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Roccagloriosa II

 | 
Maurizio Gualtieri
, 
Helena Fracchia

Parte II. The Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin

Capitolo 3. The Roman period

M. Cucarzi

Texte intégral

1. General remarks on the nature of the evidence

  • 1 In addition to the financial support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Cana (...)
  • 2 In particular, the basis for the following discussion is found in Torelli 1992b.
  • 3 For a more detailed discussion see Gualtieri 1996a.
  • 4 The reasons for which Kolendo (1983, map 183) places the Cilento among the areas with a prevalently (...)
  • 5 Still, epigraphic as well as literary references do exist, although even these types of documentati (...)

1In addition to allowing an extensive coverage and mapping of the sites in the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin, the surface survey carried out over the years 1987-19911 has also enabled us to document a basic aspect of the settlement pattern in the study area, i.e., the transformation of rural settlements after the Romanization of Lucania. In the study area, the process of Romanization is marked by the foundation of a Roman colony at the mouth of the Bussento river and is archaeologically evident in the increased number of sites attributable to the second half of the 1st century B.C.2 (fig. 103). This numerical increase occurred after an extremely uncertain (and difficult to interpret) situation for the 2nd and first half of the 1st centuries B.C. (Torelli 1992a). Against the background of a fairly shady picture for the early stages of Romanization, the preliminary data pertaining to the period between the end of the 1st century B.C. and the beginning of the 1st century A.D. have already allowed us to delineate the pattern of rural settlement in what could be referred to, in very general terms, as the “ager Buxentinus” (the actual boundaries of that “ager” are unknown). Additionally, we can begin to consider the increase in sites in the light of the colonial land allotments mentioned in the Liber Coloniarum3. Such evidence, as will become clear in the analytical presentation of the material in the following paragraphs, leaves no doubt about a process of transformation in the countryside into which we can place the presence of a number of villae rusticae4. The only obstacle, but unfortunately a very serious one, to the proposed interpretation of the visible growth in rural settlements in the second half of the 1st century B.C. is the fact that not one of the sites of this period identified by the survey has been so far excavated. Nevertheless, in the context of this preface, we believe it opportune to draw one’s attention to the fact that, despite the still incomplete character of the archaeological evidence for the Roman period in the Mingardo/Bussento region, two noteworthy elements have come to light which can complement the results of the surface survey5.

Fig. 103 - Sites dated between the mid 1st century B.C. and mid 1st century A.D. in the lower Mingardo and Bussento region.
Carta dei siti databili fra la metà del I secolo a.C. e la metà del I secolo d.C. nella regione Mingardo/Bussento.

  • 6 Recently published evidence amply documents the funerary monuments associated with Lucanian vitine (...)

2The first piece of the new evidence is a late Republican/Augustan funerary relief (fig. 109, infra) which pertains to a well known class of funerary monuments produced by local craftsmen, with many analogous specimens found in the nearby Vallo di Diano. The stele was found several decades ago when a new aqueduct was being laid in Contrada Santa Venere (Roccagloriosa) and no doubt it was part of a funerary monument associated with a villa rustica6.

  • 7 Apart from the size of the villa, the use of opus reticulatum, found outside of the ‘normal’ area o (...)
  • 8 Sirago 1987, 118 places the Sapri area within the ager Buxentinus. Russi (in Lepore/Russi 1972-1973 (...)
  • 9 Bottini 1993, 761-762 provides the same data for the Coastal villae in the area of Maratea. See als (...)
  • 10 See, in particular, the recent volume on the territory of Paestum (Paestum 1987).

3The second new element is the discovery of an exceptional7 (not only in terms of size but also by the fact that it is built in opus reticulatum) example of a villa maritima near Sapri8. The existence of the villa has been known for quite some time but only recently has the area been systematically excavated by the Archaeological Suprintendency of Salerno (fig. 110, infra). The evidence provided by the splendid opus signinum floors in two of the excavated rooms leaves no doubt about the date of the establishment which can be placed to between the age of Caesar and the beginning of the principate of Augustus (ca. 50-30 B.C.). The floors thus provide a chronological guideline for the diffusion of the villa System in the study area although, exceptionally in this case, in the form of a very large maritime villa in opus reticulatum9. A similar date for the spread of the villa type may be argued for the territory of Blanda, immediately to the south (La Torre 1991, 149) and throughout the Tyrrhenian part of Bruttium (Sangineto 1994). Greco’s synthetic remarks (.Basilicata 1990: 265-68) about a visible growth in the occupation of the territory of Laos in the Augustan period can also be considered part of an analogous phenomenon given the undeniable relationship, possibly also administrative, between the two territories in the Roman period. Unfortunately, for the most part, the hypothesis presented by E. Greco is only formulated on the basis of a tentative observation of sporadic evidence, without any systematic collection of material pertaining to the Roman period. Additionally the context of the above remarks is the study of the chorai of the Greek colonies. This is a context which, in the majority of cases, does not take into detailed account any evidence later than the 3rd century B.C.10.

  • 11 Greco E. 1989, 286-288 both reviews and criticizes strongly the article.

4These two recently studied elements of the archaeological record, the funerary relief and the villa maritima, are in chronological harmony with the evidence provided by the pottery retrieved by the field survey teams in the Bussento valley and, in particular aspects and within certain limits, represent an important confirmation of the hypotheses (based on ceramic retrieval) which we have formulated for settlement types in the study region. It is perhaps necessary to explain our cautionary phrase “within certain limits”. Given the sporadic and fragmentary data available from limited excavation of sites datable to the Roman period in the study area, we believe that caution should be exercised in suggesting too specific interpretations of surface scatters and in developing settlement models which are based exclusively on survey evidence. Perhaps a macroscopic example of the lacunae in the archaeological documentation regarding the Roman period is that of Buxentum itself, identified long ago as modem day Policastro but still only the object of episodic and extremely limited excavations. After Panebianco’s work in the 1960’s (Panebianco 1963-1964; Panebianco 1964) which unfortunately did not leave any careful record of the chronological documentation, the small trench cut inside the fortification wall in the early 1980’s was far too restricted (and topographically speaking, insignificant) to furnish any noteworthy documentation about the Roman colony (pace, Bencivenga Trillmich 1988). Despite the ambitious historical interpretations put forward on the basis of this very limited excavation11, the only useful data is that of the pottery and of the amphorae which confirm the evidence of the late Republican period found by the surface survey.

  • 12 A surface ceramic scatter, found in a garden to the northwest of the modem house built inside of th (...)

5Other than the excavation of a few test trenches at the site, a systematic analysis of other types of documentation so far collected from Buxentum has been included. Unfortunately, the evidence is at best ephemeral but nonetheless potentially very useful, to judge from the material listed below (Appendix 3). Such a study would benefit enormously from future excavation and would also provide an accurate and chronologically more detailed development for the Roman period than it has been possible to delineate for the Mingardo/Bussento catchment basin to date12. Furthermore, there is no doubt that more systematic archaeological documentation from Buxentum will be of primary importance for the territorial economic picture during the Roman period precisely because of the potential of the site to provide a sort of ‘correction’ for the general picture as delineated by Kahrstedt, who placed an excessive emphasis on the presumed “urbanization of the ager” phenomenon (Lepore 1983, 352) while considering the urban settlement at Buxentum as a mere “vegetierenden Kleinstadt” (Kahrstedt 1960, 23). As discussed elsewhere (Gualtieri 1996a), Kahrstedt’s reconstruction is grossly oversimplified and based on a fairly dubious assumption of the relationship between the city and its surrounding territory (see Murray 1992, 20 and Cornell/Lomas 1995, 5-6).

2. The mid-1st century B.C. to mid-1st century A.D. sites (fig. 103)

2.1. Typology of sites

6The Mingardo/Bussento region was not a wasteland in the period immediately preceding the colonial foundation at Buxentum in 196 B.C., as we have attempted to demonstrate in Chapter 2 (supra and fig. 92). The ‘transitional’ occupation phase in the extra-mural area (the Napoli-Carmine Balbi-DB Plateaus, supra, Part I, chapter 1) and the sites of Mai, Morigialdo, and Fontana Scudiere indicate that (although there was a drop in the number of isolated farms) the hamlets or habitation clusters underwent three possible transformations:

  1. a continuation through the 3rd and 2nd centuries B.C.;

  2. became areas of Roman frequentation or of a Roman presence in the 1st centuries B.C./A.D.;

  3. grew into larger establishments of the later 1st through 3rd or even later centuries A.D. The continuity or even interrupted continuity (Guzzo 1981) of some areas indicates only that the areas were well suited to settlement. The availability of water on the gentle sloping landslide terraces surrounded by areas of rocky outcrops and less fertile land served both the need for good agricultural land and for pasturage. Additionally, there was a considerable quantity of re-usable building stone available or even older foundations still in place on those same terraces.

7No doubt the attraction of entering the new Roman order at Paestum, where a Latin colony was founded in 273 B.C., must have played a part in the initial abandonment of the highlands. Certainly at Paestum, hinterland Lucanians would not have felt out of place as the colonial foundation seems to have consisted largely of other Italic peoples, especially Picentini (Pedley 1990, 113-128 and Torelli 1988a, 36 and note 18; 94-95). There seems to have been continuity between the Lucanian and Roman aristocratic gentes at Paestum. It is not improbable that some of the less privileged elements of the population, who remained behind, most likely established hamlets at lower elevations near roads and springs, as is documented in the territory of Gela (Coarelli 1981b).

8The later Campana and Italian terra sigillata wares, the ceramic keystones of the period, have been found in three types of topographical situations, although the limitations of survey where ground cover is often dense should be kept in mind. In addition, the heavy clay soil of the region, when ploughed, forms quite large clods where small fragments of pottery may be easily concealed.

  1. Probable villa sites. Spatially restricted but dense scatters (ca. 2,000-3,500 m2) on well watered landslide terraces facing the Bussento river, usually about half-way up the hillside. The scatters consist of both fine and coarse ceramic material and may also include mosaic tesserae, bits of glass, or a funerary relief. These sites invariably continue into the Imperial period (see below), but from the survey evidence it is not possible to say whether the tesserae, glass etc., belong to one period or another;

  2. Probable vicus sites. Dense and very extensive scatters (ca. 3,500 m2=>) found on the larger landslide terraces with no luxury goods, but with equally high percentages of fine and coarse wares as well as broken-up blocks or large rocks;

  3. Possible “Farms”. Very spatially restricted area (ca. 1,000 m2) with recovery of less than five diagnostic sherds. The ceramic evidence usually consists of amphora feet, cooking wares or a few sherds of Italian terra sigillata. These scatters occur in a variety of topographical situations and elevations but share one particular detail: the sherds were always found in small areas or clearings of good agricultural land. A case could be made for terming all of these areas small farms. At Priorato in Sicily, a Roman farm building measured 4.58 m. x 4.90 m. and the material finds consisted of a few scraps of Italian terra sigillata and an oscillimi (Coarelli 1981b, 5). For the period that interests us the Priorato evidence has been interpreted as a small Roman house which then became part of a large latifundium. Small land owners seem to be the norm in later Republican Sicily (Coarelli 1981b, 14) as in a number of areas of the Italian peninsula, but particularly in inland central and southern Italy (Gabba 1982, 131). To return to Sicily, at Heraclea Minoa (Wilson 1980; Wilson 1981) there was a remarkably homogenous arrangement of small farms found. Each establishment was about 50 m. x 35 m. to judge from both the size of the scatter (Wilson 1981, 254): rarely was a great deal of evidence found for these farms.

9The above classification is not intended as a typology of sites but rather aims to provide a guideline for our working hypotheses. The number of sites and quantity of material found make it difficult to apply the existing typologies established for larger, more densely inhabited areas such as in Southern Etruria (Potter 1975, 217-218) or the Ager Cosanus (Dyson 1978, esp. 257). The site typology of villas and farmsteads used in the Biferno valley survey (Barker/Lloyd/Webley 1978, 41-45) is more suited to the Mingardo/Bussento situation, but we prefer to avoid the tendency to term all large scatters “villa sites” (Guzzo 1981) since so many of the areas where a Republican presence is noted are also used in the Imperial period.

  • 13 In particular, Banzi and Tolve (Torelli 1992a, XXV). See also Lepore 1981, 283-288.

10In general, the character of the earlier habitation is very difficult to evaluate as deep ploughing (and thus greater destruction and visibility of earlier material) is not normal practice in the region. In this respect, recent evidence from eastern Lucania13 clearly illustrates the persistence of the Lucanian farm and, in some cases, its transformation into an establishment which is typologically very dose to the early villa rustica.

2.2. Catalogue of sites

11It may then be useful to outline some of the characteristics of our classification in terms of topography, altitude, and distances between sites. Many sites are repeated in the different chronological classifications and since the material is from the surface, some overlap in chronology naturally occurs in the listing of the sites.

12The reference to Roccagloriosa I is provided for the sites already presented in the preliminary publication of the surrey; in all cases the brief description of the site is accompanied by the IGM coordinates.

A) Possible Villa Sites

13site no. 2 Contrada Monaci/Vallone Cupo (Roccagloriosa I, 179-180)
RG N42,45 E37
Faces the Mingardo, alt. 270-280, terrace is 1 km. long x 500 m. wide, water is provided by perennial streams.
Distance from Contrada Gammavona (no. 16) 4.0 kms.;
Distance from Contrada Calatripeda (no. 37) 2.5 kms.;
Distance from the vicus at Morigialdo (no. 43)4.0 kms.; Distance from Buxentum: 11.5 kms.;

14Evidence: Italian terra sigillata base, rims of Goudineau forms type 2 (before 40 B.C.) and 8 (ca. 30 B.C.), mosaic tesserae; folded back coarse ware rim with similar examples from Cosa (Cosa 1976) dated from the 2nd century B.C. onwards; coarse ware olla with parallels at Pompeii (Pompeii 1984, Tav. 100, 1.CE407) dating from the 2nd century B.C. onwards (fig. 104); Dressel 2-4 amphora handle.

Fig. 104 - Coarse ware olla rim (from Contrada Monaci).
Orlo di ceramica grezza (da Contrada Monaci).

15site no. 20 Contrada Santa Venere (Roccagloriosa I, 186)
TO N41,05 E38,90
Faces the Bussento river and Buxentum, alt. 325-400, terrace 1 km. long x 600 m. wide, perennial spring water (fig. 105).
Distance from Contrada Gammavona (no. 16): 2.5 kms.;
Distance from Buxentum: 5.5 kms.; Distance from the Serippi (no. 52) site: 14.5 kms.; We have not located other sites of the same type further north toward Mt. Centaurino in the Augustan period.

Fig. 105 - The Santa Venere site (no. 20) from east: in the background, the aqueduct tank, the construction of which revealed the funerary relief.
Il sito di Santa Venere (n. 20), da est (foto de Polignac). Sullo sfondo è visibile il casotto dell’acquedotto, la cui ricostruzione portò al rinvenimento del monumento funerario.

16Evidence: Late-republican funerary relief (see detailed discussion, infra, 136-138), Dressel 1 and Dressel 2/4 amphorae, Italian terra sigillata wall sherds and fragmentary krater base as well as orlo annerito cooking wares (1st century A.D.)

17site no. 30 Contrada Fontana Scudiere (Roccagloriosa I, 191-192)
TO N37,95-38,10 E39,85-39,90
Faces the Bussento river and Buxentum, alt. 90-225, terrace 1.25 km. long x 500 m. wide and lower plateau (figs. 106-107); two perennial springs provide water.
Distance from Contrada Acquavena (no. 33) 1.9 kms.;
Distance from Contrada Vallone Pantana (no. 29) 2.9 kms.;
Distance from vicus at Contrada Morigialdo (no. 43): 5.1 kms.;
Distance from Buxentum: 5.4 kms.

18Evidence: Italian terra sigillata wall sherds, Italian terra sigillata base; mosaic tesserae; glass.

Fig. 106 - Density of surface finds in the central area of the Fontana Scudiere plateau (site no. 30), covered by intensive survey: 12 x 12 m. squares.
Densità dei reperti di superficie sulla parte centrale del plateau di Fontana Scudiere (sito n. 30): quadrati di m. 12 x 12 (da uno schizzo di F. de Polignac).

Fig. 107 - Scudiere, lower plateau (site no. 30): density of surface finds (12 x 12 m. squares).
Scudiere, pianoro inferiore (sito n. 30): densità dei reperti di superficie (quadrati di m. 12 x 12) (da uno schizzo di F. de Polignac).

B) Dense Scatters/Possible Vicus Sites

19site no. 43 Celle di Bulgheria/Contrada Morigialdo (Roccagloriosa I, 197)
RG N38,25 E35,50
Faces north, up the Mingardo valley with an unobstructed view as far as the valley behind Rofrano, terrace is 1.300 m. long x 800 m. wide. Sorgente Marconi and Sorgente Pisciola provide water year round.
Distance to Acquavena/Caporotta (no. 33) 3.2 kms.;
Distance to Buxentum: 9.3 kms.

20Evidence: three rim fragments of unslipped thin wall ware and Italian terra sigillata rims of Goudineau forms 2 (before 40 B.C.), 10 (30-20 B.C.), 13 (ca. 20 B.C.), 23 (ca. 12-10 B.C.), 39 (after 15 A.D.); Atlante forms 7 variety 6 (20-10 B.C.), 9 variety 7 (15-20 A.D.), 10 variety 13 (20-45 A.D.?), 19 variety 17 (second half of the 1st-early 2nd A.D.), 20 variety 6 (25-10 B.C.), 27 (undated), 33 variety 1 (undated but possibly ca. 10 B.C.), 34 variety 1 (30-20 B.C.), 39 variety 4 (ca. 15 A.D.) as well as unslipped lamps, and one Italian terra sigillata lamp fragment, Dressel 2-4 amphorae.

C) Very Restricted Scatters/Possible “Farms”

21site no. 3 Mai (Roccagloriosa I, 181)
RG N42,45-43,50 E36,30-37,00
Large terrace in the Mingardo valley facing west, alt. between 180-230 m. between two rocky outcrops. Perennial springs nearby.
Distance from Morigialdo (no. 43): 5.0 kms.;
Distance from Santa Venere (no. 20): 5.0 kms.

22Evidence: Dressel 2/4 amphora handle.

23site no. 13 Scalette/Iannace/Monaca (Roccagloriosa I, 184)
RG N40,55 E36,30
Faces the Mingardo river valley, alt. 300-345, terrace size is 500 m. long x 500 m. wide. Perennial water source nearby. Distance to nearest larger site at Monaci (no. 2), 1.15 kms.

24Evidence: two rim fragments of Italian terra sigillata of Goudineau form type 8 dated ca. 30 B.C.

25site no. 16 Contrada Gammavona (Roccagloriosa I, 185)
RG N39,95 E37,85
Faces the Bussento river and Buxentum, alt. 300-320, terrace size 800 m. long x 650 m. wide, perennial spring water.
Distance from nearest larger site at Contrada Santa Venere (no. 20) 2.5 kms.;
Distance from Contrada Scudiere (no. 30) 3.5 kms.

26Evidence: later(?) 1st century B.C. unguentaria, 1 wall sherd of Italian terra sigillata.

27site no. 19 Padronella/Runia (Roccagloriosa I, 185)
TO N42,40 E38,80
Faces the Bussento river valley, alt. 375-425, terrace size 700 m. long x 300 m. wide. There is no perennial water source nearby.
Distance to Santa Venere (no. 20): contiguous.

28Evidence: several wall sherds of Italian terra sigillata and some Roman coarse ware of the 1st century B.C.-A.D. and Dressel 2/4 amphora handle, 1st century A.D.

29site no. 24 Pedale (Roccagloriosa I, 187-189)
TO N40,70 E41,80
In the Bussento river valley, alt. 60 m. Partially excavated farmhouse.

30Evidence: Italian terra sigillata wall sherds.

31site no. 29 Contrada Vallone Pantana 1 (Roccagloriosa I, 191)
Policastro Bussentino N38,50 E42,00
Faces the Bussento river and Buxentum, alt. 60-80, terrace 900 m. long x 600 m. wide, Bussento river provides water.
Distance from Contrada Fontana Scudiere (no. 30) 2.9 kms.;
Distance from Buxentum: 2.5 kms.

32Evidence: Italian terra sigillata rim, Goudineau form type 5 (before 35 B.C.) as well as wall sherds and fragments of unslipped lamps; rim of Dressel 2-4 amphora.

33site no. 29bis Contrada Vallone Pantana 2 (Roccagloriosa I, 191)
Policastro Bussentino N38,50 E42.50
More restricted scatter ca. 400/500 m. to the east; similar in debris and in date. Two separate scatters were found by Dr. F. de Polignac in this area, at a distance of ca. 400 m. from one another, both with homogeneous material. It would seem possible to consider these two, fairly uniform sites (29, 29bis) in the lowland area not far from Policastro and bordering the hilly terrain further to the north, as two farms related to the vintane deductions mentioned in the Liber Coloniarum «... in cancellationem limitibus maritimis» (discussion, infra, 135) within the limits of the probable extent of the late Republican ager Buxentinus. The actual limits of the ager Buxentinus, i.e. of the extent of the territory administered by Buxentum in the late Republican period, are hard to define. On the basis of the reference to “limitibus maritimis” in the Liber Coloniarum and especially in view of the observations made by F. de Polignac, in the preliminary notes of his survey, about an element of discontinuity between the sites in the hilly terrains and those in the lowlands around the lower Bussento valley, it would seem possible to hypothesize a line running from Vallone Pantana westward toward Calandra and southward toward Torre Oliva/Scario as the western limit of the territory originally administered by the colony of Buxentum. The distance between the two scatters as well as the proximity to the colony are not unlike the farms near Larinum in the Molise (Barker/Lloyd/Webley 1978) which are dated to the 1st century B.C. A similar spacing and size is also found at Fleraclea Minoa (Wilson 1980; Wilson 1981).

34site no. 31 Monte Ruggi (Roccagloriosa I, 192)
RG N38,05 E37,45
On a ridge overlooking both the Mingardo and Bussento river valleys, alt. 400; terrace size 350m. x 750m. Perennial springs.
Distance from Morigialdo (no. 43): 2.0 kms.

35Evidence: fragments of a double amphora handle, Dressel 2-4 amphora, 1st century A.D.

36site no. 33 Contrada Acquavena/Caporotta (Roccagloriosa I, 192-193)
RG N37,50 E37,90
On a ridge, overlooking both the Mingardo and Bussento rivers, alt. 390-420, terrace 1 km. long x 600 m. wide, the perennial water sources are Fontana Avena at the higher elevation and two other perennial springs.
Distance from Contrada Fontana Scudiere (no. 30) 1.9 kms.

37Evidence: undiagnostic fragments if Italian terra sigillata.

38site no. 35 Collina del Bulgheria (Roccagloriosa I, 193)
Camerota N36,65 E37,90
On the ridge between the Bussento and Mingardo river valleys, alt. 480, terrace 650 m. long x 450 m. wide, no perennial springs and wells.
Distance from Acquavena (no. 33): 1.5 kms.

39Evidence: Italian terra sigillata wall sherds.

40site no. 42 Contrada Viole/Castel Ruggero (Roccagloriosa I, 197)
TO N44,60 E39,50
North of the Capitenali ridge; looks toward Mt. Centaurino and the upper Bussento river valley; alt. 250; terrace size 750 m. x 500 m.; stream provides water source.
Distance from Santa Venere (no. 29): 3.5 kms.

41Evidence: bottom and handle of Dressel 2-4 amphora, 1st century A.D.

42site no. 46 Le Festole (Velia 1990, 54)
Sanza N54,80 E41,50
Faces the Sanza valley, alt. 670-680, terrace size ca. 380m. x 500m. No perennial water source nearby.
Distance to Serippi (no. 52): 0.5 kms.

43Evidence: one fragment of Italian terra sigillata (Note: this evidence may well be related to the ‘larger’ Imperial site of Serippi known from archival evidence, infra, site no. 52).

44Area Napoli (1976-77 excavation, supra, Part I)

45Evidence: bowl Dragendorff 3/17; neck and handles of Dressel 2-4 amphora (fig. 108).

Fig. 108 - Dressel 2-4 amphora from Area Napoli.
Anfora Dressel 2-4 dall’Area Napoli.

46Whatever the similarities or differences of the three types of sites, it is evident that a healthy number of areas, regularly spaced, along or quite near to major routes were established by the later 1st century B.C. Some of these 1st century B.C. areas are locations previously inhabited during the Lucanian period (supra, Chapters 1 and 2), some were abandoned in the transitional period but others certainly continued uninterrupted through the 1st century B.C./first half of the 1st century A.D. as well as into the middle and later Empire.

2.3. Remarks on the nature and distribution of the sites

47The late Republican/Augustan presence in the study area – with the exception of 3 cases (i.e. the sites of Santa Venere, Celle/Morigialdo and Sapri/Santa Croce, at the extreme eastern boundary of the region) – could most easily lend itself to manipulation and overstatement of the evidence. The scanty ceramic finds datable to the Republican period are difficult to evaluate. Only the Celle/Morigialdo site presents a large enough sample to discuss in more detail, especially as geophysical testing was carried out there (infra, Appendix 4).

  • 14 As suggested in Gualtieri/Polignac 1991.

48What can be said, with some degree of confidence, is that with two exceptions, there are no areas used ex-novo in the Republican period. The two exceptions are at the extreme boundaries of the study area. Vallone Pantana (no. 29) is in a low lying area dose to the banks of the Bussento river and should be considered-in whatever function it may have had-as a link between the colony at Buxentum and its hinterland. This particular site, more specifically located in the low-lying terrain west of the banks at the mouth of the Bussento river, considered together with an “undefined coarse ware scatter ca. 400 m. away” should be linked to new rural settlements, in the immediate vicinity of Buxentum, which were created at the time of the assignations “in cancellationem limitibus maritimis” mentioned by the Liber Coloniarum14. As such, the sites mentioned above reflect the ‘new’ Roman reality and the political agenda inherent in colonization (Gabba 1988b).

49The second exception is the “site” (one fragment) found at Le Festole (site no. 46) which, at ca. 700 meters above sea level, is certainly an unusual location but in Bruttium a villa (no chronology given) is reported at Papasidero which is higher than 800 meters. Le Festole, as a location, has the advantage of being in the midst of a mixed deciduous and evergreen forest, as well as at the edge of a fertile valley and, as was probably the case for the nearby (300-400 meters from Le Festole) but later site at Campestrino (no. 53), the area offered forage for pigs, wood and the possibility of some limited polyculture (Giardina 1981). Le Festole is also located on the ridge between the two catchment basins and probably also marks the crossroads of a route from the Val di Calore/Paestum area towards Buxentum and another route towards modern day Sanza.

50As emphasized earlier, one major difficulty with the distinctions generally used for the Republican and early Imperial periods is that not every large scatter can be construed as a villa site. Little work of a synthetic nature has been done recently on the rural habitations or farms of the 2nd and early 1st century B.C./early 1st century A.D. Scatters such as those listed in our third category of find spots for the late Republican period are probably small farms with little material remains and uncertain chronology for which there are numerous parallels (see supra, 122-125). Recently Volpe (1990, 110-114) has collected and analyzed some elements of typological determination for rural buildings. Although his area of particular interest is Daunia, it is clear that the types in general, although not their details, are similar throughout Italy. For example, even in the 3rd century B.C. early phase at Mancamasone at Banzi (Bottini 1983; Tagliente 1987), the farmhouse plan consisted of a few rooms around a courtyard. This very general plan of rooms around a courtyard is repeated in both rectangular and square versions throughout the course of the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. e.g., at Tolve (Russo Tagliente 1992, 173-181), in the early phase at San Giovanni di Ruoti (Small 1985), at Nocilla near Lucera (Jones 1980, 94-98), at Passo di Corvo and Coppa di Gallo (Schmiedt 1971, tav. III 1, 3, 5), and in Campania (Compatangelo 1985, 605, site 2).

51Contemporaneously, there are other models in existence in addition to the types mentioned above which derive from a Greekmodel: Volpe (1990, 111) sees a derivation of the Italic atrium and peristyle type habitation in the farm of the second half of the 2nd century B.C.-1st century B.C. at S. Vito di Salpi (Giampietro 1974-1975). Regardless of the derivation, generally there are few material finds, the sites are small and the buildings, when excavated, unimpressive. Some of our findspots with one or two fragments of 2nd century unguentaria and a few bits of Italian terra sigillata mixed with some coarse ware could plausibly enter into a category of rural habitation, but that is only a working hypothesis: verification can only be achieved by excavation.

2.4. Three specific case studies

52Rather than construct a false picture of the late Republican/early Imperial period in the Mingardo Bussento hinterland, it is more sound to discuss the early evidence from the two sites at Morigialdo and Santa Venere. Republican funerary stelai, with dose ties to monuments found in the Vallo di Diano, have been found at Santa Venere and possibly, according to the archival record, at Serippi, even though neither site has produced more than a few sherds of Italian terra sigillata. On the site of Serippi, which might be comparable to Santa Venere in the funerary evidence recovered, we only have a very succinct record (Pontrandolfo Greco/Greco 1981, no. 62).

53Furthermore, mention should be made of the complex in Contrada S. Croce (Sapri), at the very eastern border of the ager Buxentinus (Johannowsky 1984, 528), where recent excavations by the Department of Antiquities of Salerno have shed new light on the monumentai villa maritima built around the middle of the 1st century B.C.

  • 15 Preliminary comments in Roman Landscapes, 197-201. For a thorough analysis on the S. Venere site in (...)
  • 16 Kahrstedt 1960, 21-23. Kahrstedt’s analysis, although partly biased by his own view of Magna Graeci (...)
  • 17 There is tentative evidence for the existence of a bridge (identified by the surface survey) in the (...)
  • 18 The best such example is the group of analogous reliefs from Rome: see e.g. the one from the via St (...)
  • 19 For the type in general (the late republican production from Rome) see Zanker 1975. A more general (...)
  • 20 The closest parallel (for hair-do, rendering of garment, necklace and probable ear-rings) is the st (...)
  • 21 See the considerations made supra, n. 19. It is not surprising that authors like Frenz, who tend to (...)
  • 22 Already in 1965 Bianchi Bandinelli pointed out the uncertainty of stylistic and antiquarian criteri (...)

54A) The site at Santa Venere has already been the object of a detailed discussion in the context of a paper on the Romanization of the ager Buxentinus15. Considering Kahrstedt’s extended reference to this particular site of the ager Buxentinus16, there is no question that it represented a major rural site. Kahrstedt refers to it as “villa” or “villengruppe”, strung along an inland route linking Buxentum to Paestum17. The scatters recorded by Kahrstedt himself and the pottery evidence from our own surveys, pointing to a late Republican/early Imperial date for the floruit of the site, are now complemented by the evidence of a funerary monument (most probably belonging to the owners of the villa) which included a relief with representation of the bust of the deceased. The stele was recovered at the beginning of this century and carefully recorded by the Finamore family of Roccagloriosa (fig. 109). Of the two limestone pieces shown in the photograph, the small pilaster may represent a structural element of a (still undefined) monument, while the stele, probably part of the facade18, belongs to a well known class of funerary reliefs19 dated to the 1st century B.C. Among the various types of late Republican reliefs with a bust of the deceased, the piece from Santa Venere pertains to the so-called ‘architectural type’ (also referred to as ‘pseudo-aedicula). The architectural type of stele portrays the bust of the deceased within an architectural frante, which is meant to represent, in an abbreviated form, the facade of a building. The pediment is decorated by a vegetal motif well paralleled by many of the specimens found in the nearby Vallo di Diano20. Inside the aedicula, there is a frontal representation of the bust of the deceased: a female figure capite velato is holding with her right hand the upper part of the garment, in a gesture of Pudicitia not uncommon in this type of funerary relief. Many dose comparisons are to be found with similar monuments from the nearby Vallo di Diano, both in the rendering of the garment and the representation of the face (hair-do with central partition, necklace, etc.). In spite of some damage to the chin, nose and eyes, the representation of the deceased is very similar to the one found in a number of reliefs with representation of single female figure which Frenz (1985, 52) singles out as belonging to a ‘Lucanian’ type and dates still within the last decades of the Republic (Frenz 1985, 39). A date around the middle of the 1st century B.C. would be the most likely, given the dose parallels in style and presentation with some of the analogous monuments found at Tegianum, Cosilinum and Atina in the Vallo di Diano. The monuments from the Vallo di Diano often carry inscriptions which can be dated with a fair degree of precision on the basis of paleographic criteria21. With convincing arguments, the latter criterion for dating such monuments has indeed been considered as the only safe one for all such monuments found outside of the city of Rome and its immediate vicinity by a number of scholars (Coarelli 1981a, 241-243; Bacchielli 1989, 236-237)22.

Fig. 109 - S. Venere: the funerary relief in an old picture (courtesy A. Finamore).
Il rilievo funerario da S. Venere in una vecchia cartolina degli anni 1930 (gentile concessione
A. Finamore).

  • 23 It may be possible here to see some analogies with the situation of a romanized Lucanian family, so (...)

55Although so far an isolated example from the Mingardo/Bussento region, the funerary relief just discussed represents an exceptional piece of evidence for the existence in the area of a kind of patronage probably addressed to the same (local) workshops which were catering to the needs of the numerous urban and rural customers in the nearby Vallo di Diano. The patron of the Santa Venere monument would have represented one of the owners of medium or small size landholdings in the Mingardo/Bussento territory. In the absence of an inscription on the lintel, as we have in a number of other similar monuments found in the Vallo di Diano, we can speculate that such an owner would have been either the descendant of one of the Lucanian families in the area (so vividly documented at 4th-3rd century B.C. Roccagloriosa) or, perhaps, connected to the settlers who would have benefited from land assignations in the ager Buxentinus, most probably during the triumviral period. We favour the former hypothesis, considering the possible higher dating of the monument and the particular location of the villa to which the relief pertains, on the very slopes of the Capitenali ridge, certainly in dose physical (possibly also ideological) connection with the remains of the once ‘glorious’ oppidum23.

56B) The site at Celle/Morigialdo seems to be either a large farm without luxury goods or a rural vicus: the size (6,000 sg.m.), composition, and density of the scatter, in addition to the quantity of rocks and broken blocks indicate an agglomerated settlement or large farm rather than a villa.

57The site is found in the area named Morigialdo, to the east of the modern town of Celle di Bulgheria. The site covers a long and wide terrace which faces northeast. The terrace was formed by landslide movements along the face of the steep cliffs of the Bulgheria massif and creates a land bridge between the Mingardo and Bussento catchment basins. A perennial spring line, running roughly north-south crosses the terrace. The Bulgheria massif creates a protective barrier against inclement weather Corning in from the sea and thus the terrace, well-watered as it is, with deep and easily worked soils, is one of the larger and most fertile expanses in the Mingardo river valley.

58The site had an unobstructed view up the Mingardo river valley as far as Raia del Pedale and the settlements at the end of the valley behind Rofrano. To the south-east, the higher hills behind Buxentum/Policastro are visible and to the west the Lambro river valley closes the view.

59The Morigialdo site is not only the largest of the Roman sites found so far in the Mingardo valley but it also had the longest life, with a chronological span from ca. 200 B.C. to the 5th century A.D. The site thus provides an excellent example of the evolution of one settlement type vicus) within the study area. To date, the site has been surveyed by field walking twice yearly since 1986 and a magnetometer survey (infra, Appendix 4) has been conducted in transects placed where the surface scatter was particularly dense.

60The surface of the terrace has been ploughed for the planting of corn, erba medica, and other shallow rooted crops. No deep ploughing has ever been done on the terrace although a conduit for water may have been cut through the center of the open area.

61Although the bulk of the finds Comes from the central area of the terrace, the earliest material was found at the eastern portion of the site, nearest to site no. 34 at Acqua del Salice and probably pertains to a hypothetical agglomeration located there. The eastern portion of the site is the one closest to the nucleated centre at Roccagloriosa and to Gammavona. The earliest material consists of coarse ware similar to that found in the upper layers on the Central Plateau and some black glaze pottery datable to the early and mid 3rd century B.C. Additionally a few undiagnostic fragments of the later Campana A and B productions were found.

62On the basis of the later black glaze pottery, it appears that the date of the early Roman presence at Morigialdo should be connected to the foundation of the Latin colony at Buxentum in 194 B.C. or to its refoundation in 186 B.C. A probable change in the Communications network as a result of the colonial impostation would have given added importance to the terraces linking the two river valleys. Despite the paucity of evidence for the initial years of the Morigialdo site, it is probable that ploughing has never been done deeply enough to bring much earlier material to the surface. The initial settlement at Morigialdo ought to be considered in light of the state of semi-desertion of Buxentum which the consul Postumius found almost accidentally (Livy 39, 23, 3-4). The weakness of the foundation seems not to have been generally known to the Roman authorities. If the near abandonment of the site is due to swampy conditions tied to a general postulated alluviation and silting up of river mouths as well as a possible bradysism (Mello 1974, 137-145; Kahrstedt 1960, 3, n. 1) in the 2nd century B.C., a move to higher ground might have been the impetus for the settlement at Morigialdo as well as for the stronger and longer-lived ‘transitional’ sites at Mai, and Fontana Scudiere. In addition to the black glaze sherds found, the period between ca. 150 B.C. and 50 B.C. is documented by some coarse ware forms as well as fragments of Dressel I amphorae types. A number of plain unslipped lamps in a pale fabric may also belong to this period.

63There are also a few thin wall rim sherds which are significan: all are of a pale yellowish fabric and are similar to Atlante examples dated to the Late Republican period. The fabric is distinctive, the hatched decoration precise and even though only three fragments were retrieved a few points can be made regarding their presence. The production of thin wall pottery requires a fairly sophisticated level of technical skill: it is primarily an “urban” product and thus may bear witness to commercial growth at Buxentum during this period. The three sherds are the only examples of thin wall pottery found in the entire catchment basin so whatever their origin the ware was not common in the study area.

64The amply documented presence of the Italian terra sigillata wares gives the impression that the site suddenly begins to grow in the second half of the 1st century B.C. The numerous fragments of the ware cover the entire chronological span of the production. Imports from various production centers are also evident, including some Gaulish wares. The quality of the Italian terra sigillata is, in general, very good although there are exceptions to that rule. A very pale fabric (Munsell 5YR 6/4 light reddish brown) wears quite badly but a wide range of forms were found in this matrix indicating that the pieces come from a production center of some importance. The most common Italian terra sigillata forms present at the site include Atlante forms 19 variety 17 (second half of the 1st-early 2nd century A.D.) and form 39 variety 4 (ca. 15 A.D.). Form 39 variety 4 is not very widely distributed and is considered to be the product of Campanian or other provincial ceramicists: it is also common at Pompeii (Atlante, 15-16). Additionally, the later varieties, including form 19, variety 17, may have been produced principally by late-Italic ceramicists of Etruria and Campania. In contexts dated to the second half of the 1st and the early decades of the 2nd centuries A.D., the type is the most common form found at Ostia and at Pompeii which would strongly suggest that the Morigialdo examples originate at a South Italian production center (See Table).

65C) At the extreme eastern end of the Ager Buxentinus (if such a denomination can be attached to the Sapri area), is the large villa maritima at Camerelle, near Sapri, on the north-eastern extremity of the Gulf of Policastro.

  • 24 See Morricone Matini 1980; Johannowsky (personal communication) would date the ‘signino’ floors fro (...)

66Sapri, Loc. S. Croce
Distance to Buxentum, ca. 9 kms.;
Dating evidence: opus reticulatum faced masonry and mosaic floors (a type of late Republican signino)24.

67The complex is composed of a number of parts. A bath complex with round frigidarium and the hypocaust of a probable caldarium was recently excavated by the Department of Antiquities under the direction of Dr. A. Fiammenghi. Stili uncertain is the function of a number of adjoining rooms to the east of the bath complex: the small peristyle with sunken area open to the sky can still pertain to the bath complex (an entrance vestibule, similar to the one of the baths in the House of th Menander at Pompeii): the mosaic decoration in the porticoes dates this building to the period 50-40 B.C. (fig. 110). The dating, mostly based on the style of the signinum floors, in the years 50-30 B.C., is consistent with similar developments of villae maritimae further north along the Tyrrhenian coast (Lafon 1981, 328).

Fig. 110 - Plan of excavated structures of the villa maritima at S. Croce/Sapri (courtesy Soprintendenza Archeologica, Salerno).
Pianta dello scavo nella
villa maritima a S. Croce/Sapri (gentile concessione Soprintendenza Archeologica, Salerno).

  • 25 See Johannowsky in Atti Taranto 28. Taranto, 1989, 52.

68Ca. 80 m. to the east of these buildings a group of five vaulted buildings right along the shore has been interpreted as store-houses, whilst a number of rectangular piers underwater has been set in relationship with the existence of a small port (Velia 1990, 33)25. It is to be noted that ports attached to (luxurious) maritime villas are not uncommon: one of the best documented examples is the one of the villa at Gianola, near Scauri (Latium) (Schmiedt 1971,142-144 and figs. 157-158), although there is some evidence from the Adriatic coastline as well (Degrassi 1954). Finds of African red slip ware from the recent excavations, although not in stratigraphic context, point to the continued use of the villa until at least the 2nd/3rd century A.D.

3. The mid-1st to 3rd century A.D. sites (fig. 111)

3.1. Typology of sites

69These sites (fig. 111) are characterized by the presence of African red slip wares and can be categorized in the same way as the earlier Republican sites:

70A: dense and large scatters (2,000-3,500 m2) often mixed with earlier Republican evidence: on the basis of the size and composition (glass, mosaic tesserae, brick) of the scatters, several sites could now be considered villas.

71B: denser and more extensive scatters (3,500 m2 or more) found not only mixed with earlier material but with a noticeable increase in amphorae, coarse ware and brick fragments: these may be agglomerated houses or small vici or large farms.

72C: small scatters (500-1,000 m2) consisting of African cooking wares and coarse wares: most probably farmsteads.

Fig. 111 - Distribution map of Roman Imperial sites (mid 1st-3rd century A.D.) in the Mingardo/Bussento region.
Carta di distribuzione dei siti di età imperiale (metà I secolo-III secolo d.C.).

3.2. Catalogue of sites

73(Note: many of the sites are the same as those described for the Republican period: in those cases only the site nos. and the dating evidence for the Imperial period are given while only new Imperial sites are described more fully).

A) Possible villa sites

74site no. 2 Contrada Monaci

75Evidence: African red slip, Hayes forms 8 (SP4200) and 23 (mid 2nd-early 3rd A.D.); African cooking wares, Hayes form 197 (later 2nd-mid-3rd A.D.) and mosaic tesserne.

76site no. 20 Santa Venere

77Evidence: African red slip, Hayes form 8 and form 23 (mid 2nd-mid 3rd century A.D.) sherds. African red slip base.

78site no. 30 Contrada Fontana Scudiere

79Evidence: African red slip, Hayes form 8 (mid 2nd A.D.), African cooking wares, Hayes 196 (mid 2ndmid 3rd) as well as mosaic tesserae and glass.

80site no. 37 Contrada Calatripeda

81Evidence: African cooking wares Hayes form 197 (fig. 112) (mid 2nd-mid 3rd A.D.), a flat round brick for either a small column or for a hypocaust.

Fig. 112 - African cooking wares Hayes form 197, from Contrada Calatripeda.
Contrada Calatripeda: ceramica da cucina africana, forma Hayes 197.

82site no. 52 Serippi

83Evidence: African red slip, Hayes forms 9 and 23 (mid 2nd-early 3rd A.D.); African cooking wares Hayes forms 196 and 197 (dated as above).

84site no. 53 Rofrano/Pedale-Croce di Rofrano/Campestrino Rofrano
N54,28 E38,55
On ridge between the headwaters of the Mingardo in the valley beyond Rofrano.
alt. 800-820 m., terrace size ca. 700 m. x 700 m., perennial water provided by the stream Fossa del Pruno and numerous springs.
Distance to Serippi (no. 52): 4.0 kms.;
Distance to Sanza: 8.0 kms.

85Evidence: frr. of African red slip, Hayes forms 9, 23 (dated above), and 185 (2nd-3rd A.D.); African orlo annerito cooking wares (1st-2nd A.D.); African cooking wares Hayes forms 196 and 197 (dated above).

B) Possible large farms or small ‘vicus’ sites

86site no. 38 Pruno/Rofrano (Roccagloriosa I, 195)
Pruno N56,0-57,0 E34,0-35,0
In the highest Mingardo river valley, at the headwaters of the Fossa del Pruno with a view of the entire lower Mingardo river valley and the vicus at Morigialdo, alt. 570-650, terrace size 1.5 km. long x 500 m. wide, many perennial springs and the perennial torrent of the Fossa del Pruno.
Distance from Rofrano/Pedale (no. 48) 7.5 kms.;
Distance from Piano Grande (no. 40) 18.0 kms.

87Evidence: African red slip Hayes form 6 (mid-to late 2nd A.D.), Hayes form 14 (mid 2nd A.D.), and African cooking wares, Hayes form 196 and 197 (mid 2nd-mid 3rd A.D.) (fig. 113).

Fig. 113 - Pruno/Rofrano (site no. 38): survey pottery.
Pruno/Rofrano (sito n. 38): profili di ceramica rinvenuta in superficie.

88site no. 40 Piano Grande (Roccagloriosa I, 196-197)
Sanza N47,50-48,90 E39,20-40,40
On the slopes of Mt. Centaurino with a view of both the Mingardo and Bussento river valleys, alt. 390-450, terrace size 1 km. x 800 m., numerous perennial springs.
Distance from Pruno/Rofrano (no. 38): 18.0 kms.;
Distance from the site at Santa Venere (no. 20): 6.0 kms.;
Distance from Buxentum: 11.5 kms.

89Evidence: African red slip, Hayes form 6 (mid to late 2nd A.D.), and form 8 (second half of 2nd A.D.).

90site no. 43 Celle/Morigialdo

91See detailed site description (infra, 3.4)

92site no. 47 Acquasalsa (Velia 1990, 54)
Rofrano N54, 50-55 E34,90-35,55

93Archival site. The place name is associated with a low hill (alt. 410-460) across a small streambed from Pruno/Rofrano, site no. 38. Reported as a Roman necropolis. Probably to be associated with Pruno/Rofrano.

C) Possible small farms

94site no. 13 Scalette/Iannace/Monaca (Roccagloriosa I, 184)

95Evidence: African red slip rim Hayes form 8, 2nd century A.D.

96site no. 16 Contrada Gammavona (Roccagloriosa I, 185)

97Evidence: African cooking ware, Hayes form 197 (mid-2nd/mid-3rd century A.D.)

98site no. 19 Padronella/Runia (Roccagloriosa I, 185)

99Evidence: coarse ware rim, with parallels at Ostia (Ostia II, fig. 109, no. 622) 2nd century A.D. (fig. 114).

Fig. 114 - Padronella: coarse ware rim.
Padronella: orlo di ceramica grezza.

100site no. 21 Somma (Roccagloriosa I, 186)
TO N40,60 E39,70
Looks over the Bussento river valley, alt. 250, terrace size 500 m. x 450 m., springs are the water source.
Distance from Santa Venere (no. 20): 0.5 kms.

101Evidence: frr. of African red slip, Hayes form 23 (mid 2nd to the early 3rd century A.D.); African cooking ware, Hayes form 197 (same date range).

102site no. 27 Calandra (Roccagloriosa I, 191)
TO N38,10 E41.50
Faces the Bussento river valley, alt. 80-100, terrace size 850 m. x 700 m., springs and streams provide water.
Distance from Fontana Scudiere (no. 30): 1.5 kms.;
Distance from Buxentum: 3.5 kms.

103Dating evidence: frr. of African red slip (no identifiable forms).

104site no. 29 Contrada Vallone Pantana

105Evidence: African red slip Hayes forms 8, 9 (both mid 2nd-mid 3rd A.D.); African cooking wares, Hayes form 197 (dated as above).

106site no. 29bis Contrada Vallone Pantana

107(supra, 7) Similar but ca. 400 m. further to the east.

108site no. 33 Acquavena/Caporotta

109Evidence: fragments of African red slip: Hayes form 32 (early to mid 3rd A.D.) and Hayes form 28 (early 3rd?); rim of African cooking ware, Hayes form 197 (mid 2nd-mid 3rd centuries A.D.).

110site no. 42 Contrada Viole/Castelruggero (Roccagloriosa I, 197)
TO N44,60 E39,50

111Looks toward Mt. Centaurino and the upper Bussento river valley, alt. 250; terrace size 750 m. x 500 m., streams provide water source.
Distance from Santa Venere (no. 20): 4.0 kms.

112Evidence: fragments of African red slip, Hayes form 23 (mid 2nd-early 3rd century A.D.), African cooking wares, Hayes form 197 (mid 2nd-mid 3rd centuries A.D.).

113site no. 45 Orto Santoro (Velia 1990, 54)
TO N44,70-45,20 E38,00-39,80
Looks toward Centaurino and toward Sanza, alt. 300-330, terrace size 750 m. x 600 m., water source perennial spring.
Distance from Santa Venere (no. 20): 3.5 kms.

114Evidence: fragments of African cooking wares, Hayes forms 196 and 197 (mid 2nd-mid 3rd centuries A.D.).

3.3. General remarks on the nature and distribution of the sites

115The sites listed under category A are plausibly villa sites, most clearly seen in site no. 30, Contrada Fontana Scudiere. The earlier character of the site is uncertain but the mosaic tesserae and glass most probably belong to the Imperial period. The area is watered by several streams defining small terraces as well as by two perennial springs: there are some large worked blocks strewn about the area. Although the general problem of the spread of villae in this region has already been discussed above, it is possible that in a few instances, such as the site of Fontana Scudiere, the monumentalization of an earlier establishment probably occurs either in the last decades of the 1st century B.C. or in the early years of the 2nd century A.D.

  • 26 A recent overview of the problem, which takes into account the fundamental contribution made by the (...)
  • 27 See discussion in Lepore/Russi 1972-1973.

116A few remarks are necessitated by the further growth in the number of sites dating from ca 100 A.D. and lasting until the 3rd century A.D. The evidence from the Mingardo/Bussento region, as in many other districts of Central/Southern Italy brings into question the conventional view of a widespread rural crisis in the later 2nd-3rd centuries A.D.26. Rome may have been in crisis but many so-called marginal areas continued to live on and actually thrive. To remain within the area of Lucania, a dense population is found in the upper Bradano valley during this time period (Gualtieri/Fracchia 1993) as well as in the Tricarico area and other parts of Lucania (Canosa 1990). Such evidence for flourishing rural settlements in the ager Buxentinus during the late 2nd/3rd centuries A.D., however, is also to be considered against the background of the changing fortunes of the urban site of Buxentum at this time. Two inscriptions dated to the first half of the 3rd century A.D. (Camodeca 1986, 504-505) mention a curator rei publicae Buxentinorum, sent to Buxentum from the capital to straighten administrative or economic matters. It has often been thought that the presence of a curator rei publicae is evidence for local difficulties, although from the inscriptions, we learn that the city stili represented an administrative centre for the territory south of Velia, and exhibited some of the essential aspects of the urban structures of the Roman colonia27.

117The fact that the city became the seat of a bishopric in the 6th century A.D. for southwestern Lucania might indicate that it retained urban status during the 4th and 5th centuries A.D. as well.

3.4. The vicus at Celle di Bulgheria/Morigialdo (site no. 43) under the Empire

118None of the other sites in the study area ever reach the proportions of the Morigialdo site. From the early 2nd century A.D., there seems to be substantial growth at the site as there is a remarkable increase in both the amount of pottery found and in the extension of the scatter. Whereas earlier periods were restricted to certain areas, the period ranging from the early 2nd century A.D. through the 5th century A.D. (and identified by the various African red slip wares) covers most of the terrace, with an extension back toward the Bulgheria massif as well as a probable extension below the main terrace itself.

119A remarkable quantity and number of African red slip forms have been found. The earliest forms are Hayes forms 8A and 9A: Form 8A is now placed at ca. 110-120 A.D. to ca. 180 A.D. while Form 9A is dated to ca. 110 A.D. until at least 180 A.D. The years in between ca. 100 A.D. and the 3rd century A.D. are amply represented by Hayes Forms 6, 8, 9, 23, 196, 197, and by various African and Aegean amphorae. The latest centuries at the site are represented by numerous examples of Hayes Form 50B, dated 350-400+ A.D., and Hayes Form 61B dated from 380 A.D. onwards, by one example of Hayes Form 78 which possibly dates to the 5th century A.D. onwards as well as by one late Aegean amphora dated to the 5th-6th centuries A.D.

120Two fabrics are most commonly found in the entire sample of African forms: the typical orange African fabric and a very hard dark red fabric. The darker red slip gives a Munsell reading of 2.5YR 4/8 red, while the fabric itself is 2.5YR 5/6 red. The other lighter slip and fracture reading are the same: 2.5YR 6/8 light red. Other fabric types occur less frequently. One example of Hayes Form 8 has a light reddish yellow fabric (Munsell 5YR 6/6) and a light red slip (Munsell 2.5YR 6/8).

121Other finds included a number of overfired bricks and slag found mostly at the extremity of the field near the orchard where the probable presence of a kiln has been confirmed by magnetometer survey (see also Appendix 4).

122The extent and density of the scatter, the exclusively ceramic surface finds and the absence of coins, metals of any sort except for slag (this may be due to modern interference), mosaic tesserae or glass, lead us to think that the site was not a villa (Celuzza/Regoli 1982, 56-57; Dyson 1978, 257). Despite the long life of the site, the proportion of surface bricks is not great. A large number of small to medium size stones and a few large blocks-none with mortar-are visible. Following standard South Italian tradition, the buildings were most likely built in dry wall masonry (Torelli 1980, 146-148). All these elements together do not indicate a particularly luxurious complex or group of buildings. Most probably, based on the finds, the stone remains, the extent of the scatter and the magnetometer findings, the Morigialdo site was a Roman vicus or a large farm. Without excavation the exact function of the Morigialdo site remains uncertain.

123There are a number of parallels for scatters of the type found at Morigialdo: most are characterized as “large farms without luxury goods”. The type abounds in Sicily although it is not clear if any scatters of this type have been verified by excavation. In the territory of Himera, in Sicily, the Contrada Quarenta site is quite similar to the Morigialdo one (Himera III, site 10, 77-78). The Sicilian site is located at the foot of a massif on a large landslide terrace with clay soil, although according to the surveyors the natural water resources are limited. The scatter covers 1.5 hectares and consists of stone blocks and an enormous quantity of fictile fragments, two of which are vitrified: a kiln on the site has been hypothesized. Amongst the pottery finds, little black glaze was found relative to the other later classes of material. The black glaze is dated to the 3rd century B.C. and in that time period another contemporary farm was located less than 100 meters away (Himera III, 88-90).

124Similarly interpreted scatters have been found in the Ager Veientanus (Celuzza/Regoli 1982, 56) in the territory of Heraclea Minoa (Wilson 1985) and at Sciacca in the territory of Agrigento (Tirnetta 1978). Traces of an earlier settlement and kilns seem to be characteristics of these later large farms.

125Clearly there is a tendency to consider all extensive scatters large farms just as smaller scatters-with or without luxury goods-are normally called villas (Guzzo 1981).

  • 28 Giardino 1985 discusses the problem in some depth. For an archaeological definition of the vicus-ty (...)

126The evidence for vici is more circumstantial. The recently studied site at Cugno dei Vagni seems to have had a vicus nearby (Gualandi et al. 1981, 174; Buck/Small 1980, 564) and at Vietri di Potenza a possible borgata agricola (Adamesteanu 1974a, 223) has been postulated. The crucial evidence at Vietri di Potenza consists of a large necropolis of freedmen which leads Adamesteanu to term the site “quasi una borgata agricola”. At Cugno dei Vagni, the evidence consists of a very large bath complex of the 1st century A.D. and a number of diverse buildings spread over a frontage of ca 800 m.28. So far, the most complete evidence, however, comes from S. Rustico di Basciano near Teramo, in the Abruzzi region, where a vicus mentioned in an epigraphic text has been archaeologically documented (Pellegrino/Messineo 1991, 283-286 and fig. 6; also relevant is Guadagno 1993 on the rich epigraphic evidence for vici in Campania and, on the institutional aspects, Laffi 1974).

  • 29 Edmonson (1990, 164-165) provides an overview of the situation for Lusitania. In Lusitania, many Ir (...)

127Both Polybius (1.65) and Livy (Per. 19) note that it was a common Roman procedure to re-establish hostile mountain dwellers on lower ground although the extent of these movements has recently been questioned on the basis of the archaeological evidence29. Apparently in several cases, the reason for the change is attributed to newly centralized Roman markets and concomitantly new road networks to serve them. Given the importance of the markets as centers of Services in Lucanian times, a new placement for markets now dominated by Roman supply would seem a plausible explanation for the growth of a substantial vicus at Morigialdo.

128The site may reflect the general evolution of Roman settlement in the Mingardo/Bussento river basins. Like the sites at Mai, Calatripeda, Scudiere, Piano Grande and Rofrano, a settlement, perhaps developing from a late 4th-early 3rd century B.C. group of houses, may be postulated for the period of ca. 150 to 50 B.C. These sites provide important evidence for the continuous evolution and change from a typical Lucanian settlement profile, characterized by scattered farms and larger agglomerations of houses and oppida, to the Roman vicuspagus type of settlement. The chronology of the Morigialdo site indicated by the surface finds corresponds closely to the dates of the Roman intrusion and presence in the area and, furthermore, accords well with the appearance and chronology of other smaller Roman sites in the area.

129The earliest phase evident at Morigialdo corresponds to the sporadic/episodic or frequentation/continuation of the extra-mural areas (see Part I, Chapter 3): the evidence from Morigialdo for this period consists of a few undiagnostic pieces of Campana A and Campana B and one base of Campana A. In this early phase, the presence of another site at Acqua del Salice, approximately 1.3 kms. away is not unusual (Himera III, 88-89); and it is not improbable that an earlier settlement also existed at Morigialdo or that the two sites were actually a single site. A second, more substantial phase is datable to the period of the colonial foundation at Buxentum. Certainly the quantitatively lesser evidence from the period of ca. 150 B.C. to 50 B.C. may reflect the known difficulties in the life of the colony at Buxentum, whereas the sustained growth in the number of rural sites, starting from the last decades of 1st century B.C. onward clearly reflects the general upsurge in settlements in Augustan times and the general prosperity of the pax Augusta.

130The long life of the site also documents an unsuspected strength and continuity in the later empire, confirmed by the evidence from other sites in the study area (supra, 142-143), as well as in other areas of Lucania (Canosa 1990, 118, n. 38; Gualtieri/Fracchia 1993) and Bruttii, such as at Gioiosa Ionica (De Franciscis 1988), Scolacium (Scolacium 1989) and Sicily (Patti, Noto, Messina, Piazza Armerina) although in those areas, many of the sites last even longer, with strong continuity evident into the 5th and 6th centuries A.D.

4. The 4th to 6th century A.D. sites

131Only the name and dating evidence is given for sites previously listed in this chapter (fig. 115).

Fig. 115 - Distribution map of 4th-6th century A.D. sites.
Carta di distribuzione dei siti di IV-VI secolo d.C.

132site no. 13 Scalelle/Iannace/Monaca (fig. 116)

133Evidence: African red slip wall sherds and Hayes form 96 (5th-6th centuries A.D.)

Fig. 116 - Scalelle: survey pottery.
Scalelle: ceramica proveniente dalla ricognizione.

134site no. 38 Pruno/Rofrano

135Evidence: African red slip including Hayes form 50 (350-400 + A.D.); Hayes form 91 (530-600 A.D.), Hayes form 99 (510-620 A.D.), possible Hayes form 102 (Late 6th-early 7th A.D.).

136site no. 40 Piano Grande

137Evidence: African red slip including Hayes form 50 (350-400 + A.D.) and a large quantity of undiagnostic and extremely rough coarse ware as well as several amphora feet.

138site no. 43 Celle/Morigialdo

139Evidence: Hayes forms 50B (ca. 350-400 + A.D.), 61B (from 380 A.D. onwards), one possible Hayes form 78 (5th century A.D.) and late Aegean amphorae (5th-6th century A.D.) See detailed site description.

140DB Area (supra, part I, chapter 1)
Immediately below the abandoned oppidum, the site overlooks the Mingardo river and up the valley to Pruno/Rofrano. Alt. 400. For detailed description of the area, see Part I.
Distance from Morigialdo: 4.5 kms.

141Evidence: African amphora rim Keay type XXV (Roccagloriosa I, 286, no. 400, fig. 192) date: later 4th-5th century A.D.; African amphora rim, probably dated 5th-6th century A.D. (Roccagloriosa I, 286, no. 401, fig. 192); African amphora rim variant of Keay type LXIIA, dated later 5th-mid 6th century A.D. (Roccagloriosa/, 286, no. 402, fig. 192).

  • 30 A general decline in both the level and number of sites during the Late Antique period has been doc (...)

142In the majority of the cases, the late antique sites in the area are continuations of the earlier settlements. The only urban site in the area at this time, as far as we know, is Policastro Bussentino which became a bishopric in the 6th century A.D. That site is quite a distance from all of the other late antique sites found on the surface survey which essentially form a long line between Policastro and, eventually, Paestum. No other sites datable to this period in the Bussento river valley have been located: this seems highly unlikely to be correct even though the late antique period does appear to signal another major caesura in dispersed settlements in other areas of Italy30.

143The vicus at Celle/Morigialdo continues although the numbers and variety of forms datable to the 4th century A.D. and later are considerably diminished. On the surface evidence, we could postulate a smaller population at the site during the late antique period but this may not be correct as the later forms were found over the entire surface area of the site. Furthermore there are still imported amphorae datable to the late antique period found at the vicus site. It may be that local (and therefore unclassified) coarse wares are predominant in the ceramic record at this time, since the late antique period in the study region is marked by an increase in vici.

144One site, at Scalelle/Iannace, was identified previously in the Late Republican period and thus might have been incorporated into the larger villa (?) site at Monaci (site no. 2) during the middle empire when evidence from Scalelle/Iannace is scanty. The character of the late antique site can scarcely be postulated but the scatter was sufficiently small and homogenous as to suggest a burial or burials or, more improbably in the absence of coarse wares, a small farmstead.

145One ex-novo site below the abandoned oppidum may signal either a small farm or merely agricultural usage, seasonal or on a frequentation basis, as there is an excellent artesian spring near-by and well defined terraces for cultivation.

146On the other hand, the two sites in the high Mingardo valley at Piano Grande (site no. 40) and Pruno/Rofrano (site no. 38) are large scatters with a fair diversity of forms. Both should be interpreted as vici. The scatter at Piano Grande was found on the lower slopes, presumably nearer a road, while a large quantity of ancient but undiagnostic coarse-wares were found on the higher slopes. The area where the African red slip pottery was found was said by a local informant to have been the site of several burials.

147The site at Pruno/Rofrano is large and the retrieved material mixed. This site is, along with Morigialdo, the longest lived site in the catchment basin and the quantity of material datable to the late antique period indicates that the continuity was reasonably healthy.

148The strength of the continuity can also be evaluated by the presence of imported African red slip, Aegean cooking wares, Aegean and African amphorae.

Annexes

Appendix 3. Archaeological and epigraphical evidence from Buxentum

A) The Augustan/Julio-Claudian period

Fig. 117 - Grid plan of Roman Buxentum underneath modern Policastro Bussentino (after Johannowsky 1992).
Pianta ricostruita dei resti di Buxentum al disotto della odierna Policastro Bussentino (da Johannowsky 1992).

Although so far, no systematic exploration has been undertaken at the site of Roman Buxentum, the evidence from two limited excavations conducted by V. Panebianco31 in the modem centre of Policastro Bussentino has revealed some key topographical elements of the Roman city plan32 (fig. 117). A stretch of a major east-west paved road, over 4 m. wide, uncovered in 1964, appears to have been part of a decumanus leading to the forum. A sounding made by M. Gualtieri in 1977, on behalf of the Archaeological Superintendency of Salerno on the west end of this road has uncovered part of a sidewalk and column drums in situ, probably belonging to a building standing along the north side of the road (fig. 118). Furthermore, a marble capital (infra, n. 1) found during the 1977 excavation, in the same area, warrants the hypothesis that some kind of public building existed along the north side of the decumanus. The location and orientation of this stretch of paved road would also appear to indicate that the the grid plan of mediaeval/modern Policastro dates back to Roman times and in fact, although without compelling stratigraphic evidence, some scholars would think that the Roman colony of the early 2nd century B.C. must have been originally laid out according to such a grid plan33. What is sure is that the Augustan period coincided with a great revival of the city centre of Buxentum, to judge from the few bits of evidence (both epigraphical and archaeological) for public buildings, discussed below.

Fig. 118 - Policastro Bussentino: remains of Roman buildings along the north side of the decumanus excavated in 1977 (from West).
Policastro Bussentino: resti di edifici lungo il lato nord del tratto di decumano scavato nel 1977 (da ovest).

1) Corinthian capital (marble, H. ca. 35 cm.; diam. of column attachment, ca. 28 cm.) (fig. 119).

Found in the mentioned stratigraphic sounding of March 1977, along the north side of the decumanus, which had been partly excavated by Panebianco in 1964. The capital was part of the collapse at the north edge of the poligonal paving of the road. No analysis of the marble has been made but, on the basis of the dense small crystalline structure, the marble looks to be Greek rather than Italian.

Fig. 119 - Policastro Bussentino: marble capital from the 1977 road excavation.
Policastro Bussentino: capitello in marmo rinvenuto lungo il lato nord del decumano (scavo 1977).

Description and comparanda: The design of the capital is of the classical type. Double volutes rise vertically along each of the four faces of the capital. Two helices are carved in the middle of the volutes, above three layers of acanthus leaves with curved tops. This foliage forms a crown around the central part. The abacus carries an acanthus flower shaped like a six-petalled rosette in the centre. The style, a pure Corinthian, is very reminiscent of some capitals of Augustan buildings, in Rome and the provinces34: in particular the Temple of Rome and Augustus at Ostia35; the Temple dedicated to Gaius and Lucius Caesar in Nîmes – the so-called “Maison Carrée” – (Balty 1960, Pls. 15-16 and, more generally Atlante dei Complessi Figurati, Roma, 1973 (Enciclopedia dell’Arte Antica), Tav. 370, nos. 33-36). The closest comparison, however, is to be found with a specimen from the theater at Alba Fucens, dated to the end of the 1st century B.C. (De Ruyt 1982, 146-47, and Pl. 49 no. 171.).

Chronology: End of the 1st century B.C. to the first quarter of the 1st century A.D., on the basis of the dose stylistic comparison with the well dated specimen from the theatre at Alba Fucens and the published finds from Ostia.

2) Inscription from the bell tower of the Cathedral at Policastro, published by Mommsen (CIL X,1 459): AUGUSTAE IULIA(E) DRUSI F. DIVI AUGUSTI. Dedicated to Livia, it is to be dated after Augustus’death, when Livia was adopted into the Julian family. Possibly belonging to the Age of Tiberius or Gaius: 14-42 A.D.

3) Inscription from the bell tower of the Cathedral at Policastro, published by Mommsen (C/L X,1 460): GERMANICO CAESARI TI. AUG. F. DIVI. AUG. N. DIVI. IULI. PRO. N. AUG. COS. II. IMPERATORI II. Dedicated to Germanicus (Pais 1925, 348, 383).

4) Inscription mentioning the Forum: although reused in the wall of a lateral ramp of the Cathedral of Policastro, the inscription (not included in the CIL) has been brought only recently lo the attenlion of the scholarly public by an article by Bracco (1981). The fragmentary text is the following: [...RRIUS C. F. SE.— VIR ITERUM TRI— UM ET FORUM....]. A possible integration provided by Bracco (1981, 78) would read: [C(aius)? A]rrius, C(ai) f(ilius), Se[r(gia tribu) —, / (duo)vir iterum, tri[b(unus) mil(itum), / mur?]um et forum [fac(ienda)? cur(avit)?].

The “murum” mentioned in the inscription may refer to a perimeter wall of the square or possibly even to the porticus (Bracco 1981, 81). Rather than attempting to date the inscription on the basis of palaeographic criteria, Bracco observes that the text of this inscription, by referring to the construction of the forum, is earlier than the text of CIL 459, 460 (supra, nos. 2 and 3) which presuppose the existence of the forum. This inscription should thus pertain to the Augustan period.

An extremely interesting implication of the text of this inscription for the social and economic history of the ager Buxentinus has been recently pointed out by Simelon (1993, 58-59 and n. 598): he correctly underlines the fact that the inscription refers to the presence at Buxentum, during the Augustan period, of a former officer belonging to the tribe Sergia, i.e. from the region of the Marsi (the tribe of the Buxentini being the Pomptina). Such evidence, even more than the generic observation of a concentration of the epigraphic record in the Augustan/Julio-Claudian period (Lepore/Russi 1972-1973, 1897), would seem to strengthen the view of land assignations in the territory of Buxentum in the triumviral/early Augustan period, a fact which is certainly borne out by the survey evidence analized (supra, 135).

5) Inscription referring to a Macellum: the inscription (a block of cm. 49 x 65) had been incorporated in a wall to the north of the cathedral and had been already recorded (but not published) by Johannowsky in 1981 (Johannowsky 1992, 183). It has subsequently been published by Bracco (1983) and restudied by Johannowsky (1992, 183) in the context of his analysis of the city-plan of Buxentum. At present the inscription is missing. The reading of the inscription reported by Johannowsky is presented here:

POLLIO / MACELLUM ET AM/ / SUPRA MACELLUM DE SUA PECUNIA FACIUNDUM CURAVIT IDEM/QUE / PROBAVIT

Johannowsky would integrate ‘AM’ as ‘ambulacrum’ or ‘ambulationem’, namely a higher passageway or a higher storey of the portico, supposing that the macellum mentioned in the inscription was of the more popular type, i.e. in the form of a square enclosed by porticoes.

Gros (Gros/Torelli 1988, 221) underlines the popularity of this type of macellum «sotto forma di piazze chiuse porticate» in Augustan/early imperial Italy.

B) The later 1st century A.D.

Inscription found at Sapri/S. Croce, west of the maritime villa complex; see comments in the Catalogue of sites in the Sapri area (Velia 1990, 33-34, nos. 43-45) mentioning a DUOVIR.

DES(IGNATUS) and published by Mommsen under Buxentum (CIL X, 1, 461). Strangely, the authors of the mentioned Catalogue in Velia 1990 seem to misinterpret the comments by A. Russi (Lepore/Russi 1972-1973, 1897) who interprets the duovir mentioned in the inscription as a probable magistrate from Buxentum. Russi does not discuss the provenience of the inscription, which implies that he must have tacitly accepted the information provided by Mommsen (CIL X, 1, p. 51 n. 461 «Sapri prope Policastrum nuper rep.»). The same misunderstanding is evident in the general comments of G. Greco (Velia 1990, 19, no. 31). The latter author goes as far as to imply that the duoviral constitution implied by the inscription and typical of a colony (Lepore/Russi 1972-1973) would refer to the «complessità delle emergenze monumentali» of the Sapri site. This is hardly acceptable on the basis of what we know from the textual documentation on Roman colonization in the area. Russi’s remarks (Lepore/Russi 1972-1973, 1897) are meant to argue that the magistrate mentioned in the inscription is possibly a magistrate from Buxentum. The alternative view, put forward by Kahrstedt (1959, 190), is that the magistrate would be from Blanda Julia (the other dose site with the duoviral constitution of a colonia: most recently, Paoletti 1994). The acceptance of the latter hypothesis would then demand a reassessment of the role of the Sapri area withinthe ager Buxentinus (Johannowsky 1992, 182). Indeed, the only safe inference which can be made from the findspot of this inscription (Sapri) is that the villa maritima in Località S. Croce at Sapri was owned in the later 1st or 2nd centuries A.D. by the magistrate mentioned in the inscription (the inscription is to be dated after the Julio-Claudian period, Johannowsky 1992,182).

C) The Later Roman Empire

1) Sarcophagus fragment built into the outer perimeter wall of the Cathedral (fig. 120). It has not been possible to measure the fragment, but it belongs, typologically, to a well known class of sarcophagi. The preserved slab pertains to the front side of the sarcophagus. A portrait bust (of the deceased?) is framed inside a medallion, which is supported by two winged cupids. The fairly standard rendering of the compositional scheme allows us to recognize a typical representation of a well known class of sarcophagi, with cupids supporting the imago clipeata of the deceased (L’Orange 1962). A very good comparison is provided by a specimen in the Agrigento museum which is to be dated to the 3rd century A.D. (MDAI(R), 97, 1990, Pl. 58; for the Sicilian comparanda, see also Valbruzzi 1991). Confirmation for the date for this sarcophagus is provided by the heavy use of the running drill, visible especially in the rendering of the hair and the deep under-cutting.

Fig. 120 - Roman sarcophagus fragment incorporated into the outer wall of the Policastro Bussentino cathedral.
Frammento si sarcofago romano murato nella cattedrale di Policastro Bussentino.

2) In the absence of any other archaeological element from the site of Buxentum in the mid-and late empire, except for the observed presence of African Red Slip pottery forms pertaining to the 2nd and 3rd century A.D. and the sarcophagus fragment just discussed, the evidence of two inscriptions from Paestum (CIL X, 482 and CIL X, 453), naming a curator rei publicae Buxentinorum, is worth mentioning for the possible implications regarding the general picture of Buxentum in the later centuries of the empire (Russi 1995). The two inscriptions are dated by Camodeca (1986, 504-505) to the first half of the 3rd century A.D., and may provide a glimpse of the status of the urban site in the later empire (supra, section 3.3).

Appendix 4. Geo-archaeological prospection at Celle di Bulgheria/Morigialdo

Within the context of the archaeological exploration of Roccagloriosa and the surrounding territory in the Comune of Celle di Bulgheria, over an area where surface reconnaissance had identified a large quantity of building materials (bricks, tiles, etc.), a preliminary geophysical survey was carried out with the mobile the aim of locating such remains of kilns or other structures as might the present.

The area explored covers some 6,000 m2 and lies on thè slopes of the northern side of Monte Bulgheria with predominantly calcareous types of rock (fig. 121). Given the aim of the investigation and the marked degree of scattering displayed by the brick fragments, the survey was carried out by measuring the intensities of the magnetic field. The measurements were carried out using a pair of Geometrics 856 AX proton magnetometers with a sensitivity of 0.1 nT, magnetometer being set up in such a way as to measure the vertical gradient of the field while at the same time registering the presence of any high-frequency surface disruptions. This procedure makes it possible to record the intensities of the terrestrial magnetic field separately at two different heights and thus to calculate the variation in any specific interval. Numerous samples of brick, pottery, earth and rock were also collected in order to measure their magnetic susceptibility.

Fig. 121 - Map of territory between Roccagloriosa and Celle Bulgheria showing area covered by magnetometer survey in locality Morigialdo (site no. 43).
Carta del territorio compreso fra Roccagloriosa e Celle Bulgheria con indicazione dell’area esplorata dalla prospezione con magnetometro in contrada Morigialdo (sito n. 43).

The intensity readings of the terrestrial magnetic field were then fed into a computer for processing and representation. Fig. 122 shows the vertical gradient of the magnetic field at 0.9 m. above ground level. The legend indicates the colors associated with the various intervals of gradient value. A series of positive (red) and negative (blue) anomalies can be observed, the most significant of which are numbered from 1 to 10.

Fig. 122 - Map of anomalies recorded by magnetometer survey at Celle/Morigialdo (site n. 43).
Carta delle anomalie magnetiche registrate a Celle
/Morigialdo (sito n. 43).

Anomaly 8 together with the neighbouring anomaly 7 and anomaly 5 are probably of modern origin, the first two being apparently caused by a ditch. Anomaly 5, whose perpendicular section with markedly negative values is shown in fig. 123 appears to be related to modern piping rather than buried archaeological structures.

Fig. 123 - Celle/Morigialdo: section of anomaly 5.
Celle/Morigialdo: sezione perpendicolare dell’anomalia 5.

Anomaly 4 could be related to an accumulation of brick material in situ, or more probably, to accumulated anthropic material from layers disturbed during excavation carried out in order to lay the hypothesized piping (anomaly 5).

Anomaly 6 displays features similar to those of anomaly 5 and could therefore be related to an element of recent nature, but could also mark the boundary of anomaly 2, which appears to be rectangular in shape. Anomaly 2 extends to occupy almost all the east margin of the area explored and appears to be related to a complex archaeological structure or series of structures.

Anomaly 1, which appears to be related to a kilntype structure, is certainly the most interesting and the intensities of the magnetic field were re-measured every 0.5 meters in order to analyse its characteristics with greater precision. Fig. 124 shows the measurements of the vertical gradient of the field at a height of 0.9 meters. These figures were used to work out the magnetic profile N/S P2 (fig. 125), which displays an anomaly of roughly 250 n Tesla in extension with the typical dipole shape. Both these elements bear out the interpretation given. From fig. 124 it can also be seen that the linear measurements of the structure should be approximately 5 x 4 meters. The fact that the anomaly appears to be very sharply delimited-at least on the south, east, and west sides-suggests that the structure has not been affected by collapse and the dispersal of material, at least in this sector, and could, therefore, be a kiln of the embedded type.

Fig. 124 - Celle/Morigialdo: close-up of anomaly 1 (possible kiln).
Celle
/Morigialdo: dettaglio dell’anomalia 1 (presunta fornace).

Fig. 125 - Celle/Morigialdo: close-up of anomaly 1 (possible kiln).
Celle
/Morigialdo: dettaglio dell’anomalia 1 (presunta fornace).

The area in which anomaly 10 is located is of great interest in that it displays characteristics similar to those of anomaly 1. Unfortunately, however, anomaly 10 was registered in the vicinity of a sector where dense bushes make measurement impossible.

Anomaly 3 is less clearly marked and could be interpreted as caused by a pile of reject bricks or, more probably, by the remains of a buried kiln. Anomaly 9 could be related to an archaeological element of non-definable nature.

Measurements of magnetic susceptibility

A Burtington MC2 was used to measure the magnetic susceptibility of about 30 samples of brick and terracotta fragments, rock and earth gathered in the area.

A normal value of 30emu/cmc was obtained for the surface earth, 8 emu/cmc for the limestone, and values between 150 and 400 emu/cmc for the brick and tiles. The terracotta samples, which may be parts of the kiln structure causing anomaly 1, displayed values ranging between 45 and 95 emu/cmc.

Conclusions

The geomorphological characteristics of the area and the measurements of magnetic susceptibility carried out confirm the view that the anomalies in the intensity of the magnetic field registered in the area explored are related to ancient anthropic structures or modern structures but not to particular geomorphological features. Taken as a whole, the results obtained by measuring the intensity of the magnetic field also suggest that the area must have undergone numerous episodes of human intervention also in recent times and that its original configuration has therefore been considerably altered.

Notes

1 In addition to the financial support of the Social Sciences and Humanities Research Council of Canada (already mentioned in the introduction to the hook) and of the Central Research Fund of the University of Alberta, the survey has been made possible by a grant from the Soprintendenza di Collegamento per l’Intervento nei Territori Danneggiati dal Sisma (Naples) for the 1990-91 season.
The 1987 survey season has been greatly helped by the participation of Dr. J. W. Hayes (Oxford), and in 1989 by Dr. J. Wonder (PhD., University of California at Berkeley): to both we renew our thanks.

2 In particular, the basis for the following discussion is found in Torelli 1992b.

3 For a more detailed discussion see Gualtieri 1996a.

4 The reasons for which Kolendo (1983, map 183) places the Cilento among the areas with a prevalently villa type settlement model while the Vallo di Diano is considered among the areas characterized by prevalently small land holdings, are, at best, unclear. The map refers to the settlement patterns of the 2nd and 1st centuries B.C. and incorporates factual mistakes (e.g. the designation of Buxentum as one of the Latin colonies).

5 Still, epigraphic as well as literary references do exist, although even these types of documentation are scarce: for the colony at Buxentum, supra note 2 and Gualtieri 1996a.

6 Recently published evidence amply documents the funerary monuments associated with Lucanian vitine rusticae: see de Lachenal 1992, 52. A. Capano (Capano 1990) provides the settlement evidence pertaining to the monuments discussed by de Lachenal.

7 Apart from the size of the villa, the use of opus reticulatum, found outside of the ‘normal’ area of diffusion for the construction technique, in itself emphasizes the exceptional aspect of the complex.

8 Sirago 1987, 118 places the Sapri area within the ager Buxentinus. Russi (in Lepore/Russi 1972-1973, 1934) underlines that the area around the gulf of Policastro, which included Buxentum, was administratively part of the region of Bruttium after the reforms of Diocletian. On the problem, see Johannowsky 1992 and Paoletti 1994.

9 Bottini 1993, 761-762 provides the same data for the Coastal villae in the area of Maratea. See also Velia 1990, 66-67.

10 See, in particular, the recent volume on the territory of Paestum (Paestum 1987).

11 Greco E. 1989, 286-288 both reviews and criticizes strongly the article.

12 A surface ceramic scatter, found in a garden to the northwest of the modem house built inside of the ancient fortification wall, was picked up during the 1977 excavations. The majority of sherds were African red slip fragments: the few diagnostic pieces dated to the 2nd and 3rd centuries A.D.

13 In particular, Banzi and Tolve (Torelli 1992a, XXV). See also Lepore 1981, 283-288.

14 As suggested in Gualtieri/Polignac 1991.

15 Preliminary comments in Roman Landscapes, 197-201. For a thorough analysis on the S. Venere site in the context of the Romanization of the Ager Buxentinus, see Gualtieri 1996a.

16 Kahrstedt 1960, 21-23. Kahrstedt’s analysis, although partly biased by his own view of Magna Graecia in the Roman Imperial period (see most recently Lomas 1993, 121 and n. 41), is the first attempt at outlining a general picture of the Mingardo/Bussento region in Roman times.

17 There is tentative evidence for the existence of a bridge (identified by the surface survey) in the high Mingardo valley.

18 The best such example is the group of analogous reliefs from Rome: see e.g. the one from the via Statilia (Kleiner 1977). A number of discusssions in Hesberg/Zanker 1987 are also relevant to the argument.

19 For the type in general (the late republican production from Rome) see Zanker 1975. A more general study of the southern Italian types is the one by Frenz (1985). Coarelli (1981a) discusses more specifically the specimens found in the Vallo di Diano and takes into account, where available, the evidence from the inscriptions and criteria of palaeographic dating in an attempt to provide more specific dating of the various groups.

20 The closest parallel (for hair-do, rendering of garment, necklace and probable ear-rings) is the stele from Padula with dedication to “Maria C.f. Gnata An.” (Coarelli 1981a, 242). The inscription is dated by Coarelli, on the basis of palaeographic criteria, stili within the first half of the 1st century B.C.; other stelai without inscriptions, of a similar type are dated around the middle of the century. Also Frenz (1985, 36-39) who would prefer to date the general class of monuments between the last years of the Republic and the Augustan/Tiberian period, places this ‘Lucanian’ type (Frenz 1985, 36), with single female bust representation and “Mittelscheitelfrisur” at the beginning of the series, with a possible date of 50-40 B.C.

21 See the considerations made supra, n. 19. It is not surprising that authors like Frenz, who tend to compress the whole group within the last decades of the 1st century B.C. and the early 1st century A.D., completely disregard the inscriptional evidence and palaeographic criteria for its dating. Bacchielli (1989, 236) addresses this problem.

22 Already in 1965 Bianchi Bandinelli pointed out the uncertainty of stylistic and antiquarian criteria, such as those based on hair-do, drapery etc., for the dating of such monuments found in the peripheral areas of the Italian peninsula, in consideration of «un certo attardamento tipico delle periferie culturali» (Bianchi Bandinelli 1965, 959).

23 It may be possible here to see some analogies with the situation of a romanized Lucanian family, so well documented for the “Civita di Tricarico”. A Roman type atrium house was built in the course of the 1st century B.C. in the vicinity of a small Italic podium temple, on the highest plateau of the once fortified oppidum (Canosa 1990, 115, pl. 1; see also the comments by Torelli 1992a, XXVII). In this respect, it may be important to consider the fact that the ‘paved courtyard building’ on the Area Napoli (discussed supra), shows possible traces of having been transformed into an actual building with possible cultic continuity in the area of the ‘devitalized’ fortified site.

24 See Morricone Matini 1980; Johannowsky (personal communication) would date the ‘signino’ floors from the complex at S. Croce in the Caesarian period.

25 See Johannowsky in Atti Taranto 28. Taranto, 1989, 52.

26 A recent overview of the problem, which takes into account the fundamental contribution made by the systematic excavations of rural sites and survey archaeology, is the one by Vera 1995.

27 See discussion in Lepore/Russi 1972-1973.

28 Giardino 1985 discusses the problem in some depth. For an archaeological definition of the vicus-type site attached to a villa, see also the analysis of the rural landscape around Caesarea in Mauretania (Leveau 1983; Leveau 1984; Leveau 1987-1989, fig. 1).

29 Edmonson (1990, 164-165) provides an overview of the situation for Lusitania. In Lusitania, many Iron Age hill forts continued to function as smaller centers, most often as rural vici. Exact continuity of the nucleated settlement was not the rule (Edmonson 1990, 166) and some sites were shifted to lower ground: the moves in terms of distance were not vast. The motives for the population shift are interesting: many hill forts were not abandoned because of Roman military intervention, but rather on the initiative of the native population itself. A case in point is that of Sabora in Baetica. In 78 A.D. the native population of Sabora evidently requested permission from the emperor to move their oppidum down from its hilltop height to the plain below. The emperor makes it clear in his reply that permission to move was granted on economic grounds, a combination of unfavorable agrarian conditions and «inaccessibility to the Roman road network and hence to other urban centers in the region and especially their markets» (Edmonson 1990, 167).

30 A general decline in both the level and number of sites during the Late Antique period has been documented in a number of other areas, for example, Small 1991 and Hayes/Martini 1994, 48-51. Still, the concentration of population into vici should not be considered a completely negative phenomenon or an indication of general decline and abandonment of the countryside, see Vera 1995 for a balanced discussion of the evidence in general.

31 See Panebianco 1963-1964 and Panebianco 1964.

32 See Johannowsky 1992, pl. 31.

33 Most recently, Johannowsky 1992, 181.

34 For general comparisons, see Heilmeyer 1970, Pl. 45.

35 See Pensabene 1973, n. 216 and 214-18, as well as his guidelines for the dating of the Corinthian capitals of the Augustan period from Ostia (Pensabene 1973, 207).

Table des illustrations

Légende Fig. 103 - Sites dated between the mid 1st century B.C. and mid 1st century A.D. in the lower Mingardo and Bussento region.Carta dei siti databili fra la metà del I secolo a.C. e la metà del I secolo d.C. nella regione Mingardo/Bussento.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 504k
Légende Fig. 104 - Coarse ware olla rim (from Contrada Monaci).Orlo di ceramica grezza (da Contrada Monaci).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 16k
Légende Fig. 105 - The Santa Venere site (no. 20) from east: in the background, the aqueduct tank, the construction of which revealed the funerary relief.Il sito di Santa Venere (n. 20), da est (foto de Polignac). Sullo sfondo è visibile il casotto dell’acquedotto, la cui ricostruzione portò al rinvenimento del monumento funerario.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 240k
Légende Fig. 106 - Density of surface finds in the central area of the Fontana Scudiere plateau (site no. 30), covered by intensive survey: 12 x 12 m. squares.Densità dei reperti di superficie sulla parte centrale del plateau di Fontana Scudiere (sito n. 30): quadrati di m. 12 x 12 (da uno schizzo di F. de Polignac).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 156k
Légende Fig. 107 - Scudiere, lower plateau (site no. 30): density of surface finds (12 x 12 m. squares).Scudiere, pianoro inferiore (sito n. 30): densità dei reperti di superficie (quadrati di m. 12 x 12) (da uno schizzo di F. de Polignac).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 156k
Légende Fig. 108 - Dressel 2-4 amphora from Area Napoli.Anfora Dressel 2-4 dall’Area Napoli.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 56k
Légende Fig. 109 - S. Venere: the funerary relief in an old picture (courtesy A. Finamore).Il rilievo funerario da S. Venere in una vecchia cartolina degli anni 1930 (gentile concessione A. Finamore).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 236k
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 72k
Légende Fig. 110 - Plan of excavated structures of the villa maritima at S. Croce/Sapri (courtesy Soprintendenza Archeologica, Salerno).Pianta dello scavo nella villa maritima a S. Croce/Sapri (gentile concessione Soprintendenza Archeologica, Salerno).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 232k
Légende Fig. 111 - Distribution map of Roman Imperial sites (mid 1st-3rd century A.D.) in the Mingardo/Bussento region.Carta di distribuzione dei siti di età imperiale (metà I secolo-III secolo d.C.).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 668k
Légende Fig. 112 - African cooking wares Hayes form 197, from Contrada Calatripeda.Contrada Calatripeda: ceramica da cucina africana, forma Hayes 197.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 24k
Légende Fig. 113 - Pruno/Rofrano (site no. 38): survey pottery.Pruno/Rofrano (sito n. 38): profili di ceramica rinvenuta in superficie.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 76k
Légende Fig. 114 - Padronella: coarse ware rim.Padronella: orlo di ceramica grezza.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 12k
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-14.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 52k
Légende Fig. 115 - Distribution map of 4th-6th century A.D. sites.Carta di distribuzione dei siti di IV-VI secolo d.C.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-15.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 656k
Légende Fig. 116 - Scalelle: survey pottery.Scalelle: ceramica proveniente dalla ricognizione.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-16.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 16k
Légende Fig. 117 - Grid plan of Roman Buxentum underneath modern Policastro Bussentino (after Johannowsky 1992).Pianta ricostruita dei resti di Buxentum al disotto della odierna Policastro Bussentino (da Johannowsky 1992).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-17.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 456k
Légende Fig. 118 - Policastro Bussentino: remains of Roman buildings along the north side of the decumanus excavated in 1977 (from West).Policastro Bussentino: resti di edifici lungo il lato nord del tratto di decumano scavato nel 1977 (da ovest).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-18.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 460k
Légende Fig. 119 - Policastro Bussentino: marble capital from the 1977 road excavation.Policastro Bussentino: capitello in marmo rinvenuto lungo il lato nord del decumano (scavo 1977).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-19.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 136k
Légende Fig. 120 - Roman sarcophagus fragment incorporated into the outer wall of the Policastro Bussentino cathedral.Frammento si sarcofago romano murato nella cattedrale di Policastro Bussentino.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-20.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 304k
Légende Fig. 121 - Map of territory between Roccagloriosa and Celle Bulgheria showing area covered by magnetometer survey in locality Morigialdo (site no. 43).Carta del territorio compreso fra Roccagloriosa e Celle Bulgheria con indicazione dell’area esplorata dalla prospezione con magnetometro in contrada Morigialdo (sito n. 43).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-21.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 576k
Légende Fig. 122 - Map of anomalies recorded by magnetometer survey at Celle/Morigialdo (site n. 43).Carta delle anomalie magnetiche registrate a Celle/Morigialdo (sito n. 43).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-22.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 668k
Légende Fig. 123 - Celle/Morigialdo: section of anomaly 5.Celle/Morigialdo: sezione perpendicolare dell’anomalia 5.
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-23.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 104k
Légende Fig. 124 - Celle/Morigialdo: close-up of anomaly 1 (possible kiln).Celle/Morigialdo: dettaglio dell’anomalia 1 (presunta fornace).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-24.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 288k
Légende Fig. 125 - Celle/Morigialdo: close-up of anomaly 1 (possible kiln).Celle/Morigialdo: dettaglio dell’anomalia 1 (presunta fornace).
URL http://books.openedition.org/pcjb/docannexe/image/2541/img-25.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 94k

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