Abstracts
p. 187-190
Texte intégral
1 Stéphane SADOUX, Gilles NOVARINA, Charles AMBROSINO: L’Urban Renaissance: la ville selon Richard Rogers?
2British urban regeneration policy in the 1980s was property led. Following the election of Tony Blair however, Britain moved towards a design led urban renaissance. This chapter aims at exploring the intricacies of the New Labour’s urban policy agenda, with special reference to the recommendations of the Urban Task Force, chaired by Richard Rogers. It examines some of the most influential publications upon which this new discourse is based and details some of the institutional mechanisms that have underpinned its implementation.
3 Rebecca MADGIN: The Role of the Historic Environment in Facilitating an Urban Renaissance
4The historic environment has been increasingly used to facilitate urban regeneration in British cities. This was a policy that originated in the 1970s and gained momentum under Thatcher’s economic and physical regeneration of the urban landscape. New Labour inherited a very different urban situation to that inherited by the Conservatives and indeed urban spaces are now seen as ones of hope rather than despair. However, there are still numerous problems, questions and quandaries concerning demographic and land pressures that New Labour have to deal with before they can secure an urban renaissance. Set in this context this chapter analyses the role that the historic environment has played in revitalising the urban landscape, how it has accommodated several of New Labour’s urban policies, and how this aligns with New Labour’s neoliberal, Third Way ethos.
5 Sarah PICKARD: Young People and Urban Renaissance in Great Britain since 1997
6The social exclusion which exists predominantly in deprived urban areas of Great Britain affects children and young people especially. Young people are particularly vulnerable in such environments as they are exposed to a variety of specific inter-linked negative factors at a crucial age. Without doubt, growing up in such surroundings usually has a detrimental impact on a young person which can lead to poor health, poor educational achievement, unemployment, anti-social behaviour and criminality.
7When Tony Blair became Prime Minister in 1997, New Labour declared it was going to urgently tackle the issue of young people living in deprived inner cities. This would take place within the context of a wider project of urban regeneration or renewal of areas with high rates of social exclusion in order to create safer, stronger and sustainable communities. What are the problems that affect urban socially excluded young people in particular? What has the government done in the intervening nine years to address the issue of young people living in urban deprived areas? Has it been successful in improving their circumstances?
8This article will first illustrate the challenging situation of young people living in inner city deprived areas at the end of the 1990s. It will then present New Labour’s thinking and policy regarding the improvement of such young people’s lives. Finally it will attempt to ascertain if there has indeed been amelioration-a true urban renaissance-for socially excluded young people living in deprived inner city communities.
9 Cécile DOUSTALY: Le rôle de la culture dans la renaissance urbaine depuis 1997 en Angleterre: de l’économique au socioculturel ?
10Culture, defined inclusively, has become a central policy area since the election of New Labour in 1997 with the creation of the Department of Culture, Media and Sport. Although it was only a sub-category in the National Strategy Action Plan (2001), in practice, it has been constantly attached to the main concerns of the Neighbourhood Renewal Unit. This “holistic” approach to regeneration targets addresses, sometimes in a contradictory way, socio-cultural and community renewal as well as the physical environment and the local economy. The role of culture in regeneration has subsequently become more diverse. This paper classifies ways in which culture can take part in urban renewal and then discusses the outcomes of artistic ventures as well as the difficulties in assessing their impact, focusing on the Tate Modem, Gateshead and Preston, which have been supported by the Neighbourhood Renewal Fund since 2000.
11 Sylvie NAIL: La Renaissance à l’échelle des villes-marchés
12Small towns often experience the same type of difficulties as cities. However, their demographic and economic dynamism has recently been highlighted as contrasting with the decline of larger urban areas. The purpose of this chapter is thus to focus on a programme that aimed at addressing the specific challenges of some of these towns and at enhancing their vitality, the Market Towns Initiative. The chapter situates the programme within the framework of governmental policies on urban regeneration and emphasises the specific objectives and methods advocated by the government for market towns. Thanks to the case study of Neston (Wirral), the last town chosen for the programme, an illustration of the implementation of the MTI, from the health check to the Action Plan, is provided. The discussion revolves on an assessment of the MTI, both in relation to physical change and to the inhabitants’ involvement in community life.
13 Cecilia WONG: Indicators and Urban Policy-Making: the British Experience
14The use of indicators in policy-making has become a global phenomenon since the 1990s. In Britain it has, however, been closely related to the twists and turns in urban policies and resource allocation frameworks adopted by successive governments over the last 30 years. This chapter focuses on the British experience of indicator usage in urban policy-making. It first highlights the changing ethos of Government over the use of indicators to allocate resources and to monitor the performance of initiatives. It then examines the parallel conceptual and methodological development of indicators research in the urban planning field. The discussion then focuses on the Town and City Indicators framework developed to monitor the visions set out in the Urban White Paper and the key findings that emerged from it. It concludes with some thoughts on the use of indicators in urban policy-making and the main issues to be addressed in future research.
15 David FÉE: New Labour et Birmingham: frein ou moteur de la renaissance ?
16This article seeks to go beyond official documents and the New Labour government’s rhetoric on urban renaissance. In it, the author tries to assess the reality of urban renaissance at a local level on the basis of field work and interviews. He focuses on Birmingham, the second largest city in England, a city often held by the government as an example of its successes in the urban field since 1997. The city has indeed come a long way since the 1970s when it underwent a rapid process of de-industrialisation and lost thousands of inhabitants. It has rebuilt its city centre, been awarded prizes for the quality of its new architecture and public domain, has turned its industrial heritage into cultural assets and sought to attract new residents to its core. However, although its physical transformation mirrors all the principles advocated by New Labour, it owes nothing to New Labour. Indeed, the author shows that the rebirth of Birmingham started in the early 1980s when the then local authorities became aware of the need to regenerate central Birmingham in order to kickstart the economic regeneration of the city as a whole. Furthermore the article demonstrates that far from enjoying a full-blown renaissance, Birmingham falls short of meeting some key targets set by New Labour such as decent housing and population growth. Surprisingly, these failures can be put down to New Labour’s national policies that often contradict and hinder the requirements placed on local authorities by the central government.
17 Alan MURIE: Urban Renaissance and Regeneration in England: Tensions, Exclusions and Market Responses
18This Chapter sets out the main directions of housing policy and housing debates in England since the election of the New Labour government in 1997. Housing is no longer best regarded as the wobbly pillar of the welfare State. Indeed home ownership is now a central pillar of the modem British welfare State which is no longer based on the formula emerging after 1945 and associated with Beveridge. Although the expressed aims of housing policy have increasingly been to address affordability problems the paper argues that these problems and inequalities of asset ownership are endemic in the model. A different approach may also be needed in the future as the impact of the credit crunch in 2008 has introduced an unexpected element into housing problems in Britain.
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