John Moore, Scottish European
p. 97-106
Texte intégral
1John Moore (1729-1802) was born in Stirling, the eldest son of the Rev. Charles Moore and Marion Anderson whose ancestors had accumulated considerable property in Glasgow. Upon the death of Charles in 1736 his widow moved with her four children to Glasgow. After grammar school Moore went on to the University of Glasgow, where he studied languages and philosophy. He was then apprenticed to John Gordon, a surgeon who had earlier taught Tobias Smollett who portrayed him in the character of Potion in Roderick Random. Moore knew Smollett and was to edit his works in 1797. Moore attended classes in anatomy and medicine at the university where he also continued his studies in the arts. In 1747 he joined a regiment of foot under command of the heir to the Duke of Argyll, which regiment was sent to Flanders to serve under the Duke of Cumberland. Having distinguished himself in the military hospitals Moore was transferred to the Coldstream Guards under General Edward Braddock, accompanying him to London in 1748. He then left for Paris, later joining the household of William Anne Keppel, 2nd, Earl of Albermarle, Ambassador to the Court of Versailles.
2In 1769 Moore was called upon to attend the young George James, Duke of Hamilton, who died shortly thereafter, to be succeeded by Douglas and it was decided that Moore would travel with the duke as his companion and physician. In 1772 the duke, Moore and attendants left for the Continent where they were to spend the next five years, visiting France, Switzerland, Germany and Italy. They resided chiefly in Paris, Geneva, Berlin, Vienna, Rome, Naples, and Venice. Upon his return to England with the duke in 1777, Moore decided to set up residence in London.
3The year following his return he published A View of Society and Manners in France, Switzerland and Germany, followed in 1781 by A View of Society and Manners in Italy. In the Advertisement to the second book Moore wrote: "The following observations on Italy, and on Italian manners, occurred in the course of the same Tour in which those contained in a book lately published... were made."1 I shall therefore discuss the two titles together. Both works are in the epistolary form, addressed to an unnamed friend. Front the outset of his travels and the beginning of the book Moore adopts a high moral tone. In the first letter, the author writes of the obsession of the Duke of Hamilton, who is not named in the first edition, with gambling. The duke, he says, had a "strong sense of obligation to you and to me, for our endeavours to wean him from the habit of gaming" (Works 1: 2). The author also sets down how he intends to conduct his correspondence: "I know you do not expect from me a minute account of churches and palaces.... The manners, customs, and character of the people may possibly furnish the chief materials in the correspondence you exact… (Works 1: 5-6).
4Moore notes the striking differences between the rights of ordinary citizens in the two countries. When a Frenchman hears of the "freedom of debate in parliament, of the liberties taken in writing or speaking of the conduct of the king, or measures of government" or how transgressors can be brought to punishment, "they [the French] seem filled with indignation, and say with an air of triumph, 'c'est bien autrement chez nous"' and they go on to point out that a minister "would give himself no trouble about forms or proofs; that suspicion was sufficient for him" (Works 1: 19). Moore quotes French not infrequently, assuming that his readers would be familiar with that language, but does not quote German, which he did not understand (Works 1: 158), or Italian when visiting countries where those languages are spoken.
5The quotation cited above is from the last paragraph of Letter VI. The succeeding letter opens with a passage on "a great many people" who have "just and liberal ideas of the design and nature of government, and proper and manly sentiments of the natural rights of mankind" (Works 1: 19), citing how the works of Montesquieu are greatly admired as proof of this statement. Like the bourgeois and upper class of France, Moore too pays little attention to the ideas of the laboring class. Given that in his time only a small portion of male adults in great Britain were enfranchised, one may assume that when writing of "the French nation" holding such opinions (Works 1: 20) he really means those members of the country who had the power to vote.
6In a fairly long letter (XIV) Moore discusses how ministers and courtiers are blamed for the king's problems, and goes on to mention the "discontent which really subsists at present in France" but he feels that the king could "recover the esteem and affection of his subjects" by dismissing his minister and a few others (Works 1: 43).
7The travellers spent a considerable period in Geneva, which pleased Moore greatly. He comments on the ready availability of education to all citizens and as a result, "It is not uncommon to find mechanics... amusing themselves with the works of Locke, Montesquieu, Newton… (Works 1: 64). This leads to an open-mindedness and tolerance unequaled in any city of Europe.
8Letter XXIX, from Geneva, is about Voltaire. Moore opens with the statement, "This extraordinary person has contrived to excite more curiosity, and to retain the attention of Europe for a longer space of time, than any other man this age has produced, monarchs and heroes included" (Works 1: 105). With the Duke of Hamilton, Voltaire turned the conversation to the old alliance and went on to mention "the great literary reputation" of some Scots of the time, speaking of Hume and William Robertson "in terms of high approbation" (Works 1: 108). On the philosopher's anti-clericalism Moore quotes a visitor: "If you subtract pride from priests nothing will remain.— Vous comptez donc, monsieur, la gourmandise pour rien, said Voltaire" (Works 1: 109). By Moore's time Voltaire's opinion of Shakespeare was well known, but the Scot will have his word. Voltaire's criticisms "do him no honour; they betray an ignorance of the author" (Works 1: 111). By now, says Moore, Shakespeare's "irregularities, and his disregard for the unities... are obvious to the dullest of modem critics" (Works 1: 111). One time at Ferney Voltaire was condemning Shakespeare for the "impropriety and absurdity of introducing low characters and vulgar dialogue into tragedy" when a guest took the English bard’s defense by pointing out that while they were low, "yet they were natural (dans la nature, was his expression). 'Avec permission, monsieur’, replied Voltaire, 'mon cul est bien dans la nature, et cependant je porte des culottes'" (Works 1: 112).
9At Frankfort Moore attended the theater where a German translation of George Lillo's George Barnwell (1731) was presented. This allows Moore to comment on the fact that most plays which are put on are translations from English or French. There have been, he adds, few poets to date who have written in German and "the French language prevails in all the courts, and... French plays are represented... in preference to German"; in fact, "French is cultivated as the only proper language for people of fashion" (Works 1: 172). Considering his own fairly humble origins, Moore appears to have absorbed quite definite opinions about class structure. Commenting on the great wealth of some bourgeois families in Frankfort he mentions that they "live in a style of magnificence unbecoming their rank" although they "retain a vulgarity of sentiment and manners" unknown to the nobility whose blood is "unmixed with that puddle which stagnates in the veins of plebeians." He goes on to point out, however, that the Duke of Hamilton has not studied "natural philosophy" enough to enable him to "observe this distinction" (Works 1: 175).
10It was the custom for visitors of quality to be invited to attend the daily maneuvers and parades of the troops garrisoned in the town. Moore frequently gives little more than passing mention to this, but he spends considerable time describing the Prussian training which he observed in Berlin, devoting three letters to the subject (Works 1: 240-50). He relates a conversation which he had with a Prussian officer in which he (Moore) suggested that British troops were under far less rigid and cruel discipline, but "animated by their native courage, and the interest which even the common men take in all their country's quarrels, are at least equal to any other troops" (Works 1: 249). To this the officer says that he hopes the Scotsman's statement will not be put to the test.
11Keeping such a large army has required high taxes and considerable frugality, but the king protects his subjects by forbidding members of the government from enriching themselves at the expense of citizens. "He has taxed," says Moore, "even the vanity of his subjects" (Works 1: 265) by selling titles, while at the same time making certain that the purchasers enjoy no say in the government of the country.
12Frederick the Great evidenced a lively interest in the revolution taking place in America, and questioned the Duke of Hamilton about events there. With respect to the colonists it would be next to impossible, Frederick thought, "to continue to draw from them a revenue by taxation; that if we intended conciliation with America, some of our measures were too rough; and if we intended its subjection, they were too gentle" (Works 1: 280). The King of Prussia was by no means the only one to interest himself in the outcome of this uprising. From Vienna Moore was to call the dispute "a prevailing topic of conversation" but noted that the difference with Great Britain is that in Europe "they are all of one mind—all praying for success to the Americans" (Works 1: 354).
13An interesting sidelight on contemporary morality is described when the travellers arrived in Vienna, and were obliged to drive directly to the customhouse "where the baggage undergoes a very severe scrutiny, which neither fair words nor money can mitigate" (Works 1: 302). Moore comments on quite another aspect of morality when he writes of a married Viennese woman openly displaying her sadness because her lover was unexpectedly retained elsewhere for a month. The husband knew of her sadness and did everything in his power to console her, while she felt sorry for her husband because she will never get over her love for the other man. Moore is astonished at this "ostentation of sorrow, like a young widow vain of her weeds". He draws a clear moral conclusion: "Here this passion was lamented by her friends as a misfortune: in England, if I rightly remember, such misfortunes are generally imputed to people as crimes" (Works 1: 319).
14From Vienna the pair travelled to Venice, which opens the volume A View of Society and Manners in Italy. The esteem in which this city was held is emphasized by Moore who devotes several letters to a history of Venice including an overview of its government. He quite often compares forms of government or historical events with similar occurrences in Great Britain, and in the case of Marino Falliero, Doge of Venice in the fourteenth century, his trial and execution are compared with those of Charles I, because these are the only examples of a sovereign "tried according to the forms of law, and condemned to death by a tribunal of his own subjects" (Works 2: 61). Whereas Moore is sympathetic to Charles I (a Scottish prejudice?) he is not so towards Falliero.
15At Rome Moore was appropriately impressed by both classical and ecclesiastical wonders, and he devotes several letters to the "modem" buildings, with a fairly detailed description of St. Peter's, and then proceeds to describe ancient monuments, with emphasis on the Coliseum, and gladiatorial combats within it. Perhaps it was his Presbyterian heritage which made him compare a procession which included the Pope with the ancients who trod that way—Scipio, Pompey and Cato—to the distinct disadvantage of the present, although he does speak of St. Peter's as "unquestionably the finest piece of modem architecture in Rome" (Works 2: 175).
16We see the skeptic in Moore when he describes witnessing the beatification of a Franciscan whom he later discovers to be St. Bonaventure. He goes on to point out that few other than members of the clergy can aspire to that degree of holiness now. Closer to home he adds, "I have heard of no physician who acquired that title since the days of St. Luke; or of a single lawyer, of any age or country" (Works 2: 193).
17From Rome, appropriately, Moore opined on the character of the Italians, stating first off that he had not yet been long enough in the country "to decide on the character of the inhabitants" (Works 2: 196) and then proceeds to do so. Most of what he says is favorable; they are
an ingenious sober people, with quick feelings, and therefore irritable; but when unprovoked, of a mild and obliging disposition, and less subject to avarice, envy, or repining at the narrowness of their own circumstances, and the comparative wealth of others, than most other nations. (Works 2: 196)
18Turning to the frequency of murder, especially by stabbing, which is found in Italy, Moore suggests that the willingness of churches to offer haven to such criminals plays a role in the impunity with which the crime is committed. In England, France or Germany, he says, the murderer will find that "every person around him will... become his enemy.... He knows that he will be immediately carried to prison, and put to an ignominious death" (Works 2: 200). In Italy, however, things are different; less certain of capture and summary execution, he is more prone to use the knife. Moore seems to have been quite interested in the methods of execution; although there had been only one in Rome since he arrived, he was careful to attend it.
19Moore devotes a letter to the question of chastity in Roman women. The question came up when he visited an English painter friend whose model was just leaving with her mother after posing in the nude. In answer to Moore’s question whether he was able to use the girl in any way other than as a model, he was told that the mother came along for just that reason. The parents set great store on the daughter's virginity, but it did not bother them at all to have her pose in the nude. To this Moore differentiates Italian from English mores: whereas the former set little store on stripping in public, but a great deal on virginity, the Englishwoman would be shocked at such behavior. Before she would pose, "every other kind of liberty must have been previously taken with her. She must be a complete prostitute in every sense of the word, before she could be brought to submit to appear in this manner" (Works 2: 218). Moore refers to the typically Scottish custom of having the guilty party in the case of fornication stand in the church to be publicly rebuked. He was to chronicle a very different attitude when he visited Naples.
20Next it was on to Naples, a journey which allows Moore to extoll the "well-peopled and well-cultivated country" of England and to opine that those who desire "good eating every day, and a neat comfortable bed every night" will not be happy in this area, and that those who spend their time bemoaning the lack of these comforts and "execrating every poor little Italian flea that they meet with on the road" would be well advised to stay at home (Works 2: 264).
21Moore has an interesting entry about Naples and the folk belief concerning its inhabitants. He notes that even in ancient times the Neapolitan area was credited with making women amorous. Martial says that "a woman who came hither as chaste as Penelope, if she remained any time, would depart as licentious and depraved as Helen" (Works 2: 361). Instead of attributing this to social causes, there were many who claimed that the cause was physical. "This seducing climate," Moore writes, is claimed to affect "people of all ranks and conditions... [even in] convents themselves." There are those who firmly believe that this
amorous disposition, imputed to Neapolitans, is only in part owing to their voluptuous climate, but in a far greater degree to the hot, sulphureous nature of their soil which... communicates its fiery qualifies to the juices of vegetables; thence they are conveyed to the animals who feed on them, and particularly to man, whose nourishment consisting both of animal and vegetable food, he must have in his veins a double dose of the stimulating particles in question. No wonder, therefore, say those nice investigators of cause and effect, that the inhabitants of this country are more given to amorous indulgences, than those who are favoured with a chaster soil and a colder climate. (Works 2: 361-62)
22The climate affords to many the luxury of not working much, and of being fed by the local convents in time of need. The result is that "The Italians are the greatest loungers in the world... [seeming] to enjoy the serenity and genial warmth of their climate with a degree of luxurious indulgence peculiar to themselves" (Works 2: 388). Moore contradicts the Protestant claim that monks live in "debauchery" and a "luxurious manner"; while not able to comment on whether this was true formerly, he assures his readers that now peasants deem themselves fortunate to be on land owned by the church (Works 2: 389-90). He disputes what he must have been taught in Scotland about Roman Catholics, saying that from his observation he does not believe that the clergy "laugh at the religion they inculcate, and regard their flocks as the dupes of an artful plan of imposition." Quite the contrary, "by far the greater part of Roman Catholic priests and monks are themselves most sincere believers" (Works 2: 392). He does feel that in all Roman Catholic countries the clergy are too numerous and exercise too much power.
23In Florence the duke of Hamilton and Moore saw the Count of Albany, Charles Stuart, the Young Pretender. Although they did not converse, they did pass each other several times. Moore expresses considerable sympathy for this man "who finds himself excluded from the most brilliant situation, and noblest inheritance that this world affords, and reduced to an humiliating dependence." Moore seems a bit surprised at himself for harboring this feeling, because he was educated "in revolution principles, and in a part of Scotland where the religion of the Stuart family, and the maxims by which they governed, are more reprobated than perhaps in any part of Great Britain" (Works 2: 397).
24After five years of travel the Duke of Hamilton and Moore returned to England. The last letter, written from Paris, Moore entitled "Reflections on Foreign Travel." For the duke it was a considerably longer stay than most young men of the time spent abroad, learning how others lived, seeing the antiquities and museums of Europe, and frequently reinforcing the ideas which they held before they left England.
25John Moore, though, was made of humbler stuff, and in this last chapter he addresses the benefits to be had from foreign travel, which a young man may spend "to advantage" (Works 2: 437). Before embarking on this travel the youth should complete his university education in Britain where he will find a greater number than in any European university of men, "distinguished for polite literature, and eminent for science" (Works 2: 437). Nevertheless, after enumerating the benefits to be reaped from foreign travel, Moore cornes down on the side of Great Britain. Foreigners, he says, behold with astonishment,
numbers of British subjects, of both sexes, and of all ages, roaming discontented through the lands of despotism, in search of that happiness, which, if satiety and the wanton restlessness of wealth would permit, they have a much better prospect of enjoying in their own country. (Works 2: 445)
26Moore left Europe in 1776 and did not return until 1792 when he accompanied the Earl of Lauderdale, whom he had known for some time, to France between August 4th and December 14th. During this period Moore kept a journal, which he later published as A Journal During a Residence in France in two volumes in 1793 and 1794. On the way to Paris they stopped in Clermont, where they met a number of Parisians fleeing their city, although a gentleman whom they interrogated said that they would be in no danger there. When Moore said that there was talk of dethroning the king, the man replied, "Tant pis pour lui... mais cela ne vous regarde pas" (Works 3: 4), a comment which astonished the Scotsman. Moore immediately immersed himself in the politics of the day, filling his journal with historical facts and conversations which he held with the great and the lowly. At the Assemblée Nationale, where the disorderliness of those in the galleries astonished Moore, he notes that during the debate when the name of the king was mentioned, "the tribunes resounded with laughter and hooting in the most indecent manner" (Works 3: 14). During the disturbances of August, Moore appears to have spent a considerable amount of time listening to the debates and roaming the streets. On August 10th he was pointed out as an aristocrat and might have been summarily executed when a valet, in Moore's words, "declared, that so far from being an aristocrate, or any thing like it, I was un Anglais. 'Bon!' cried the pikemen, and continued their course" (Works 3: 20).
27The early days of August were fateful ones, and Moore devotes considerable space recording what he had seen, and what he had heard, displaying, however, a good Scottish skepticism at some of the tales he was told. He managed to get into the Assemblée Nationale, and to sit among the deputies, away from the boisterous citizens in the galleries. He was, he said, "shocked at the savage disposition manifested by some of the people in the galleries" (Works 3: 32). He was present on August 10th when the Assembly suspended the authority of Louis XVI and also suspended payments of the civil list. Among the citizenry the Swiss were in such bad grace that "the poor fellow who opens the gate of our hotel... begs that in future we may call him the porter and not the Swiss" (Works 3: 31).
28Moore's trip to France, and hence his journal, begin when the French Revolution was already three years old, and he retrospectively fills in some details for the benefit of readers. Thus early in the Journal he writes:
After having, by a miraculous effort, overthrown a vast fabric of despotism, and formed a new System of limited monarchy, the people, whether with or without reason I cannot yet determine, become at once convinced that their king is betraying them.... In the meantime, the legislative assembly, thinking themselves justified by necessity in going thus far, and unwilling to give an example of an usurpation of power, decree a national convention. (Works 3: 34)
29Having grown up in a country (whether Scotland or England) in which a limited monarchy was in place and perceived as benevolent, Moore is, of course, sympathetic to this idea. In almost every instance he is against the vox populi; for example, when a petition is presented to the Assembly calling for the king to be dethroned, Moore writes, "the terms in which those petitioners mention the king are equally odious on account of their barbarity and their falsehood" (Works 3: 42-43). He faults the Assemblée for precipitous decisions: "The extreme sensibility and vivacity of the French prompt them too often to decide on sudden impulses.... A little English phlegm," he opines, "would be of use to them in their councils" (Works 3: 46).
30In early September while the duke and Moore were staying at Abbeville in the Somme, elections for the convention were taking place, and Moore was told that Thomas Paine had been considered until it was discovered that he had already been elected by both Pas-de-Calais and Oise. At this time, of course, it was a prison offense to possess a copy of The Rights of Man in Great Britain.
31Throughout the Journal we find references to acts of wanton cruelty committed in the name of the republic. At one point Moore suggests that under the old System "the executive power was too strong, and all the other powers... too weak" whereas now the executive power is "too much exposed to attacks, and too unable to defend those rights and prerogatives with which the constitution endowed it" (Works 3: 217). Like the unfolding of a Greek tragedy, today's reader already knows the outcome, but Moore seems not yet ready to assume the role of Tiresias, and his account ends before the final scene. Most members of the legislative assembly were "sincere supporters of the constitution" but they were overawed and outmaneuvered by the Jacobins (Works 3: 219), a group whom Moore excoriates on several occasions. The bourgeoisie at the time he was in Paris "by no means desire the death of the king" (Works 3: 290).
32Those who do, he thinks are "the profligate idle rabble of the suburbs" (Works 3: 290). This word "rabble" (he sometimes uses the French equivalent "canaille") is one which Moore employs quite frequently to describe those men and women who are easily instigated to acts of violence which Moore is convinced are paid for by people who have something to gain from them. At one point he says that the convention needs guards to "keep in awe the rabble of the suburbs"; elsewhere he speaks of Danton's plan "to terrify a majority of the deputies into his measures, by means of the rabble of the suburbs" (Works 3: 236; 333).
33At one point Moore wondered if in its present State France was better now than under the despotic rule of its kings. Could the instigators of revolution have known what it would corne to, Moore, echoing Hamlet, inquires "would it not have puzzled their wills, and mode them rather bear those ills they had, than fly to others they knew not of (Hamlet 3: 1; Works 3: 175).
34Moore does not offer his own opinion on Louis XVI, but he is quite put out at the treatment accorded Marie-Antoinette. On November 6th he visited St. Cloud, the mansion she had purchased from the Duke of Orléans some years earlier, now unoccupied. In ages to come, Moore says, her name will never be pronounced "unaccompanied with execrations against the unmanly and unrelenting wretches who have treated her... in the manner she has been" (Works 3: 367). The Scotsman is here being a little sentimental, because on the 15th he writes that it is "difficult to be informed of the treatment which the royal family are subjected to in the Temple" (Works 3: 390-91). On December 1st Moore speaks of "shock" at the "unrelenting and indelicate style in which the queen is spoken of' and later he mentions that Jean-Baptiste Mailhe in discussing "the mode of conducting the king's trial" claimed to have nothing to say about the queen, but added to the committee "in case you think proper to bring a decree of accusation against her, she will... be tried by... the ordinary criminal courts" (Works 3: 423). Finally Moore compares Marie-Antoinette's fate with that of Mary, Queen of Scots, pointing out that the latter was brought up in a "licentious court" but returned to her native land where "the inhabitants considered gaiety as sinful, and pleasure as a profanation." How, he goes on, could the Scots endure the "ornamental robes of popery" which they saw as "a rag of the strumpet of Babylon" [a distinct echo of John Knox here] and whose religion they suspected "their young queen wished to introduce into her native country" (Works 3: 424-25). This is about as near as Moore comes to an outburst, and he drops the subject at this point.
35He does introduce another Scottish and English monarch, however, when he mentions that papers about the trial of Charles I have been recently translated into French and are to be found at all the booksellers stands. The reason for this is obvious—it is now (October 31st) expected that Louis XVI will be brought to trial; something which Moore says was never before a serious intention now appears to be in the making (Works 3: 346-48). Later he refers readers to his View of Society and Manners in France... in which he speaks of the "enthusiastic attachment and affection, which the French of those days had... for their monarchs" but now "the French... are as solicitous to declare that they never possessed this enthusiastic loyalty, as formerly they were anxious to have it thought they did" (Works 3: 394; 396). Moore returned to England on December 14th, ending his Journal on the 7th. Before publishing it he added almost sixty pages of information which he had gathered subsequent to his return. A supporter of the king throughout the book, the last sentence appropriately sums up his feelings about the revolution as it had unfolded until the end of 1792: "The records of mankind exhibit no example of crimes deliberately committed, attended with so many circumstances of wanton unrelenting cruelty, and so evidently pernicious to the cause of the perpetrators" (Works 3: 501).
36Moore was not through with the revolution, however. His worst fears were to be realized in the years which followed, and in 1795 he published A View of the Causes and Progress of the French Revolution. The books opens with Moore calling the revolution "one of the most awful events of which history affords any record. The crimes with which it has been accompanied will remain a stain on the national character..." (Works 4: 1). Over four hundred pages later Moore has not changed his mind. "The French revolution," he writes, "exhibits at once the mischiefs that attend the abuse of power and those that attend the abuse of liberty; affording a warning to sovereigns... [and also] a warning to the subjects of every free government against all licentious disregard of law" (Works 4: 414).
37I have written of Moore as observer at first hand of the countries of Europe which he and the Duke of Hamilton visited and of Paris in the latter months of 1792, but the View of the Causes... is history, not observation, and like his fiction and his medical writing falls outside the scope of this paper.
38Himself a product of the middle class, Moore retains his understanding of this layer of society, even though his extended tour with the Duke of Hamilton and his shorter visit to France with the Earl of Lauderdale brought him into contact with persons of the highest rank. To the end he was a staunch Royalist, although he fully supported the Glorious Revolution in England, and more than once expressed the wish that France had followed the same road. He rarely wrote about Scotland as separate from England, but when he did so he made no attempt to hide his Scottish origins and his mild prejudice in favor of the country of his birth and upbringing. His observations of the countries visited are acute, his comments very useful to the scholar of this important period in the story of eighteenth-century Europe.
Notes de bas de page
1 The Works of John Moore, M.D. with Memoirs of his Life and Writings, by Robert Anderson, M.D. 7 vols. (Edinburgh, 1820) 2: vii. Further references to this work will appear in the text. Anderson included a 60-page Life in Vol. I. I am grateful to Henry L. Fulton for reading this paper and correcting some errors drawn from Anderson's Life.
Auteur
-
G. Ross Roy
University of South Carolina
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