Dharmamangalkavya of the Mangalkavya Genre
Dharmamangalkavya du genre Mangalkavya
p. 440-449
Résumés
This paper is an attempt to locate the Dharmamangal texts of the Mangalkavya genre, as a part of Indian historiography as well as to reinterpret the narrative in the context of social history of Bengal. The structure of Indian religion has been based on the distinction between Great and Little Traditions. The Dharmangalkavya belonged to the subgenre of the Mangalkavya tradition and formed a part of the ‘little tradition’. The text was composed between the 16th and the 17th centuries in south‑western parts of Bengal, to glorify Dharmathakur, a folk deity, who was at times identified with Siva, Vishnu and even represented Lord Buddha in the days of Buddhism’s degeneracy in Bengal. In the later years, a wave of Hindu thought transformed the deity into a more semi‑Hinduised cult of the lower orders of Bengal. With this development, a very rich folk literature grew up in the Rarh region of Bengal by the name of Dharmangalkavya. The paper mainly relies on the local Bengali textual sources as well the Dharmamangalkavya as primary sources and some secondary literature based on the social history of Bengal.
Cette notice replace les textes du Dharmamangal appartenant au genre Mangalkavya au sein de l’historiographie indienne et réinterprète ces récits dans le contexte propre à l’histoire sociale du Bengale. La structure religieuse indienne a été établie selon une distinction entre les « grandes » et « petites » traditions. Le Dharmamangal appartient au sous genre de la tradition des Mangalkavya et forme une partie de la « petite tradition ». Le texte fut composé entre le xvie et le xviie siècle dans la partie sud‑ouest du Bengale pour glorifier Dharmathakur, une divinité populaire qui fut alors identifiée à Siva, Vishnou et même représentée en Lord Bouddha au moment où le bouddhisme déclinait au Bengale. Dans les dernières années, un courant de pensée hindou transforma la divinité en un culte à demi hindouisé parmi les couches sociales les plus basses du Bengale. Accompagnant ce développement, une très riche littérature populaire grandit dans la région du Rarh au Bengale sous le nom de Dharmamangalkavya. La notice s’appuie principalement sur des sources écrites locales en bengali ainsi que sur le Dharmamangalkavya comme source primaire et sur quelques données issues de la littérature secondaire consacrée à l’histoire sociale du Bengale.
Entrées d’index
Mots-clés : Asie du Sud, Bengale prémoderne, XVIe‑XVIIe siècles, Inde autochtone, culte, Gajan, Rarh, hindouisation, mangal, Dom
Keywords : South Asia, India, pre‑modern Bengal, 16th‑17th centuries, indigenous, cult, Gajan, Rarh, hinduisation, mangal, Dom
Texte intégral
Introduction
1The Mangalkavyas were long narrative poems which were composed between the 13th and 18th centuries. They depicted the greatness of popularly indigenous deities like Manasa (Snake Goddess and Goddess of human Fertility), Candi, later metamorphosed into Brahmanical Durga, Dharmathakur, Sitala (goddess of small pox and fever), Sasthi, Annapurna, Dakshin Roy (Tiger God) and others. The main strains of the Mangalkavyas – Manasamangal, Chandimangal, Dharmamangal and Annadamangal - were woven round these deities and in course of time, Lord Shiva was inducted in the pantheon of the Mangalkavyas. Between the 15th and the 19th century, these narratives were transformed into Kavyas and the works of several poets, who had composed these Kavyas, constituted an enormous body of literature. The stories were handed down in the oral tradition for many generations. The incidents depicted in the stories belonged to much earlier periods than those during which the authors were actually writing the stories. Kunal Chakraborty argues that the Mangalkavyas were composed in two phases: the core stories made up of folk elements were in circulation from at least the 13th century and, from the late 15th century onwards, a number of talented poets started to recast them into the Brahmanical mould. They did not alter the original story much, but superimposed Brahmanical elements on them.1 The main purpose of the authors was to attribute Puranic features to the folk deities.
2The indigenous religious beliefs and practices of the common people played a dominant role in the emergence of the deities in these narratives. The Athrvaveda, where we find hymns or mantras for the well‑being and prosperity of the common people, also dealt with the beliefs and practices of the Aboriginals.2 The titles of these Kavyas have been composed by suffixing the epithet “a” or “vijay” (meaning victory), or, more frequently, mangal (auspicious), to the name of the god concerned. Thus, there were titles like Manasavijay, Manasamangal, Chandimangal, Dharmamangal and Sivayan. Because of the frequency of the term mangal in the titles of the poems, these kavyas had been designated in the modern writing on Bengali literature as Mangalkavyas.
Mangalkavyas, sources for Religious and Social History of Bengal
3It is therefore necessary to analyse how these literary texts developed as an important historical source in the context of the social history of Bengal. Kum Kum Chatterjee3 argues that the Mangalkavyas had a great role in shaping the tradition of worshipping the indigenous deities of Bengal. The defeat of the Aryan deities and the victory of the local deities depicted in the Mangalkavyas were in fact symbolic of the victory of the Bengalees over the foreign races. In analysing the causes of the Hindu defeat at the hands of the Turkish invaders (13th century), it was believed that the Sena rulers who were the patrons of Brahmanical religion, did not have the support of the lower section of the population, who were neglected and oppressed by them. So, when the alien Muslim became the new rulers, the pride of the dethroned upper castes was hurt, and their strangle hold over religion, culture and literature was broken, leading to proliferation of folk, religion, rituals and oral traditions.4 P. K. Maity (1966) has rightly observed that the Turkish conquest played a decisive role in the elevation of the popular gods to respectability and their subsequent adoption by the upper castes.
4Anthropologist T. W. Clark, however, argues, that “the disruption caused by the invasion, attached no great importance to the indigenous population”. Rabindranath Tagore has also analysed the reasons for abandoning the patron deities like Siva and Vishnu by the so‑called “low caste” people and why they had turned towards folk deities.5 His scattered reflections on the subject have been collected by Asutosh Bhattacharya (1977) who endorses them. This theory is vindicated by the fact that Bengal, except for upper castes, could not be Hindu at the time of invasion. It appears that the social structure as a whole was still largely tribal. Historian J. C. Ghosh, however, offers another theory. For him, the Brahmins, aware of the dangerous attractions Islam had for the common people, were forced to turn to popular cults to keep the population from converting to it in masses. Such a step was necessary for the survival of Hinduism in Bengal.6
5Under such circumstances, the stories of the Mangalkavyas came to fill the real literary and cultural want of the lower sections of the society who were exploited not only by the foreign Muslim rulers but also by the native rulers. Thus, it is believed that the contemporary social, political and religious conditions had some connections with emergence of the Mangalkavyas.
6To present the Dharmamangal in the social context of Bengal, we must relate the text with contemporary social and religious upheaval as well as with the aboriginal population. The cult of Dharma was primarily very popular among the lower castes, who were originally Buddhists. This was because the revival of Hinduism under the Senas (11th to 13th century) and the Muslim invasion of Bengal (13th century), dealt a death blow to all schools of professed Buddhism in Bengal. Buddhism in its Tantric form was pushed aside and was gradually assimilated into the cognate religious system, among the Hindus and Muslims and the Dharma cult was the outcome of such a popular assimilation.7 The Buddhists were facing persecution from the rising Brahmans of the new ruling dynasties, particularly the Senas. When the Muslims conquered Bengal and began to persecute the Brahmans, these followers of Dharma welcomed it as divine justice.8 The Muslims of Bengal were in their turn invariably influenced by these minor cults of Bengal, and, as a matter of fact, we find that in the popular Muslim literature of Bengal, the Muslims used all the terminology of the Dharma cult and Nath cult in their description of God.9
7In the Sunnya Purana, there was an extraordinary narrative entitled Sri Niranjaner Rusma or the “Wrath of Lord Niranjan”. It tells us how the god Dharma in his abode in Vaikutha arrived on earth in the incarnation of Khoda (Allah) in a village in Bengal.
8This narrative is expressed in the following verse which runs as follows:
Dharma hoilo Jabanrupi
Mathayete Kalotupi
Hateyshobbeytriruch Kaman
[Dharma assumed the form of a jaban – a Muslim – with a black cap and a bow and arrow in his hand].
Brahma hoilo Muhammad
Vishnu hoilopaigambar
Adamphahoilo Shulapani
Ganesh hoiya Gazi
Kartikhoilo Kaji
Fakir hoilyojato muni
[Thus, Brahma became Muhammad, Vishnu the paigambar and Shiva became Adam, Ganesh became Gaji and Kartik a Kaji and all Hindu hermits became Muslim fakirs].
9All these gods entered the village and destroyed all the temples to punish the Brahmans.10 The entire poem suggests the vicarious thrill of the persecuted lower orders watching the humiliation of the erstwhile rulers, the Brahman aristocracy.11 In the Sunya Purana and in the Dharma Puja Vidhan, the followers of Dharma were found to welcome the Muslim advance and later to rejoice at their oppression and humiliation of Hindus at Jajpur in Malda and other places.12 It seemed that the followers of Dharma suffered much for their religious beliefs and practices from the caste Hindus and when the Mohammadan entered Bengal as invaders, the Dharmites took shelter under them. The historical fact behind the legend Yama Purana was the persecution of the Dharmites by the caste Hindus. We find that some of the poets of the Dharmamangal, at first refused to comply with the request of Dharma to compose any poem in his honour, for the fear of social persecution, and it was only after repeated assurance that the Lord could persuade them to compose Dharmamangal.13
Process of Acculturation in Rarh region and the evolution of the Cult of Dharma
10Though Aryan culture was gradually set up in Pundravardhan, the interior of the Rarh, with its pre‑Aryan population, remained unaffected by its influence for a considerable amount of time due to the influence of Buddhism and Jainism.14 For Ralph Nicholas15, the process of aryanisation in Bengal was carried out by the Brahmans, who had come from Kanauj and had settled in large numbers all over Bengal by the 6th and 7th centuries. In fact, Buddhist and the Jaina monks may be regarded as pioneers in carrying civilizational influences into culturally backward areas, thus inaugurating the process of acculturation.16
11Kshitimohan Sen has rightly remarked that, although Bengal was considered as the land of barbarians during the Vedic period, the Rarh or western of Bengal, had occupied an important place in the cultural history of ancient Bengal, with Tantric influences.17 Historians and social scientists have discussed at length about the popularity of the local cults. The cult of Dharma and the story associated with it had been identified with the Rarh region of Bengal. Dharma cult had evolved as a local cult of western Bengal from very ancient times and is prevalent even today in various districts of Bengal. As a popular religious cult, the Dharma cult also owed many of its elements to that of later Buddhism, which was known as Mantrayana and later most commonly, as Vajrayana. In the Sunnya Purana, the compendium entitled the Dharma Puja Vidhana would remind one of the liturgical texts of Mantra-Yana or Vajrayana.
12With the Sunya Purana and Dharma Puja Vidhana of the Dharma cult, we might compare the compendium of religious practices of Vajrayana Buddhism viz Kriya Samgraha. This text began with the details of the construction of vihara, worship of various gods and goddesses and hundreds of other ceremonies and practices including the placing of the jar (kalash), ablution, fire sacrifice, etc. In Kriya Samagraha, the offering to the goddess Hariti consisted of fish, blood of animals and meat, along with other articles. In the Sunnya Purana, the goddess associated with Dharma was also very fond of animal sacrifice. Some of the Nepalese Buddhist practices were also similar to the rituals of the Dharma cult.18
13In 1894, the noted Bengali Sanskritistic and educator, Haraprasad Shastri (1853‑1931) published a brief report in the proceedings of the Asiatic Society of Bengal19 in which he suggested that the imagery, symbolism and worship of Dharmaraj, bore very close resemblance to Buddhist notions of the sacred.20 In his book titled Discovery of Living Buddhism (1897), Sastri has stated that Dharmathakur was a Buddhist deity. According to some scholars, the influence of Mahayani Buddhism was more in this cult of Dharmathakur and the rituals performed with the deity were more like Tantrayani Buddhism.21 The influence of Buddhism, Saivism and Jainism, however, was noticed on the Charak and the Gajan festivals of Siva and Dharmathakur in Bengal. The festival of Gajan was celebrated in two months of the Bengali calendar, Caitra and Baisakh. In western part of Bengal, the region which came under Buddhist influence, Gajan was celebrated in the month of Baisakh. Where the influence of Saivism was more prominent, the celebration took place in the month of Caitra.
14The Dharmamangal texts were recited in the twelve‑day ritual ceremony of the Gajan Festival when lower caste people took vows and became Sannyasi. This implies their active and ceremonial performance. In the rural areas of Bengal, South Bihar and Orissa, each shrine of Dharma or Siva has to perform the annual Gajan. The last ritual of this festival is the hook - swinging ceremony, which has been borrowed from a popular form of sun festival and has nothing to do with Puranic Siva. In the districts of Malda, Dinajpur, the popular Sun cult or Dharma had been identified with Siva, as from the very ancient times, Sun worship had been in existence among the aboriginals of this area. Subsequently, when Buddhist cult of the Mahayana school spread in Pundravardhana, several Buddhist Tantric rituals also came to be mixed with it. Later, when Saiva cult gained ascendency over decadent Buddhism, the earlier popular religion with traces of Buddhist influence was again affected by Saivism.22
15The cult of Dharma was deeply influenced by Buddhism and Tantricism, which was a very primitive religion of Bengal.23 Greater India territories adjoining the Himalayas beginning with Kashmir in the north to Nepal, Tibet, Bhutan, Bengal and Assam may be described as Tantric zone.24 The presiding goddesses were Dakini, Rakini, Sakini, Hakini, which are non-Sanskritic names. From Atharaveda, it was also known that Bengal pursued Tantricism as a distinct socio‑religious tradition.25 The cult of Dharma was associated with many local deities. For instance, Manasa has been referred as the daughter and wife of Dharma by the seventeenth‑century poet Jagjibban Ghosal Assam.26
Popular appeal of the Dharma Cult
16As the Rarh region was an isolated rolling upland covered by dense forests, it was mainly inhabited by the aboriginal communities of Bauris, Hadi, Chandals, Doms and others.27 From the writings of the ancient Greek scholars like Megasthenes and others, we know that, till the Mauryan period, the Bagdis formed the bulk of the population in this region and were the ancestors of Hadi, Dom and the Bauris.28 These Aboriginals used to worship the Dharma cult and the story of Dharmamangal revolved round this deity. According to Risley and Sherring, the Doms were mostly Vaishnavas. But in later times, they became worshippers of Dharmathakur, Kaluburi and other local deities.29 There is a popular Bengali lineric “Akdum Bakdum Ghora Dum Saje, Dhak Mridanga Sakal Baji” (which means “the Doms were kings who used to ride horses”). This phrase denotes the popularity of the Dharma cult and its influence on the Dom community. In later years, the Doms became the priests of Dharmathakur.30
17The story of Dharmamangal dealt with Ichchai Ghosh, a local chieftain and Lausen of the Dom community. Ichchai was a devout Sakta worshipper and Lausen was the devotee of Dharmathakur. In this narrative, Lausen was able to defeat his rival Ichchai, due to blessings of the Dharmathakur. It often seemed that the main characters of this narrative, Lausen and Ichchai, were not real, as they could not be linked with contemporary historical facts and evidence. Both Lausen and Ichchai had been mentioned as feudal chiefs under Pala King Devapala in the Ramcharita of Sandhyakar Nandi. This incident helps to draw a link between Dharmamangalkavya and the Pala dynasty.31 A copper inscription discovered at Ramaganj (East Dinajpur, Bangladesh) also revealed the existence of a feudal chief called Isvara Ghosh.32 Moreover, according to the Dharmamanga texts, Isvara Ghosh was a Mahamandalika, i.e. a chieftain exercising control over a few administrative divisions called mandals, when the central power of the Pala kings of Bengal had declined and their kingdom in Bengal had disintegrated. His headquarter was at Dhekkari. The copper inscription, mentioned earlier, had been ascribed to the middle of the eleventh century. Dhekkari had been identified with Dhekur or Senpaharirgarh in the village of Sibpur, on the south bank of the Ajay. It falls within Gopbhum, which stretched between Ajay and the Damodar in the northern part of the Burdwan district. The memory of Isvara Ghosh appeared to have been preserved in the story of Ichhai, Ghosh of Dhekur. This story was a component of Dharmamangal narrative, in which Ichchai Ghosh had been identified as Goala or Gop by caste33 which was an intermediary rank in the caste hierarchy.34 According to the Dharmamangal, Ichchai’s father, Som Ghosh, was originally a cowherd of the king of Gaur. Later, he earned the favour of the king who entrusted him with the charge of Dhekur.35
18While Lausen had mobilized the military and political support and sympathy of the lower strata of the society as represented by his Dom army, Ichchai remained outside the combination between the upper castes, royalty and the lower caste people. Ichchai was thus trying to improve upon his social position by adopting Puranic rituals through the worship of Syamarupa. But he did not appear to have received the support and sympathy of the lower castes which his opponent, an upper caste devotee of Dharma commanded.36
Conclusion
19Dharmamangalkavya occupies an important place in the study of popular cults in Bengal. The power and authority of the Dom community are very well documented in this narrative. To describe the power and authority of the Doms in this region, they had often been used to relate an old Bengali phrase “Agdum, Bagdum, Ghoradum Sajhe”, which meant that they were accompanied by horses and tigers. Unlike the other Mangalkavyas, the main aim of this narrative was to establish the cult of Dharmathakur in the Rarh region and also to boost up the confidence of the aboriginal population, who remained outside the pale of Aryan civilization. Asutosh Bhattacharya (2006) has stated that Dharmangalkavya was not only based on contemporary historical accounts, but had also emphasized the culture and heritage of the Rarh. And it had been termed as “the Epic of Rarh”.37
20Later in the 19th century – during British domination –, the rise of Dharmapuja, which occurred at a critical time in Bengal history, was singled out of the local pantheon for intense investigation by indigenous scholars, searching desperately for an authentic Bengali identity. Today, his annual worship service (puja) called Gajan is confined in the three districts in West Bengal, as well as in isolated pockets in other parts of the province and its contiguous border areas. Although his worship and the ritual recitation of the texts written in his honour had declined considerably during post‑colonial times, the cult is still very popular.
Bibliographie
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Notes de bas de page
1 Chakraborty, 2001, p. 301.
2 Mukherjee, 2003, p. 47.
3 Chatterjee, 2013, p. 4.
4 Bandopadhay, 2009.
5 Smith, 1976, p. 11‑12.
6 Ibid., p. 11‑12.
7 Dasgupta, 1969, p. 259‑264.
8 Sen, 1986.
9 Dasgupta, 1969, p. 265.
10 Sen, 1986.
11 Banerjee, 2010, p. 69.
12 Pandit, 1907, p. 140.
13 Ganguli, 1960; Dasgupta, 1969, p. 265–266.
14 Sanyal, 1982.
15 Nicholas, 2013, p. 7.
16 Nath, 2001, p. 21.
17 Mitra, 1972, p. 16.
18 Dasgupta, 1969, p. 259‑260.
19 Shastri, 1894.
20 Koran, 1977.
21 Chattopadhay, 2001, p. 179.
22 Bhattacharya, 1977, p. 8‑21, 48‑68. Also see Mitra, 1965, p. 290‑291.
23 Omvedt, 2003, p. 112.
24 Dasgupta, 1969.
25 Chakraborty, 2001, p. 166, 185‑186.
26 maity P. K., p. 196‑204, 237‑238.
27 Saha, 1981, p. 3‑5.
28 Sur, 1976, p. 37‑39.
29 Bandopadhyay, 1371 B.S., p. 35‑38.
30 Bhattacharya, 1977, p. 8‑21, 48‑68) Actually, the tradition of worshipping the deity surrounded with clay horses was very primitive. Rarh, being the confluence of various cultures, its majority of population consisted of Advasis like Santhals and Mundas. These aboriginals were the forest dwellers, used to worship the different wild animals in the form of clay horses, elephants, tigers etc. For instance, we find the image of Boram, who used to roam about sitting on a tiger just like Dharmathakur. Even the place of Pirdargah, in this region we find clay horses (Ghosh, 1992, p. 100, 110‑113, 191). Risley was a British ethnographer and Sherring was a missionary who came to India during the 19th century.
31 Bandopadhyay, 1965, p. 45‑46.
32 Sanyal, 1981, p. 87.
33 Ganguli, 1967, p. 37.
34 Sanyal, 1982, p. 16‑17.
35 In the fort of Dhekur, Ichchai, the son of Som Ghosh became so powerful by the grace of goddess Bhavani or Syampura that he defied the king and withheld the dues to the royal treasury. Karnasen, one of the potentates of the king, was asked to proceed against the rebel. But Ichchai killed his four sons and ruled Dhekur independently for some time. Ultimately, he was defeated by Lausen, Karna Sen’s son, who was an ardent devotee of Dharma. The ruins of the fort and other buildings known as Senpaharirgarh or the garh of Dhekur was still visible in Sibpur (Ghosh, 1938, p. 89‑90, 183).
36 Sanyal, 1982, p. 16‑17.
37 Bandopadhyay, 1965, p. 45‑46.
Auteurs
Research Fellow, University of Calcutta
University of Calcutta
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