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Encyclopédie des historiographies : Afriques, Amériques, Asies

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Nathalie Kouamé
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Éric P. Meyer
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Anne Viguier

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Yongjae Ch’onghwa 慵齋叢話 (Yongjae Narratives)

Yongjae Ch’onghwa (“Recueil des récits de Yongjae”)

John B. Duncan

Résumé

Le Yongjae Ch’onghwa, un recueil de textes littéraires disparates composé à la fin du xve siècle et au début du xvie siècle par le célèbre lettré fonctionnaire Yongjae Sŏng Hyŏn (1439‑1504), nous permet de « voir derrière les rideaux » afin de saisir une part de la signification des vies, centres d’intérêt et valeurs des élites de la fin du Koryŏ et du début du Chosŏn. L’auteur nous offre de nombreuses anecdotes à propos des hommes et des femmes de ce pays et de cette époque, comprenant histoires humoristiques de personnages ridicules et frasques sexuelles. Il livre des descriptions saisissantes des relations entre lettrés coréens et les émissaires chinois ; il nous raconte des aspects du fonctionnement des institutions ; discute de la persistance du bouddhisme au sein de la classe des les lettrés fonctionnaires et de la famille royale ; il fournit des informations intéressantes sur des aspects de la culture matérielle tels que les techniques d’imprimerie et la fabrication du papier et de la porcelaine. Le contenu de ce recueil contredit souvent les impressions données par les sources officielles, et nous rend capable d’élaborer une compréhension renouvelée de la société et de la culture de cette période.

Texte intégral

Introduction

1The Yongjae ch’onghwa by Sŏng Hyŏn (成俔; 1439‑1504) is a rich source of information about Korean society and culture in the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries. The era he writes of began with the Koryŏ dynasty firmly in the orbit of the Mongol Yuan empire, saw the 1368 collapse of the Yuan and rise of the Ming dynasty in China, the 1392 change of dynasties from the Koryŏ to the Chosŏn in Korea, and the blood‑stained usurpation of the throne by the seventh Chosŏn ruler Sejo (世祖; r. 1455‑1468) from his nephew Tanjong ( 端宗; r. 1452‑1455). It also witnessed far reaching political and social reforms, the spread of Cheng‑Zhu Learning (程朱學; often called Neo‑Confucianism) among the Korean literati, the rise of strong anti‑Buddhist sentiment in certain circles, and a burst of cultural creativity that brought, among other things, the birth of the celebrated phonetic script Hunmin chŏngun (訓民正韻), known today as Han’gŭl (한글). The most widely used history sources for that era – the History of Koryŏ (高麗史; Koryŏsa), the Abridged Essentials of Koryŏ History (高麗史節要; Koryŏsa chŏryo) and the Veritable Records of the Chosŏn Dynasty (朝鮮王朝實錄; Chosŏn wangjo sillok)– are court‑centered narratives that tell us much about politics and institutions, but little about how people actually lived and thought. Even the various literary collections from this period, typically compiled by a deceased scholar’s disciples or descendants, tend to be formal compilations of canonical literary genres that, while telling us much about literary trends, usually contain little to give us insight into what people were actually thinking and doing.

2Although Korean literary scholars have examined the text a number of times over the past three or four decades, it has been only in recent years that a handful of historians and scholars of other disciplines have begun to take note of the Yongjae ch’onghwa. Its author recounts many tales, some humorous and some tragic, about individuals, customs, and institutions from the late Koryŏ through the end of the fifteenth century. He describes the personalities and behaviors of a wide range of people, from Ming Chinese emissaries to high ranking Korean officials, Buddhist monks, and even a few commoners. He talks of officials’ dalliances with kisaeng (妓生) entertainers. He details the customs and practices of various government offices, he tells us much about the persistence of Buddhist beliefs and practices well after the founding of the new Confucian‑oriented dynasty and he gives us detailed descriptions of such things as printing technology and the manufacture of paper and porcelain. Hence the Yongjae ch’onghwa not only puts human faces on the events and actors of the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn, but also provides us with much material which we can use to construct new understandings of the social and cultural histories of that crucial period.

The Author of the Text

3Sŏng Hyŏn (1439‑1504; courtesy name Kyŏngsuk 磬叔, cognomens Yongjae, Hŏbaektang 虛白堂, Puhyuja 浮休子, and Kugo 菊塢), was born into one of the most prominent scholar‑official families of pre‑modern Korea. Sŏng Hyŏn’s direct ancestors had been holding office in the Koryŏ central bureaucracy since at least the late thirteenth century, and his great‑grandfather, grandfather, and father, not to mention many uncles and cousins, all held high posts in the new Chosŏn central government. Sŏng Hyŏn himself passed the Higher Civil Service Examination in 1462. He began his official career in a series of low and mid‑ranking scholarly posts before working his way up into the high echelons of the bureaucracy, eventually holding such key positions as Censor‑General, Inspector‑General, and Minister of Rites. Sŏng Hyŏn made four trips to the Ming, the last two as the chief emissary. He was also frequently among those Chosŏn officials designated to host official visitors from China. He had a fully life before passing away at age sixty‑five in 1504. Sŏng Hyŏn left behind a number of other writings in addition to the Yongjae ch’onghwa, writings that reflect his wide‑ranging interests. One was his literary collection, the Collected Works of Sŏng Hyŏn (Hŏbaektang chip 虛白堂集), compiled by his son Sŏng Sech’ang (成世昌; 1481‑1548). Another was the Record of Elegance (P’ungarok 風雅錄) that discusses Akpu (Ch. Yuefu 樂府, lyric poetry composed in folksong style). Other writings include the Guide to Literary Excellence (P’ungso kwebŏm 風騷軌範), a collection of Chinese poems from the Han through the Yuan intended to serve as a guide for writing poetry and the Guide to the Study of Music (Akhak kwebŏm 樂學軌範), which describes performance rituals, musical instruments, and lyrics.

Historical and Intellectual Context of the Yongjae ch’onghwa

  • 1 See Deuchler, 1992, Kim, 1984, and To, 1999.
  • 2 See Yi, 2010.
  • 3 Duncan, 2000.

4A nuanced understanding of the Koryŏ‑Chosŏn transition of the fourteenth and fifteenth centuries is crucial to understanding the nature of pre‑modern Korean society and culture and the position therein of Sŏng Hyŏn and the Yonghae ch’onghwa. This was the only change of dynasties during the millennium that spanned the early tenth to the early twentieth centuries, and as such has attracted much attention from historians. Although the early twentieth century historian apologists for imperial Japan dismissed the events of 1392 as a mere palace coup that brought no significant change to what they viewed as an enduring regime of stagnation, most historians writing since Korea’s liberation from Japanese rule in 1945 have tended to regard the change of dynasties as a pivotal turning point in Korean history. While North Korean historians have described the changes that came with the founding of the Chosŏn as a reconsolidation of what they term a “centralized feudal system” within a very long feudal period, South Korean and Western historians have tended to see the change of dynasties as occasioning important restructuring of politics, society, and culture. Some scholars have seen the 1392 change of dynasties as an intellectual revolution led by literati who were inspired by the ideals of Cheng‑Zhu Learning to depose a hopelessly corrupt Buddhist regime and establish a new Confucian order that would enable them to rebuild society and politics according to the models laid out by the teachings of the great Song philosopher Zhu Xi (朱熹; 1130‑1200).1 Mainstream South Korean historians have depicted the founding of the Chosŏn as a social revolution in which a new class of rurally‑based medium and small landlords (referred to in the secondary scholarship as the newly rising sadaebu 士大夫; scholar‑officials) deposed an old ruling class of capital‑based large landlords that had been compromised, in the wake of the collapse of the Yuan in 1368, by its history of collaboration with Koryŏ’s Mongol overlords and was Buddhist in its religious and philosophical orientation. By contrast, the new sadaebu ruling class of the Chosŏn had struggled incessantly against Mongol interference in Korea throughout the fourteenth century and found the ideological underpinnings for its socio‑economic and political interests in Cheng‑Zhu Learning.2 More recent scholarship has questioned both the ideological and class revolution interpretations and has argued instead that there was substantial social and intellectual continuity in the ruling class between the late Koryŏ and the early Chosŏn while pointing out that the reforms implemented during and after the change of dynasties nonetheless came about in response to important long‑term transformations of Korean politics, elite society and elite culture.3 Regardless of which particular interpretation one may favor, there is no doubt that contemporary historians of Korea view the late fourteenth and early fifteenth centuries as constituting a major turning point in pre‑modern Korea.

  • 4 Hwang, 1985, p. 32‑33.
  • 5 Yi, 1989, p. 73‑74.
  • 6 Duncan, 1994.
  • 7 Cho, 2015.

5Some twentieth‑century historians of Korea have noted the way in which the Confucian learning of the central bureaucracy in the early decades after the founding of the Chosŏn deviated from the teachings of Cheng‑Zhu Learning and have attributed this change either to immaturity in the Korean understanding of Cheng‑Zhu Learning4 or have described it as a transitional response to the practical needs of state‑building.5 In either case, it is seen simply as a prelude to the rise of a full‑blown Cheng‑Zhu orthodoxy in the sixteenth century. More recently, other scholars have argued that the complexity of early Chosŏn literati learning can be explained neither in terms of philosophical immaturity nor as a simple pragmatic reaction to the political and institutional contingencies of a new dynasty; rather, it must be understood as a commingling, rooted in the social nature of the early Chosŏn ruling class, of the new Cheng‑Zhu Learning with older, but still vital, traditions of Tang‑style belles lettres and northern Song Ancient Style learning.6 There is no reason to doubt that most, if not all, the early Chosŏn literati had at least some familiarity with Cheng‑Zhu Learning and, as Martina Deuchler has demonstrated, significant numbers of the literati, inspired by the Family Rituals of Master Zhu (Zhuzi Jiali 朱子家禮) among other texts, also were committed to propagating and enforcing Confucian social values. Nonetheless, with the exception of a few men such as Kwŏn Kŭn (權近; 1352‑1409), they showed little or no interest in Cheng‑Zhu Learning metaphysics or in typical Zhu Xi‑ist prescriptions for attaining social harmony through individual self‑cultivation and locally autonomous institutions and ritual practices such as the Village Compact (hyangyak, Ch. xiangyue 鄕約) or the Village Drinking Rite (hyang ŭmjurye; Ch. xiang yinjiuli 鄕飮酒禮). Rather, they pursued reform policies that were premised on a strong activist central government similar to that of the Northern Sung and continued to devote themselves to the composition of belletrist poetry, often modeled after that of the great Song literatus Su Shi7 who was harshly attacked by Chinese Cheng‑Zhu Learning advocates for the ornate nature of his poetry. Many of the men who held high office during the early decades of the Chosŏn were members of families with long traditions, going back to the mid‑ and even early Koryŏ, of service in the central government and were the sons and grandsons of men who had pursued Tang style belles lettres. It isn’t difficult to imagine that men holding high posts in the central government would tend to favor philosophies and policies that would enhance the power and prestige of the state and thus of their own positions. Nor is it difficult to see that such men would be reluctant to abandon their immediate ancestral cultural traditions. It is the world of men of this sort, the scholar-officials of the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn, that Sŏng Hyŏn shows us in the pages of the Yongjae ch’onghwa.

Description of the Text

6Sŏng Hyŏn’s varied interests are manifested fully in the Yongjae ch’onghwa, where he covers a range of topics arguably wider than can be found any in of the other literary miscellanies of the late Koryŏ and early Chosŏn. It is this breadth, together with Sŏng Hyŏn’s innate curiosity and his lack of pretentiousness, that makes the Yongjae ch’onghwa an unparalleled source of information about the society and culture of this period.

7The vast majority of the 300‑plus entries in the Yonghae ch’onghwa are anecdotes about persons and events, generally intended to give some sense of individual personalities. Some praise the positive attributes of their subjects: nobility of character, courage, generosity, frugality, loyalty, and filial piety. Other anecdotes reveal negative personal characteristics such as greed, gullibility, vanity, lust, slovenliness, foolishness, ignorance and narrow‑mindedness.

8Some of the anecdotes tell tales of personal or familial tragedy, but most are humorous. Indeed, it is this sense of humor that sets Sŏng Hyŏn and the Yongjae ch’onghwa apart from many other literary miscellanies such as the P’aegwan chapki of Ŏ Sukkwon (魚叔權; fl. Mid‑16th century). Sŏng Hyŏn did, of course, show much interest in the arts of the cultivated man, poetry, calligraphy, painting, and music and used Chinese attainments in those areas as a standard against which to measure those of his countrymen. He begins Volume i with an assessment of his country’s scholars, before going on to a detailed discussion of the poetry of various literati of the Koryŏ and early Chosŏn. Poetry, especially the exchange of linked verse poems, is also a major theme in many of the anecdotes throughout the Yongjae ch’onghwa, and Sŏng Hyŏn included many such poems in his text. A man’s poetry was seen not simply as a product of his literary skill, but also as a reflection of his character and of his mastery of classical learning–indeed Sŏng Hyŏn opens Volume i with the declaration that “The study of the classics and the composition of literature are originally one and the same. The Six Classics are the compositions of the sages and as such are manifested in all affairs.”

9Volume i also contains evaluations of noted calligraphers, painters and musicians, with calligraphers and especially musicians getting significantly more space than painters. That is probably due more to Sŏng Hyŏn’s personal interests, since he held offices in the Bureau of Music, than to adherence to general perceptions of the relative importance of each of those arts in the early Chosŏn. As in the case of poetry, calligraphy, painting and music also appear in many anecdotes throughout the pages of the Yongjae ch’onghwa.

10Sŏng Hyŏn also provides extensive treatment of Chinese envoys to Korea near the end of Volume i. There he discusses the appearance, character, and poetry of the envoys, including numerous exchanges of linked verse poetry between the Chinese visitors and their Korean hosts, and also provides vivid descriptions of sight‑seeing trips and other ways in which the envoys were treated while in Chosŏn. There are various other places in the text where Chinese and other non‑Koreans are mentioned, including a discussion of Chinese exiles in Korea, Japanese activities at the three ports along the southern coast that were open to them, Ryūkyū envoys, Jurchens, as well as various other anecdotes), and a fascinating comparison of Chinese and Korean traits and behavior.

11The Yongjae ch’onghwa provides descriptions of various locales throughout Korea, including Sŏng Hyŏn’s favorite excursion sites near the capital, hot springs throughout Korea, and the royal hunting grounds. He mentions places of historical interest, such as the old capitals of various Korean kingdoms or Pohyŏnwŏn (普賢院; Samantabhadra Cloister), an old way station on the road between the Chosŏn capital and the old capital of Koryŏ at Kaesŏng. Sŏng Hyŏn also gives us a detailed account of a prolonged tour through Kangwŏn Province by a couple of literati who had been dismissed from office that details their adventures in various locales and also lays out the procedures used by local officials when greeting and sending off high‑ranking guests.

12Kisaeng were among Sŏng Hyŏn’s favorite subjects. They are mentioned over 150 times throughout the text, with many entries devoted to tales, some humorous and some sad, of how literati fell in love with local kisaeng while on duty in the provinces, vignettes about literati enjoying themselves with kisaeng, sometimes abusing them and other times being humiliated by them, poems written about kisaeng and even the recounting of a kisaeng protesting society’s double standard of sexual morality.

13Sŏng Hyŏn was also interested in questions of sexuality, including not just sex between kisaeng and literati, but also affairs between unmarried men and women, illicit affairs, and the licentious behavior of wanton women and men. He tells the tale of a maiden who chose her husband on the basis of a description of his genitalia and relates how Sin Ton sought to maintain his sexual energy by eating such things as the penis of a white horse. There is also a bit of gender‑bending in the Yongjae ch’onghwa in a story about how a lusty scholar was deceived by a handsome young man dressed up as a kisaeng. All of this gives us a picture of sexual behavior almost unimaginable from official sources.

14For those interested in performing arts and folklore, there is a detailed description of the Ch’ŏyong drama, Ch’ŏyongga (處容歌), as well as various rites performed to exorcise evil spirits, a discussion of religious Daoist rituals at the time of childbirth in the palace, and a somewhat dismissive treatment of geomancers. Tales of ghosts, demons, and spirits also loom large in the manuscript, forming the main topic of eight entries and appearing in several other anecdotes throughout the text. Shamans, fortunetellers, and soothsayers also play prominent roles including one vignette in which prospective civil‑service examination candidates consult a fortuneteller. Blind men also frequently appear in the role of fortuneteller. Sŏng Hyŏn also pays considerable attention to signs, omens and dreams, the relating of an omen for the king or the story of a bad omen for an examination graduate. All of this suggests that, Confucian rationality notwithstanding, belief in supernatural forces was part and parcel of the mental makeup of early Chosŏn literati.

15Sŏng Hyŏn also tells of various customs and events, including banquets, weddings, holidays), and the hyangdo (香徒; locally based mutual aid organizations). In some instances, he simply provides descriptions, but in other cases–such as some holidays and the hyangdo– he also relates their historical origins and changes over time. Buddhism was a major area of interest for Sŏng Hyŏn and his descriptions of Buddhist rituals, practices, and monks provide us with an unparalleled source of information about the practice of the religion in fifteenth century Chosŏn. The Veritable Records and other official sources do mention the various measures taken by the state against Buddhism while decrying how King Sejong, that most sagely of Korean Confucian monarchs, grew devoted to Buddhism in the final years of his life and lamenting the way in which King Sejo actively supported Buddhism. However, they give us almost nothing that would allow us to gauge the extent to which Buddhism remained part of the belief system and culture of early Chosŏn elites. There are at least 25 entries in the Yongjae ch’onghwa that deal primarily with Buddhist institutions and practices and Buddhist monks. Sŏng Hyŏn gives us an overview of the flourishing and decline of Buddhism, attributing the latter to the policies of King Sŏngjong. He also tells stories that give unflattering depictions of some Buddhist monks, but those are outweighed by other stories that paint Buddhist monks in positive light or even show monks as the intellectual superiors of Confucian scholars. He provides depictions of the human sides of Buddhist monks and he relates how Confucian literati and Buddhist monks associated with each other. Sŏng Hyŏn includes useful information on Buddhist rituals and Buddhist institutions. Of equal, if not greater, import, however, are the insights Sŏng Hyŏn provides into the persistence of Buddhist beliefs and practices among the literati, noting that it was commonplace for Confucian literati to hold Buddhist memorial ceremonies for their deceased parents and he even notes that the students of the Royal Confucian Academy (成均館; Sŏnggyun’gwan), of all people, were offering Buddhist relics.

16The Yongjae ch’onghwa also contains a great deal of information about various agencies of the central government. Some of these entries deal with buildings, functions, and protocol while others tell us of what it was like to work in those offices. Still others give us a rare look at the harsh but humorous ways in which senior officials hazed new appointees. These entries enable us to go beyond the dry descriptions in histories and legal codes to enable us to imagine how officials behaved and how they interacted with each other.

17The civil‑service examinations, although having been a constant feature of official life since the mid‑10th century, assumed even greater importance after the founding of the Chosŏn. The Yongjae ch’onghwa informs us about the examination system in several places, including a detailed description of the examination procedures, an overview of examinations and related customs in the Koryŏ, congratulatory parades for examination graduates, vignettes about examination graduates, examinations at the county level, and problems in the administration of examinations. Sŏng shows a great deal of interest in “great families.” In addition to the aforementioned families whose scions had great success in the civil service examinations, he talks about how the Kwangju Yi (廣州李氏) and his own Ch’angnyŏng Sŏng families were the greatest of his time and about the achievements of members of his mother’s family, the Sunhŭng An (順興安), while frequently mentioning the status of many other families throughout. Sŏng was clearly aware of himself as belonging to a great elite social tradition. It is fitting, therefore, that the last entry in the Yongjae ch’onghwa is a listing of the great families of Korea, both those that had once flourished and were now in decline and those once insignificant who now enjoyed power and prestige.

18One interesting aspect of the Yongjae ch’onghwa is the relative absence of ordinary commoners. There are only a few stories whose subjects are presumably commoners, such as the story of three men buying a horse or a description of vulgar entertainers. Non elites do appear in many of the anecdotes in the text, but they are mostly slaves and persons of mean social groups. Sŏng does provide occasional brief discussions of particular social groups such as artisans or female medical practitioners, but nowhere is there any discussion, or even mention, of the peasants who made up the bulk of the populace at that time. This neglect seems to reinforce the notion historians have of the vast social gulf between Yangban elites and commoners in the early Chosŏn.

19Entries about material culture form one of the important features of the Yongjae ch’onghwa. Sŏng Hyŏn writes in various places about such technological issues as printing projects, printing techniques, types of paper, the production of porcelain, and the raising of silkworms. He also tells us about the construction or, in some cases, reconstruction of buildings, residences, and other structures such as bridges. These give us insights into early Chosŏn material culture that simply cannot be gleaned elsewhere.

20He also tells us about such various things as the then‑new Korean phonetic script, now known as han’gŭl, and medicine and medical practices as well as giving us commentary –some systematic and some simply anecdotal– about natural phenomena such as tides, the sources of hot water in hot springs, or flora and fauna. Scattered throughout the text are interesting discussions of such things as board games, popular sayings, poisonous mushrooms, or homophones.

21Finally, we should note that Sŏng Hyŏn had a strong sense of history and of himself as a member of a distinct political, social, and cultural collectivity that we now know as Korea. Throughout the Yongjae ch’onghwa, Sŏng evidences an awareness of a Korean past, be it in the discussion of the old capitals of previous states, in the ancient origins of many of the customs and holidays of his time, or in the continuity of the great families of his country. Even as he clearly sees China and Chinese culture as the standard against which Korea and things Korean should be measured, he also recognizes the differences that made Korean society and Korean culture distinct from China. In other words, Sŏng Hyŏn was a writer who had a keen awareness of his time and place. That makes his observations all the more valuable for those of us who, several centuries later, seek to find insights into how the Koreans of the fifteenth century saw themselves and their place in the world of their times.

Bibliographie

Books

Deuchler Martina, 1992, The Confucian Transformation of Korea: A Study of Society and Ideology, Harvard University Council on East Asian Studies, Cambridge, 439 p.

Duncan John B., 2000, The Origins of the Chosŏn Dynasty, University of Washington Press, Seattle, 267 p.

Hwang Sonmyŏng (황선명), 1985, Chosŏnjo chonggyo sahoesa yŏn’gu (조선조 종교사회사연구) [Étude sur la religion et l’histoire sociale du Chosŏn], Ilchisa, Séoul.

Kim Ch’ungyŏl (김충열), 1984, Koryŏ yuhaksa (고려유학사) [History of Koryŏ Confucian Learning], Koryŏ Taehakkyo, Séoul.

Theodore de Bary William, 1981, Neo‑Confucian Orthodoxy and the Learning of the Mind‑and‑Heart, Columbia University Press, New York, 267 p. [9780231052290]

To Hyŏnch’ŏl (도현철), 1999, Koryŏmal sadaebu‑ŭi chŏngch’i sasang yŏn’gu (고려말 사대부의 정치사상연구) [Study of the Political Thought of the Scholar‑Officials of the Late Koryŏ], Ilchogak, Séoul.

Yi Taejin (이태진), 2007, The Dynamics of Confucianism and Modernization in Korea History, Cornell University Press, Ithaca, 480 p. [9781933947068]

Yi Taejin, 1989, Chosŏn yugyo sahoesa ron (조선유교 사회사론) [On the Confucian Society of the Chosŏn Dynasty], Chisik sanŏpsa, Séoul.

Papers and Contributions to Books

Cho Kyubaek (조규백), 2015, “Chosŏnjo munin‑ŭi So Tongp’asi suyong-gwa py’ŏngka,” (朝鮮朝 文人의 蘇東坡詩 수용과 평가) [Acceptance and Evaluation of Su Dongpo’s Poetry by Chosŏn Literati], Taedong munhwa yŏn’gu 91, Sungkyungkwan Taehakkyo, Séoul.

Duncan John B., 1994. “Confucianism in the Late Koryŏ and Early Chosŏn”, Korean Studies, vol. 18, Hawaii University Press, Honolulu, p. 76‑102, 395 p.

Hwang Sonmyŏng (황선명), 1985, Chosŏnjo chonggyo sahoesa yŏn’gu (조선조 종교사회사연구) [Étude sur la religion et l’histoire sociale du Chosŏn], Ilchisa, Séoul.

To Hyŏnch’ŏl (도현철), 1999, Koryŏmal sadaebu‑ŭi chŏngch’i sasang yŏn’gu (고려말 사대부의 정치사상연구) [Study of the Political Thought of the Scholar‑Officials of the Late Koryŏ], Ilchogak, Séoul.

Notes

1 See Deuchler, 1992, Kim, 1984, and To, 1999.

2 See Yi, 2010.

3 Duncan, 2000.

4 Hwang, 1985, p. 32‑33.

5 Yi, 1989, p. 73‑74.

6 Duncan, 1994.

7 Cho, 2015.

Auteur

Department of Asian Languages & Cultures, University of California UCLA

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