Table des matières
E. Fassberg
III-Y Imperatives in Ancient HebrewJorik (F. J.) Groen
Frequency, analogy, and suppletion: √hlk in the Semitic LanguagesAriel Gabbay
On the Morphology of the guttural Verbs in Sephardic Traditions in the Early Modern Period- 1.0. Introduction
- 2.0. Findings
- 2.1. Feminine Participle with Third Radical Guttural
- 2.2. Lack of Compensatory Lengthening in Piʿʿel and Puʿʿal
- 2.3. Shewa Mobile with Guttural Consonants in Quadriliteral Verbs
- 3.0. Discussion
- 4.0. The Historical Development of this Reading Tradition
- 5.0. Conclusions
Na’ama Pat-El
Comparative Semitic And Hebrew Plural MorphemesElisheva Jeffay
Proper Names As Predicates In Biblical Hebrew- 1.0. Introduction
- 2.0. Construct Phrases
- 3.0. Semantic Composition and Interpretation of Names
- 3.1. Simple Names
- 3.2. Complex Names
- 4.0. Evidence from Gentilic Names
- 4.1. Gentilic Names as Modifiers
- 4.2. Gentilic Names as Noun Phrase Predicates
- 4.3. Definite Markers on Gentilic Names
- 5.0. Conclusions and Further Research
Chanan Ariel
the Shift from the Biblical Hebrew Far Demonstrative אוהה to the mishnaic hebrew ותוא- 1.0. Introduction: The Extreme Change in the Far Demonstrative Pronoun between Biblical and Mishnaic Hebrew
- 2.0. Documentation of the Change in Sources Preceding Mishnaic Literature
- 3.0. Research Questions and Review of Previous Studies
- 4.0. Discussion
- 4.1. Aramaic Influence on the Position of the Complementary Pronoun
- 4.2. Support for the Hypothesis of Greek Influence
- 4.3. Additional Instances of Greek Influence on Function Words in Rabbinic Hebrew
- 5.0. The Extreme Nature of the Change
- 5.1. The Legal Genre’s Influence
- 5.2. Omission of Definiteness in the Phrase Nucleus + Demonstrative Pronoun
- 5.2.1. Mishnah Baba Batra 5.2
- 5.2.2. Comparison to the Development of the Demonstrative Pronouns in Palestinian Aramaic
- 6.0. Conclusion
Bo Isaksson
The Biblical Hebrew Short Yiqṭol and the ‘Consecutive Tenses’- 1.0. The Status of the Short yiqṭol as a Separate Verbal Morpheme in SBH
- 2.0. Why wa Has Two Formal Variants (wə- and way-) in the Masoretic Text
- 3.0. The Linguistic Reality behind wa in the ‘Consecutive Tenses’
- 4.0. Examples: With Special Emphasis on Indicative Short yiqṭol, i.e., wa (y)-yiqṭol
- 5.0. Summary
Elizabeth Robar
The Rise of Wayyiqṭol- 1.0. Archaic Biblical Hebrew
- 1.1. Wayyiqṭol Rare
- 1.1.1. Consecutive qaṭal Forms
- 1.1.2. Lone Past Tense yiqṭol Form
- 1.1.3. Wayyiqṭol in Non-prophetic Dialogue
- 1.1.4. Possibly Archaic wayyiqṭol
- 1.1.5. Certainly Archaic wayyiqṭol
- 1.2. Wayyiqṭol Becomes Common, but Not Standard
- 1.2.1. Not Yet Classical: Habakkuk 3.6
- 1.2.2. Archaic Biblical Hebrew Together with wayyiqṭol
- 1.3. Compared to Classical Biblical Hebrew
- 2.0. Job
- 2.1. Wayyiqṭol Not Independent
- 2.2. The Chained ‘Paragraph’
- 2.3. Yiqṭol–wayyiqṭol Sequences
- 2.4. Semantic Freedom
- 3.0. Conclusion
Geoffrey Khan
The Coding of Discourse Dependency in Biblical Hebrew Consecutive Weqaṭal and WayyiqṭolD. Hornkohl
A tense Question: Does Hebrew Have a Future?- 1.0. Introduction
- 2.0. Clarifying the Argument: Tense, but Not Only Tense
- 3.0. Examining Questionable Assumptions
- 4.0. A Brief History of Scholarship
- 4.1. The Medieval Period
- 4.2. The Enduring Influence of Early Modern Concepts
- 4.2.1. Absolute Future
- 4.2.2. Relative Future
- 4.2.3. Habitual Present
- 4.2.4. Habitual Past
- 4.3. Representative Examples of Recent Scholarship
- 4.3.1. Aspect and Aspect Prominence
- 4.3.2. Modality and Mood Prominence
- 5.0. Conclusion: Indicative versus Modal Future
Ethan Jones
On Pragmatics and Grammar in Biblical Hebrew: Predicate Adjectives and Stative Verbs- 1.0. Preliminary Remarks
- 2.0. On Method
- 3.0. Analysis
- 3.1. Predicate Adjective ( ח ָ כ ָ ם )
- 3.2. Stative Verb ( ח ָ כ ַ ם )
- 3.2.1. GIV-ACT
- 3.2.2. ACC-SIT
- 3.2.3. ACC-INF
- 3.2.4. New
- 3.3. Predicate Adjective ( ז ָ ןק )
- 3.4. Stative Verb ( ז ָ ןק )
- 3.4.1. GIV-ACT
- 3.4.2. GIV-INACT
- 3.4.3. ACC-INF
- 3.4.4. New
- 3.5. Predicate Adjective or Stative Verb ( ז ָ ןק )?
- 3.5.1. GIV-ACT
- 3.5.2. GIV-INACT
- 3.5.3. ACC-GEN
- 3.5.4. New
- 3.6. Predicate Adjective ק ָ ןט
- 3.7. Stative Verb ק ָ ןט
- 3.7.1. ACC-SIT
- 3.7.2. New
- 3.8. Predicate Adjective ג ָ לוד
- 3.8.1. ACC-GEN
- 3.8.2. New
- 3.9. Stative Verb ( ג ָ ד ַ ל )
- 3.9.1. GIV-ACT
- 3.9.2. GIV-INACT
- 3.9.3. ACC-INF
- 3.9.4. ACC-GEN
- 3.9.5. New
- 4.0. Conclusions
Ellen van Wolde
Nifʿal verbs in the Book of Genesis and Their Contribution to Meaning- 1.0. Theoretical Background
- 1.1. A Syntactic Study of nifʿal as Non-active Voice and Non-passive Voice
- 1.2. A Semantic Study of the Middle Voice
- 1.3. A Semantic Study of nifʿal as Middle Voice: A Survey of Recent Literature
- 1.4. Nifʿal as Middle Voice and the Seven Types of Middle Events It Can Express
- 2.0. Attestations of nifʿal Verbs in the Book of Genesis
- 3.0. Nifʿal as Body Action Middle
- 3.1. Instances of nifʿal Verbs of Translational Motion
- 3.2. Instances of nifʿal Verbs of Non-translational Motion
- 3.3. Instances of nifʿal Verbs of Body Care
- 3.4. Conclusion: Nifʿal as Body Action Middle
J. Wilson
ה ָ י ָ ה in biblical hebrewLutz Edzard
The Coordination of Biblical Hebrew Finite Verb Forms and Infinitives in Comparative Semitic and Typological Perspective- 1.0. Introduction
- 2.0. The Yiddish and Semitic Data in Terms of Yuasa and Sadock (2002)
- 2.1. A Basic Typology
- 2.2. The Semitic Material
- 2.2.2. Syndetic Serial-verb Constructions
- 2.2.3 Asyndetic Serial-verb Constructions
- 2.2.4. Syndetic Converb (-like) Constructions
- 2.2.5. Asyndetic Converb Constructions
- 2.2.6. Syndetic Constructions Consisting of Finite VPs and Infinitives
- 2.3. Typological Considerations
- 3.0. Conclusion
Christian Locatell
Polysemous Adverbial Conjunctions in Biblical Hebrew: An Application of Diachronic Semantic Maps- 1.0. Introduction
- 2.0. The Semantic Map of Adverbial Conjunctions: An Overview and Methodology
- 3.0. Polysemous Adverbial Conjunctions in Biblical Hebrew: A Usage Profile
- 3.1 א ַ ח ֲֵ יר א ֲ ש ֶֶׁׁ֣ ר .
- 3.2 א ִ ם .
- 3.3 א ֲ ש ֶ ר .
- 3.4 ב ַ א ֲ ש ֶ ר .
- 3.5 כ ַ א ֲ ש ֶ ר .
- 3.6 כ ְ ש ֶ- .
- 3.7 כ ִ י .
- 3.8 ע ַ ל א ֲ ש ֶ ר .
- 4.0. Generating Hypotheses with Diachronic Semantic Maps
- 5.0. Testing Hypotheses of the Semantic Map
- 5.1. Extension from the Modal Semantic Space
- 5.2. Extension from the Temporal Semantic Space
- 5.3. Extension from the Locative Semantic Space
- 5.4. Extension within the CCC (Cause, Condition, Concession, etc.) Semantic Space
- 5.5. Comparative Support
- 6.0. Conclusion
L. Miller-Naudé et A. Naudé
Differentiating Left Dislocation Constructions in Biblical Hebrew- 1.0. Introduction
- 2.0. Topicalisation and Left Dislocation
- 3.0. Types of Left Dislocation in Biblical Hebrew
- 3.1. Clitic Left Dislocation
- 3.2. Hanging Topic Left Dislocation
- 3.3. Left Dislocation with a Deictic Resumptive
- 3.4. Left Dislocation with an Independent Pronominal Resumptive
- 3.5. Left Dislocation with a Noun Phrase Resumptive
- 3.6. Marginal Constructions
- 4.0. Conclusions
J. Van der Merwe
Biblical Hebrew and Cognitive Linguistics: A General Orientation- 1.0. Introduction
- 2.0. Overview of CL
- 2.1. Commitments and Hypotheses
- 2.2. Strands, Developments, and Challenges
- 2.2.1. The Gestalt-psychological Strand
- 2.2.2. The Phenomenological Strand
- 2.2.3. The Cognitive Sociolinguistic Strand
- 2.2.4. The Cognitive Discourse Strand
- 2.2.5. The Psycholinguistic Strand
- 2.2.6. Recent Developments
- 3.0. Cognitive Approaches to Biblical Hebrew Studies
- 3.1. Introduction
- 3.2. Group 1
- 3.2. Group 2
- 3.3. Group 3
- 4.0. Concluding remarks
Tania Notarius
From ַ ל ּ חו to ס ֵ פ ֶ ר And back: An Episode in Biblical Hebrew Historical LinguisticsGary A. Rendsburg
Israelian Hebrew in the Book of Amos- 1.0. The Location of Tekoa
- 1.1. Southern Tekoa
- 1.2. Northern Tekoa
- 2.0. The Tekoa of Amos
- 3.0. Amos as a Northern Prophet
- 3.1. Amos Accused of Treason
- 3.2. Amos Instructed to Flee to Judah
- 4.0. Israelian Hebrew in the Book of Amos
- 4.1. IH Features in Amos 6
- 4.1.1 נ - ד - י . ‘bring’
- 4.1.2 ס ָ ר ּ חו . ‘sinful, transgressing’ (of humans only in Amos)
- 4.1.3 פ - ר - ט . ‘sing, recite, pronounce’
- 4.1.4 ת - א - ב . ‘despise’
- 4.1.5 ס - ר - ף . ‘smear with resin’
- 4.1.6ְ סר ִ סי ִ םי . ‘splinters’
- 4.2. IH Features Elsewhere in the Book of Amos
- 4.2.1 נ ֹ קו ֵ ד . ‘herder, rancher, stockman’
- 4.2.2 םחר . ‘lass’ (with reference to Edom)
- 4.2.3 ע ֶֶ שר . ‘couch’
- 4.2.4 ד ְ שר ּ ט־ו ֶֹ֥ בו ו ְ א ַ ר־ל ִ֖ ע . ‘seek good, and not evil’ (Amos 5.14)
- 4.2.5 ל ֶֶׁׁ שק . ‘latter growth, late-sown crops’
- 4.2.6 ח ֵ ל ֶׁ ק . ‘field’
- 4.2.7 נא ְ ך . ‘tin’ (Amos 7.7–8) (cf. Akk. annaku) (‘lead’ [?], plumb line’ [?])
- 4.2.8 שי ְ קח . ‘Isaac’ (Amos 7.9, 16) (instead of the standard form צי ְ קח )
- 4.2.9 ק ֵ ץ . ‘end’ / ץיק (in pause) ‘summer-fruit’ (Amos 8.2)
- 4.2.10 ה ֵ לכי . ‘palace’
- 5.0. Conclusion