten); French translation: Katsumata Shizuo, Ikki. Coalitions, ligues et révoltes dans le Japon d’autrefois, transl. by Pierre-François Souyri, Paris, Éd. du CNRS, 2011.

    4 Pierre-François Souyri, Le monde à l’envers. La dynamique de la société médiévale, Paris, Maisonneuve & Larose, 1998, ch. 10 and 11.

    5 The earliest comparative works on ikki in Japanese historiography also paid attention to ikki as revolts. For example, Hara Katsurō suggested a similarity between Japanese tsuchi-ikki and the German Peasants’ War. 原勝郎 「足利時代を論ず」『日本中世史』 大阪, 創元社, 1940, p. 187–203 (Hara Katsurō, “On the Ashikaga Period”, in id., Japanese Mediaeval History, Osaka, Sōgensha [https://ndlonline.ndl.go.jp]). See also a comprehensive historiographical article: 佐藤和彦 「中世一揆史研究の軌跡」 青木美智男, 入間田宣夫, 黒川直則他編 『一揆』 第1巻, 東京, 東京大学出版会, 1981, p. 161–217 (Satō Kazuhiko, “The Progress of Historical Studies on Medieval Ikki”, in Aoki Michio et al. [eds], Ikki, vol. 1, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press). However, the exclusive use of the word ikki in the sense of “revolt” is proved only in the early modern period. 神田千里 『戦国時代の自力と秩序』 東京, 吉川弘文館, 2013, p. 185 (Kanda Chisato, Self Determination and Order in the Sengoku Period, Tōkyō, Yoshikawakōbunkan).

    6 Recent Japanese comparative works on ikki seem to share an interest in the ikki’s potential as a conflict-solving and peace-keeping political form. 服部良久 『アルプスの農民紛争―中・近世の地域公共性と国家―』京都,京都大学学術出版会, 2009 (Hattori Yoshihisa, Conflicts in the Rural Society of the Alpine Region: Local Public Life and the State in the Late Mediaeval and Early Modern Periods, Kyōto, Kyōto University Press); 長谷川裕子 「惣国一揆の平和維持と軍事行動―伊賀・甲賀の他国奉行と「足軽」―」藤木久志編 『京郊圏の中世社会』 東京, 高志書院, 2011, p. 314–343 (Hasegawa Yasuko, “The Peace-keeping and the Military Actions of the General Province Ikki: Foot Soldiers and Their Military Services to Another Country”, in Fujiki Hisashi [ed.], Mediaeval Society around Kyōto, Tōkyō, Koshi Shoin); 佐藤公美 「一揆の比較史のための予備的考察」『立教大学日本学研究所年報』 9/3, 2012, p. 48–58 (Satō Hitomi, “Preliminary Considerations for a Comparative History of Ikki”, Rikkyo Institute of Japanese Studies Annual Report, 9/3); Takatani, “The Comparative History”, art. cit.

    7 It is impossible to illustrate the rich historiography of ikki in this short section fully, so only some limited points that concern the purpose of this article will be mentioned. For a more detailed historiography, see 酒井紀美 「中世一揆論の軌跡を追って」『日本歴史』 700, 2006, p. 68–74 (Sakai Kimi, “Following the Progress of Ikki Studies”, History of Japan, 700).

    8 久留島典子 「領主の一揆と中世後期社会」『岩波講座 日本通史第 9 巻 中世 3』 東京, 岩波書店, 1994, p. 103–41, esp. 109–12 (Kurushima Noriko, “The Ikki of Lords and Late Medieval Society”, in Iwanami Course on the General History of Japan, 9, Middle Ages 3, Tōkyō, Iwanami Shoten).

    9 Ibid.

    10 The word akutō means a group of armed people, who assaulted shōen 荘園 proprietors protected by the bakufu 幕府, and they were considered criminals to be officially captured and punished by the police authority. 新井孝重 「悪党」『日本歴史大事典』 東京, 小学館, 2000 (Arai Takashige, s. v. “Akutō”, in Encyclopedia of Japanese History, Tōkyō, Shōgakukan). Works on the subject available in Western languages are Satō Kazuhiko, “Des gens étranges à l’allure insolite. Contestation et valeurs nouvelles dans le Japon médiéval”, Annales HSS, 50/2, 1995, p. 307–40 (www.persee.fr/issue/ahess); Souyri, Le monde à l’envers, op. cit.

    11 小林一岳 「鎌倉~南北朝期の領主一揆と当知行」『日本中世の一揆と戦争』 東京, 校倉書房, 2001, p. 177–200 (Kobayashi Kazutake, “The Local Lords Ikki and their Actual Enfeoffment during the Kamakura and Southern and Northern Dynasties Periods”, in id., Ikki and War in Mediaeval Japan, Tōkyō, Azekura Shobō).

    12 Ibid., p. 192.

    13 The sōryō system 惣領制 (sōryōsei) was a “system of divided inheritance of family property used by warrior houses in the late Heian 平安時代 (794–1185) and Kamakura 鎌倉時代 (1185–1333) periods; designation also for a pattern of warrior organisation in which, despite divided inheritance, general leadership over the extended family was retained by the house head,” according to John W. Hall, Jeffery P. Mass (eds), Medieval Japan: Essays in Institutional History, New Haven/London, Yale University Press, 1974, p. 259.

    14 呉座勇一 『日本中世の領主一揆』 京都, 思文閣出版, 2014, p. 198 (Goza Yūichi, Ikki of the Lords in the Middle Ages, Kyōto, Shibunkaku Shuppan).

    15 稲垣泰彦 「土一揆をめぐって」『日本中世社会史論』 東京, 東京大学出版会, 1981, p. 329–44, esp. p. 333 (Inagaki Yasuhiko, “On the Tsuchi Ikki”, in id., Studies on Japanese Mediaeval Social History, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press).

    16 清水亮 「南北朝期~戦国期の荘園」 荘園研究会編 『荘園史研究ハンドブック』 東京, 東京堂出版, 2013, p. 153–90, esp. p. 187 (Shimizu Ryō, “The Shōen in the Nambokuchō-Sengoku Period”, in Shōenshikenkyūkai [ed.], Handbook of Shōen History Studies, Tōkyōdō Shuppan).

    17 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit., p. 87–8.

    18 This section elaborates on some parts of chapter 2 of Satō Hitomi, Peace and Conflicts in Late Medieval Japan and Europe, tesi di dottorato in Storia medievale, coordinatrice Elisa Occhipinti, tutor Giorgio Chittolini, Università degli studi di Milano, anno accademico 2010–11.

    19 The official name of Tōji is Kyōōgokokuji 教王護国寺. It is located in today’s Minami Ward of the city of Kyōto. The word “Tōji” means “eastern temple” because it was founded together with another temple called Saiji 西寺, which means “western temple”. Both monasteries were constructed by imperial order on the two sides of the main gate of the city, shortly after the foundation of the city as a new capital.

    20 There is a rich historiography on Yano-no-shō. Of fundamental importance is a series of studies conducted by Umada Ayako that are included in the volumes Aioishishi 『相生市史』 (History of the City of Aioi): 馬田綾子 「鎌倉時代の矢野荘」 相生市史編纂専門委員会編 『相生市史』 第1巻, 相生市, 1984, p. 518–603 (Umada Ayako, “Yano-no-shō in the Kamakura period”, in Aioishishi Hensan Senmon Iinkai [ed.], History of the City of Aioi, vol. 1); id., 「矢野荘の動向」 相生市史編纂専門委員会編 『相生市史』 第2巻, 相生市, 1986, p. 45–108 (“The Movement in Yano-no-shō”, in Aioishishi Hensan Senmon Iinkai [ed.], History of the City of Aioi, vol. 2); id., 「逃散と一揆」 同書 p. 112–73 (id., “Thōsan and ikki”, ibid., p. 112–73). A general description of this shōen is id., 「矢野荘」 網野善彦, 稲垣泰彦, 石井進, 永原慶二編 『講座日本荘園史 8 』 東京, 吉川弘文館 (近畿地方の荘園 3), 2001, p. 356–85 (“Yano-no-shō”, in Amino Yoshihiko, Ishii Susumu, Inagaki Yasuhiko, Nagahara Keiji [eds], Course on the History of Japanese Shōen 8, Tōkyō, Yoshikawakōbunkan [Shōen of the Kansai Region, 3]). Concerning some ikki and various conflicts in Yano-no-shō, 網野善彦 『中世東寺と東寺領荘園』 東京,東京大学出版会 1978 (Amino Yoshihiko, Medieval Tōji and its Shōens, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press); 佐藤和彦 『南北朝内乱試論』 東京, 東京大学出版会, 1979 (Satō Kazuhiko, Studies on the Civil Wars in the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period, Tōkyō, University of Tōkyō Press); 伊藤俊一 『室町期荘園制の研究』 東京, 塙書房, 2010 (Itō Toshikazu, Studies on the Shōen System in the Muromachi period, Tōkyō, Hanawa Shobō); 小川弘和 「14世紀の地域社会と荘園制」『歴史学研究』 807/10, 2005, p. 45–53 (Ogawa Hirokazu, “Shōen System and Regional Society in Medieval Japan”, Journal of Historical Studies, 807/10); 上島有 「播磨国矢野庄における百姓名の成立と名主百姓」『日本史研究』 29, 1956, p. 1–25 (Uejima Tamotsu, “The Birth of myō and myō Head”, Journal of Japanese History, 29); id., 「中世村落と荘家の一揆:播磨国矢野荘の場合」 日本史研究会史料研究部会編 『中世の権力と民衆』 大阪, 創元社, 1970, p. 183–210 (id., “Medieval Villages and General Estate Ikki. A Case Study on Yano-no-shō in the Province of Harima”, in Nihonshikenyūkai Shiryōkenkyūbukai [ed.], Powers and Common People in the Middle Ages, Osaka, Sōgensha); 佐々木久彦 「南北朝期における農民の動向―東寺領播磨国矢野荘の場合―」『国史学』 80, 1970, p. 12–35 (Sasaki Hisahiko, “On the movements of Peasants during the Era of Nanbokuchō”, The Journal of Japanese History, 80); 北爪眞佐夫 「庄家の一揆の基礎構造―十四世紀における東寺領播磨国矢野庄例名西方の場合―」『国史学』 84, 1971, p. 22–47 (Kitazume Masao, “The structure of a riot in manor”, The Journal of Japanese History, 84); 青山英夫 「播磨国矢野荘における守護領国の展開-明徳・応永の強訴逃散事件をもとに―」『上智史学』 20/11, 1975, p. 97–110 (Aoyama Hideo, “The Development of the Shugo-Ryogoku in Yano-shō in the Fourteenth Century”, Sophia Historical Studies, 20/11); 苗木紀子 「損免要求と荘家一揆―播磨国矢野荘―」『法制史学』 34, 1982, p. 37–53 (Fueki Noriko, “Peasants’ Exemption Request and the General Estate Ikki. Yano-no-shō in the Harima Province”, in Hōsei shigaku, 34); 徳永裕之 「南北朝期の名主・荘官職相論と守護被官の形成」 悪党研究会編 『南北朝 「内乱」 』 東京, 岩田書院, 2018, p. 73–99 (Tokunaga Hiroyuki, “Conflicts Regarding the Myōshu and Other Local Shōen Offices and the Development of the Military Governor’s Clientship”, in Akutōkenkyūkai [ed.], The Civil Wars in the Northern and Southern Dynasties Period, Tōkyō, Iwata Shoin); 赤松秀亮 「播磨国矢野庄における水害と損免要求― 「荘家の一揆」 形成の社会的論理―」『地方史研究』 398, 2019, p. 5–25 (Akamatsu Hideaki, “Flood damages and Exemption Demands in Yano Estate in Harima Province. Social Logic of Shōke-no-ikki”, Chihōshikenkyū, 398); 同 「南北朝期における広域的 「村」 の特質と機能―播磨国矢野荘の上村と下村に注目して―」『歴史学研究』 998, 2020, p. 38–54 (Id., “Characteristics and Functions of the Extended ‘Village’ in 14th Century Japan. The Case of Kamimura and Shimomura in Yano Estate in Harima Province”, Journal of Historical Studies, 998).

    21 On the development of Yano-no-shō, see 上島有 「鎌倉時代の播磨国矢野荘について」『古文書研究』 7–8/2, 1975, p. 65–80 (Uejima Tamotsu, “On Yano-no-shō in Harima Province during the Kamakura Period”, Japanese Journal of Diplomatics, 7–8/2).

    22 The document is published in 相生市史編纂専門委員会編 『相生市史』 第 7 巻, 相生市, 1990, p. 627–8 (History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7). Vol. 7 and 8 of the same series of Aioishishi contain edited medieval documents concerning Yano-no-shō.

    23 Ibid.

    24 Umada, “Yano-no-shō in the Kamakura period”, art. cit., p. 565–90.

    25 Takai Yūson succeeded his father. Most low-ranking monks were married, and their sons used to inherit the family names and occupations of their fathers. For information on Yūson’s life, see 伊藤俊一 「高井法眼祐尊の一生―南北朝~室町前期における東寺の寺領経営と寺官―」『日本史研究』 354/2, 1992, p. 1–34. 現在は同前掲書 251–300 頁に再録 (Itō Toshikazu, “Life of an Economic Temple Priest. Takai Yūson”, Journal of Japanese history, 354, now in id., The Shōen System in the Muromachi period, p. 251–300); 薗部寿樹 「惣荘一揆―播磨国矢野荘と祐尊―」 阿部猛・佐藤和彦編 『人物でたどる日本荘園史』 東京, 東京堂出版, 1990, p. 235–51 (Sonobe Toshiki, “The General Estate Ikki. The Yano-no-shō in the Harima Province and Yūson”, in Abe Takeshi, Satō Kazuhiko [eds], The History of Japanese Shōen and its Protagonists, Tōkyō, Tōkyōdō Shuppan, 1990); 網野善彦 「悪党・代官・有力名主-鎌倉・南北朝期の播磨国矢野荘を中心に―」『歴史学研究』 298/3, 1965, p. 18–29. 現在は同前掲書 387–476 に再録 (Amino Yoshihiko, “Some Problems ni Yanono-sho in the Province of Harima in the 14th Century”, Journal of Historical Studies, 298. Now in id., Mediaeval Tōji and Its Shōens, op. cit., p. 387–476).

    26 Umada, “The Movement in Yano-no-shō”, art. cit., p. 58.

    27 History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7, p. 230, 18th of the eleventh month of 1377 (Eiwa 永和 3).

    28 Ibid., p. 230–2, 8th of the twelfth month of 1377 (Eiwa 永和 3).

    29 Ibid., p. 239–40, 6th of the second month of 1378 (Eiwa 永和 4).

    30 黒川直則 「中世東寺の文書管理」 根津美術館編 『百合文書と東寺の重宝』 東京, 根津美術館, 1997, p. 107–13 (Kurokawa Naonori, “Document Management in Medieval Tōji”, in The Hyakugō Archives and the Treasure of Tōji, Tōkyō, Nezu Museum). Tōji preserved large numbers of ancient and medieval documents, i.e. about 25,000 existing items, in its archives. Today, these documents are divided into three groups and preserved in the Kyōto Institute, Library and Archives (former Kyōto Prefectural Library and Archives), at Kyōto University, and in the monastery of Tōji, respectively. The first group is called the “documents of Tōji in one hundred boxes” or Tōji hyakugō monjo 東寺百合文書, and the minutes of the monks’ assemblies are included in this group. All three groups are called generically “Documents of Tōji”. On these, see 京都府立総合資料館編 『東寺百合文書にみる日本の中世』 京都, 京都新聞社, 1998 (Kyōto Prefectural Library [ed.], Medieval Japan in the Archives of Tōji temple [hyakugō monjo], Kyōto Shinbunsha); 上島有 「寺宝としての東寺百合文書の伝来」 前掲書, p. 9–41 (Uejima Tamotsu, “The Legacy of the Documents of Tōji as the Temple’s Treasure”, ibid.); 黒川直則 「中世東寺における文書の管理と保存」 安藤正人, 青山英幸編 『記録史料の管理と文書館』 札幌, 北海道大学図書刊行会, 1996, p. 73–104 (Kurokawa Naonori, “Document Management and Conservation in Medieval Tōji”, in Andō Masahito, Aoyama Hideyuki [eds], Archives Administration and Archival Institutions in Japan: Their Past, Present and Future, Sapporo, Hokkaidō University Press); 黒川 「中世東寺の文書管理」 (Kurokawa, “Document Management in Medieval Tōji”); 上島有, 大山喬平, 黒川直則編 『東寺百合文書を読む』 京都, 思文閣出版, 1998 (Uejima Tamotsu, Ōyama Kyōhei, Kurokawa Naonori [eds], Reading the Hyakugō Archives, Kyōto, Shibunkaku Shuppan, 1998); 高橋敏子編 『東寺における寺院統括組織に関する史料の収集とその総合的研究』 科学研究費補助金(基盤研究[B][2])研究成果報告書, 2002年度-2004 年度, 東京, 東京大学史料編纂所, 2005 (Takahashi Toshiko [ed.], Collection and Comprehensive Research of Historical Materials on the Supervising Organisation of Tōji, Report on the Research Achievements of Grants-in-aid for Scientific Research [KAKENHI] [B] [2], Tōkyō, Historiographical Institute, The University of Tōkyō). The registers of minutes contain numerous items concerning various estates belonging to Tōji, including Yano-no-shō. Those referring to Yano-no-shō are edited by Umada Ayako, in History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7 and 8.

    31 History of the City of Aioi, op. cit., vol. 7, p. 240, 8th of the second month of 1378 (Eiwa 4).

    32 Ibid.

    33 Ibid., p. 239, 4th of the second month of 1378 (Eiwa 4).

    34 Ibid., p. 223–4, 23rd of the tenth month of 1377 (Eiwa 3).

    35 Ibid.

    36 Ibid., p. 224. 「相語権門人勢者,当年〻 貢悉成彼要脚,不可有寺用実,庄家 之基,喧嘩闘諍等之因縁也」。

    37 Ibid.

    38 Ibid., p. 230–1, 8th of the twelfth month of 1377 (Eiwa 3).

    39 Ibid.

    40 Ibid., p. 231. 「籠舎名主・百姓等所縁物共,為雪恥,率大勢,可禁 籠云〻,然者,定可有殺害刃,傷穴賢,不可有其儀」。

    41 Ibid.

    42 Ibid., p. 231. 「引弓放箭荘豈無為□□不及刃傷殺害之条 相語悪党人,令-庄家,□恥辱於名主・百姓之,可令安堵庄内哉」。I express my sincere gratitude to Professor Takahashi Toshiko for her precious help in the photographic verification of some parts of hyakugō monjo, which I have used in this section. The interpretation is entirely my own.

    43 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit., p. 59–71.

    44 See also Thomas Keirstead, The Geography of Power in Medieval Japan, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1992, p. 83 and following.

    45 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit., p. 59–65.

    46 On uchimawari see Mary Elizabeth Berry, The Culture of Civil War in Kyōto, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1994.

    47 Katsumata, Ikki, op. cit.

    48 On ikkō ikki see especially, in English, David Lee Davis, The Kaga ikkō ikki. 1473–1580, PhD dissertation, Chicago, University of Chicago, 1978; Neil McMullin, Buddhism and the State in Sixteenth-Century Japan, Princeton, Princeton University Press, 1984; Carol Richmond Tsang, War and Faith: Ikkō ikki in late Muromachi Japan, Cambridge, Harvard University Press, 2007.

    49 A short introduction is James Dobbins, Jōdo Shinshū. Shin Buddhism in Medieval Japan, Bloomington/Indianapolis, Indiana University Press, 1989.

    50 Ira Michael Solomon, “The Dilemma of Religious Power. Honganji and Hosokawa Masamoto”, Monumenta Nipponica, 33, 1978, p. 51–65.

    51 The great historian of religion Kuroda Toshio 黒田俊雄 (1926–93) suggested that Rennyo’s own pronouncements about the Dharma law undermined the doctrinal foundation of the established system 顕密体制 (the kenmitsu system), and therefore undermined the alliance between ōbō 王法 and buppō 仏法, imperial law and Buddhist law, imperial-military rule and the great Buddhist establishments of medieval Japan. On the kenmitsu system see, in English, Kuroda Toshio, “The Development of the Kenmitsu System as Japan’s Medieval Orthodoxy”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 23, 1996, p. 233–69. For a recent reassessment, see Taira Masayuki, “Kuroda Toshio and the Kenmitsu Taisei Theory”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 23, 1996, p. 427–48.

    52 See Dobbins, Jōdo Shinshū, op. cit.

    53 On Rennyo, see now Minor Rogers, Ann Rogers, Rennyo: The Second Founder of Shin Buddhism. With a Translation of His Letters, Berkeley, University of California Press, 1991; Mark Blum, Yasutomi Shinya (eds), Rennyo and the Roots of Modern Japanese Buddhism, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2006.

    54 The citations are from Enryakuji’s indictment of Rennyo’s activities in Kusano Kenshi, “The Kanshō Persecution. An Examination of Mt. Hiei’s Destruction of Ōtani Honganji”, in Blum, Yasutomi (eds), Rennyo, op. cit., p. 83–95.

    55 Souyri, Le monde à l’envers, op. cit., p. 268.

    56 All the citations from Rennyo’s letters are in the translation of Rogers, Rennyo, op. cit., 1991.

    57 On family matters and adoptions within Honganji, see Carol Richmond Tsang, “Marriage, Adoption and Honganji”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 32, 2005, p. 53–83.

    58 See ibid.

    59 See especially Solomon, “The Dilemma of Religious Power”, art. cit.

    60 On this and subsequent episodes of tension between Honganji and the imperial state in modern Japanese history, see Christopher Ives, “The Mobilisation of Doctrine. Buddhist Contributions to Imperial Ideology in Modern Japan”, Japanese Journal of Religious Studies, 26, 1999, p. 83–106.

    61 A consideration on this point focused on the period of the Southern and Northern Dynasties is to be found in 佐藤公美 「「内乱」 の歴史の射程―悪党研究会シンポジウム南北朝 「内乱」 へのコメント―」 悪党研究会編, 前掲書, p. 101–23 (Satō Hitomi, “The Reach of the History of the ‘Civil War’. A Comment on the Symposium Nambokuchō nairan Organised by Akutōkenkyūkai”, in Akutōkenkyūkai [ed.], The Civil Wars, op. cit.). See also Takatani, “Comparative History”, art. cit.

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    Référence numérique du chapitre

    Format

    Ferente, S., & Satō, H. (2022). Ikki 一揆 / Leagues: Languages and Representations of Community in Medieval Japan and Europe. In A. Egawa, M. Smith, M. Tanabe, & H. Wijsman (éds.), Horizons médiévaux d’Orient et d’Occident. Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.115126
    Ferente, Serena, et Hitomi Satō. « Ikki 一揆 Leagues: Languages and Representations of Community in Medieval Japan and Europe ». In Horizons médiévaux d’Orient Et d’Occident, édité par Atsushi Egawa, Marc Smith, Megumi Tanabe, et Hanno Wijsman. Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2022. doi:10.4000/books.psorbonne.115126.
    Ferente, Serena, et Hitomi Satō. « Ikki 一揆 Leagues: Languages and Representations of Community in Medieval Japan and Europe ». Horizons médiévaux d’Orient Et d’Occident, édité par Atsushi Egawa et al., Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2022, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.115126.

    Référence numérique du livre

    Format

    Egawa, A., Smith, M., Tanabe, M., & Wijsman, H. (éds.). (2022). Horizons médiévaux d’Orient et d’Occident. Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne. https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.114842
    Egawa, Atsushi, Marc Smith, Megumi Tanabe, et Hanno Wijsman, éd. Horizons médiévaux d’Orient et d’Occident. Paris: Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2022. doi:10.4000/books.psorbonne.114842.
    Egawa, Atsushi, et al., éditeurs. Horizons médiévaux d’Orient et d’Occident. Éditions de la Sorbonne, 2022, https://doi.org/10.4000/books.psorbonne.114842.
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