Table des matières

Contributors

Preface

Robert Crellin et Lucia Tamponi

Vowel Quantity and quality in Neo-Punic and Latin Inscriptions from Africa and Sardinia

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. Neo-Punic in North Africa
• 2.1. introduction
• 2.1.1. Corpus and Dating
• 2.1.2. Previous Research: Vowel Writing in Neo-Punic
• 2.1.3. Method: From Graphemes to Phonemes
• 2.2. Vowel Representation in Neo-Punic: Analysis by Quality and Quantity
• 2.2.1. Vowel Quality
• 2.2.2. Vowel Quality and Quantity
• 2.2.3. Conclusion
• 2.3. Factors Affecting Zero Representation in Neo-Punic
• 2.3.1. Position of the Latin Stress
• 2.3.2. Syllable Position
• 2.3.3. Conclusion
• 2.4. Implications for the Late Punic Reading of the Latin Vowel System in North Africa
• 2.4.1. Front Axis: CL /e/, /eː/, /i/, and /iː/
• 2.4.2. Back Axis: CL /o/, /oː/, /u/ and /uː/
• 2.4.3. Diphthongs
• 2.4.4. Distinctions in Vowel Length
• 2.4.5. Open Syllable Lengthening
• 2.4.6. Conclusion
• 3.0. Sardinia
• 3.1. Introduction
• 3.2. Neo-Punic and Latin in Sardinia
• 3.3. Vowels in Sardinian Latin: Previous Research
• 3.4. The Corpus
• 3.5. Latin Vowels in the Inscriptions from Sardinia
• 3.5.1. Error Rate
• 3.5.2. Literacy
• 3.5.3. Stress
• 3.5.4. Qualitative Analysis
• 3.6. Transcription of Roman Names into Neo-Punic in Sardinia
• 3.7. Conclusion

Benjamin Kantor

The Development of the Hebrew Wayyiqṭol (‘Waw Consecutive’) Verbal form in Light of Greek and Latin Transcriptions of Hebrew

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. Review of Scholarship: Grammatical Development
• 3.0. Review of Scholarship: Morphological Development
• 4.0. Review of Scholarship: Wayyiqṭol in the Transcriptions
• 5.0. Wayyiqṭol in the Transcriptions
• 5.1. ‘Shewa’, the Conjunction Waw, and Gemination in the Secunda
• 5.1.1. Shewa
• 5.1.2. Conjunction waw
• 5.1.3. Gemination
• 5.2. Wayyiqṭol in the Secunda
• 5.2.1. Waw + yiqṭol in the Secunda
• 5.2.2. Wayyiqṭol in the Secunda
• 5.2.3. Conjunction waw + vowel in the Secunda
• 5.2.4. Conjunction waw + gemination in the Secunda
• 5.3. ‘Shewa’, the Conjunction Waw, and Gemination in Jerome
• 5.3.1. Shewa
• 5.3.2. Conjunction waw
• 5.3.3. Gemination
• 5.4. Wayyiqṭol in Jerome
• 5.4.1. Wayyiqṭol in Jerome
• 5.4.2. Conjunction waw + vowel in Jerome
• 5.4.3. Conjunction waw + gemination in Jerome
• 5.5. Diachrony: Comparing the Secunda and Jerome
• 5.5.1. Conjunction waw + vowel in wayyiqṭol Forms in the Secunda and Jerome
• 5.5.2. Primacy of the Vowel or Gemination?
• 5.5.3. Summary
• 6.0. Reconstruction: The Morphological Development of Wayyiqṭol
• 6.1. Review of Scholarship in Light of Evidence from Transcriptions
• 6.2. An Alternative Proposal: Dagesh Mavḥin ‘Distinguishing Dagesh’
• 6.2.1. Diachronic Considerations Regarding the Sequential Tenses
• 6.2.2. Dagesh Mavḥin
• 6.2.3. Ancient Conception of Wayyiqṭol Forms
• 6.2.4. Conclusions: Summary of Developments
• 6.2.5. Conclusions: History and Development of the Reading Traditions

Peter Myers

The Representation of Gutturals by Vowels in the LXX of 2 Esdras

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. Textual Transmission
• 3.0. Gutturals in Syllable Onset
• 3.1. ʾAleph /ʾ/
• 3.2. Ḥet /ḥ/
• 3.3. ʿAyin /ʿ/
• 3.4. He /h/
• 4.0. Gutturals in Syllable Coda
• 5.0. Conclusion

Dorota Molin

Biblical Quotations in the Aramaic Incantation Bowls and Their Contribution to the Study of the Babylonian Reading Tradition

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. Case Studies
• 2.1. A Distinctively Babylonian Instance of Epenthesis in Deut. 29.19
• 2.2. Examples of Cross-linguistic Interference in Deut. 29.22 and Isa. 44.25
• 2.3. A Case of Careful Reading (Orthoepy) in Num. 10.35?
• 2.4. Evidence for the Prominence of Orality
• 2.0. Conclusion

Benjamin D. Suchard

Phonological Adaptation and the Biblical Aramaic and Biblical Hebrew Reflexes of *i and *u

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. Phonemes and Allophones
• 3.0. Biblical Aramaic I: E and U: O
• 4.0. biblical Hebrew and Biblical Aramaic I: Ɛ and U: Ɔ
• 5.0. Conclusion

Nick Posegay

Connecting the Dots: The Shared Phonological Tradition in Syriac, Arabic, and Hebrew Vocalisation

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. The Hebrew-Syriac Connection
• 2.1. Early Syriac Relative Vowel Phonology
• 2.2. Early Masoretic Relative Vowel Phonology
• 2.3. The Pre-Arabic Relative Context
• 3.0. The Development of Arabic Vowel Terminology
• 3.1. The Chronology of Arabic Vowel Names and Their Relationship to Syriac
• 3.2. Early Vowel Phonology in the Arabic Tradition
• 3.3. Reinterpretation of Vowel Phonology in the Arabic Grammatical Tradition
• 4.0. Two Examples of Syncretisation in Phonological Systems of the Tenth and Eleventh Centuries
• 4.1. Elias of Tirhan’s Syriac Grammar
• 4.2. Saadya Gaon’s Hebrew Grammar
• 5.0. Conclusion

Aaron D. Hornkohl

Discord between the Tiberian Written and Reading Traditions: Two Case Studies

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. The Qal Construct Infinitive
• 2.1. Differential Treatment of Qal II-bgdkpt Construct Infinitives with Prefixed - ל
• 2.2. Transitional Forms in the Dead Sea Scrolls
• 2.3. Further Differential Treatment of BH Construct Infinitives with Prefixed - ל
• 2.4. Consonantal Evidence for the Integration of - ל in the BH Infinitive Construct
• 2.5. Summary of Case on Qal Construct Infinitive
• 3.0. The 3ms Suffix for Plurals and Similar
• 3.1. Competing Accounts: Grammatical versus Phonetic Yod
• 3.2. Positive Arguments for Phonetic Yod in 3ms וי -
• 4.0. Closing Remarks

Joseph Habib

Qere and Ketiv in the Exegesis of the Karaites and Saadya Gaon

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. Purpose and Methodology
• 3.0. General Results across the Works of Saadya and the Karaites
• 4.0. Saadya Gaon
• 5.0. The Karaites
• 5.1. Salmon ben Yeraḥam
• 5.2. Yefet ben ʿElī
• 5.3. Yūsuf ibn Nūḥ
• 5.4. David ben Abraham al-Fāsi
• 5.5. ʿAlī ibn Sulaymān
• 6.0. The qere/ketiv Pair לוֹלֹא
• 7.0. Conclusion

Vincent DeCaen et B. Elan Dresher

Pausal Forms and Prosodic Structure in Tiberian Hebrew

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. Prosodic Representation: Prosodic levels in the Tiberian Transcription
• 2.1. The TH Hierarchy of Disjunctive Accents
• 2.2. Prosodic Transformations in TH
• 3.0. pausal Forms and the Intonational Phrase
• 4.0. Why Pausal Forms Cannot Align with the Tiberian System of Accents
• 4.1. Pausal Forms on Lower Disjunctive Accents
• 4.2. Pausal Forms with Conjunctive Accents
• 5.0. Conclusion

Kim Phillips

Samuel ben Jacob’s Treatment of Exceptional Vocalic Shewas

• 1.0. Introduction: The pronunciation of Shewa
• 2.0. Representing the Exceptional Vocalic Shewas
• 3.0. Data
• 3.1. Shewa Following מ of Word-initial -ְ ה ַ מ
• 3.2. Doubled Consonants
• אָּכַל ,יָרַד ,הָלַךְ ,בֵּרַךְ/הִתְבָּ רֵךְ .3.3
• 3.3.1. בֵּרַךְ/הִתְבָּ רֵךְ
• 3.3.2 י ָ ר ַ ד , ה ָ ל ַ ך ְ
• 3.3.3 . אָ ב ַ ל
• 3.3.4. Discussion
• 4.0. Summary and Conclusions

Benjamin Outhwaite

The tiberian Tradition in Common Bibles from the Cairo Genizah

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. The Corpus
• 3.0. Scope of the Analysis
• 4.0. Codex of Lamentations, T-S AS 44.35
• 4.1. Description
• 4.2. Consonantal Text of T-S AS 44.35
• 4.3. Shewa in T-S AS 44.35
• 4.4. Pataḥ for Shewa in T-S AS 44.35
• 4.5. Shewa before Yod or Guttural in T-S AS 44.35
• 4.6. Shewa on the First of Two Identical Consonants in T-S AS 44.35
• 4.7. Ḥaṭef in T-S AS 44.35
• 4.8. Differences in Vowel Quality in T-S AS 44.35
• 4.9. T-S AS 44.35 in Conclusion
• 5.0. Codex of Psalms, T-S AS 68.100
• 5.1. Consonantal Text of T-S AS 68.100
• 5.2. Pataḥ for Shewa in T-S AS 68.100
• 5.3. Ḥaṭef in T-S AS 68.100
• 5.4. Shewa before guttural in t-s as 68.100
• 5.5. T-S AS 68.100 in Conclusion
• 6.0. Hafṭara Lectionary, T-S AS 53.90
• 6.1. Consonantal Text of T-S AS 53.90
• 6.2. Vocalisation of T-S AS 53.90
• 6.3. Ḥaṭef in T-S AS 53.90
• 6.4. Shewa before Yod in T-S AS 53.90
• 6.5. Differences in Vowel Quality in T-S AS 53.90
• 6.6. T-S AS 53.90 in Conclusion
• 7.0. Writing Exercise, T-S AS 5.144
• 7.1. Consonantal Text of T-S AS 5.144
• 7.2. Ḥaṭef and Shewa in T-S AS 5.144
• 7.3. Differences in Vowel Quality in T-S AS 5.144
• 7.4. T-S AS 5.144 in Conclusion
• 8.0. Study Bible, T-S AS 59.215
• 8.1. Consonantal Text of T-S AS 59.215
• 8.2. Ḥaṭef and Shewa in T-S AS 59.215
• 8.3. Differences in Vowel Quality in T-S AS 59.215
• 8.4. T-S AS 59.215 in Conclusion
• 9.0. Conclusions
• 9.1. The Consonantal Text
• 9.2. Lack of the Ḥaṭef Vowel
• 9.3. Pataḥ for Vocalic Shewa
• 9.4. Other Vowel Signs for Vocalic Shewa
• 9.5. Variation in Vowel Quality
• 9.6. Variation in Consonantal Quality
• 9.7. The Absence of Dagesh
• 9.8. Overall Conclusion

Estara Arrant

An Exploratory Typology of Near-Model and Non-Standard Tiberian Torah Manuscripts from the Cairo Genizah

• 1.0. Introduction
• 1.1. Terminology, Structure, and Hypotheses
• 1.2. The Evidence Threshold
• 2.0. Methodology
• 2.1. Sampling Strategy
• 2.2. Palaeography
• 2.3. Statistical Procedures
• 2.4. Textual and Linguistic Analysis
• 3.0. Comprehensive Descriptive StatisticaL Analysis: Codicology and Linguistic Features
• 3.1. Descriptive Statistics: Codicology
• 3.1.1. Format (Ratio of Width x Length)
• 3.1.2. Pricking (Holes in the Margins to Aid in Ruling a Page)
• 3.1.3. Margins
• 3.1.4. Illumination and Decoration
• 3.1.5. Script Type, Level of Sophistication, and Script Size
• 3.1.6. Parashot/Sedarim
• 3.1.7. Vocalisation
• 3.1.8. Dimensions
• 3.1.9. Line Number
• 3.1.10. Palaeography, Provenance, and Date
• 3.1.11. Discussion of Descriptive Codicological Statistics
• 3.2. Descriptive Statistics: Linguistic Features
• 3.2.1. Feature Frequency Distributions
• 3.2.2. Systematic Understanding of Feature Types
• 3.3. Discussion
• 4.0. Patterns of Codicology and Text: Cluster Analyses of Codicological and Linguistic Data
• 4.1. Methodology Review
• 4.2 Cluster Analyses
• 4.3. Codicological Cluster Analysis and Results
• 4.3.1. General Characteristics of the Codicological Clusters
• 4.4. Codicological Manuscript Sub-Groups
• Small Italian-Byzantine Codex (Two-column)
• Large Monumental Levantine Codex (Three-column)
• Monumental Bare Wide-Ranging (Oriental to Italian; Three-column)
• Small Oriental Codex (Two-column)
• Oriental Bare Square Group (Three-column)
• Large Monumental Egyptian (Two-column)
• Average Monumental Oriental (Two-column)
• Square Egyptian-Palestinian (Two-column)
• Monumental Bare Oriental (Egyptian-Palestinian) (Three-column)
• Monumental Oriental (Three-column)
• Oriental-Byzantine Landscape (Two-column)
• Large Monumental Egypt-Palestine Codex (Three-column)
• 4.5. Discussion of Clustering Results
• 5.0. A Linguistic Typology of Non-STandard Tiberian Vocalisation: The Presentation of The Clustering Results
• 5.1. Two-column manuscripts: NST Linguistic Typology
• 5.1.1. The Byzantine Trio of Features (Schema Patterns X, Y, 1, 1a)
• 5.1.2. Byzantine Trio Outlier: T-S Misc 2.75 (Schema Patterns X, Y, 1a)
• 5.1.3. Orthoepy: NST use of Tiberian Vowel Graphemes for Orthoepic Purposes (No Schema Pattern)
• 5.1.4. Orthoepic Group Outlier: T-S AS 64.206 (No Schema Pattern)
• 5.1.5. Orthoepic Group Outlier: T-S NS 248.23 (Schema Pattern 1—minimal)
• 5.1.6. ST Codices with Lexically-Specific NST features (No Schema Pattern)
• 5.1.7. Three-Way Interchange: ṣere-segol-pataḥ (Pattern 2b, X)
• 5.1.8. The outlier: Lewis Gibson Bible 1.75 (Schema Pattern 2, X)
• 5.2. Three-column Manuscripts: Non-Standard Linguistic Typology
• 5.2.1. Minimal Application of NST
• 5.2.2. Orthoepic Features with Interference from a Palestinian Substrate
• 5.2.3. Two-Way Interchange: Schema Group 2
• 5.2.4. Three-Way Interchange: Schema Group 2b
• 5.2.5. Three-Way Interchange Outlier (Schema Pattern 2a, X):
• 5.2.6. Three-Way Interchange (Schema Pattern 2c)
• 5.2.7. Five-Way Interchange (Schema Pattern 2e)
• 5.2.8. The Major Outlier T-S NS 72.1 (Schema Pattern 2d)
• 5.3. Concluding Discussion: Linguistic Typology
• 6.0. Conclusions: The Correlation between Codicology and LInguistic features
• 6.1. The Correlation between Codicological and Linguistic Subtypes
• 6.1.1. Two-column Manuscripts
• 6.1.2. Three-column Manuscripts
• 6.2. Final Conclusions

Geoffrey Khan

Some Features of the Imperfect Oral Performance of The tiberian Reading Tradition of Biblical Hebrew in the Middle Ages

• 1.0. Preliminary Remarks
• 2.0. Interference from a Substrate
• 2.1. Pronunciation of Interdental Consonants
• 2.2. Pronunciation of Vowels
• 2.2.1. Interchange of Ṣere and Segol
• 2.2.2. Pataḥ Sign in Place of Standard Tiberian Segol
• 2.2.3. Segol for Standard Tiberian Pataḥ
• 2.2.4. Standard Tiberian Pataḥ Transcribed by Yāʾ
• 2.2.5. Pataḥ for Qameṣ
• 2.2.3. Interpretation of the Data
• 3.0. Hypercorrect Lengthening of Vowels
• 4.0. Concluding Remarks

Élodie Attia

On Some Variants in Ashkenazic Biblical Manuscripts from the Twelfth and Thirteenth Centuries

• 1.0. Comparative Study between Oriental, Sephardic and Ashkenazic Manuscripts
• 2.0. Comparing Tiberian Standard Manuscripts with Ashkenazic Manuscripts
• 3.0. Select Examples
• 3.1. Variants in Consonantal Form, Plene versus Defective Spelling, and Ketiv-Qere
• 3.2. Vowels
• 3.2.1. Shureq/qibbuṣ Interchange
• 3.2.2. Pataḥ/qameṣ Interchange
• 3.2.3. Other Cases
• 3.3. Accents and Diacritical Signs
• 3.3.1. Erroneously Omitted or Differently-placed Dagesh
• 3.3.2. Isolated Variants in the Accents
• 3.3.3. Word-final Shewa
• 3.3.4. Variants Shared by Ashkenazic Manuscripts
• 3.3.5. Gaʿya
• 4.0. concluding Remarks

José Martínez Delgado

The prosodic Models of Andalusi Hebrew Metrics

• 1.0. Introduction
• 2.0. The Indigenous Model
• 3.0. The Romance Model
• 4.0. The Classical or European Model
• 5.0. The Israeli Method

Michael Rand

Marginalia to the Qillirian Rhyme System

• 1.0. General Considerations
• 2.0. Rhyme and Philology
• 3.0. The Rhyming of /a/ and /e/ in QIllirian Piyyuṭ
• Appendix—The Rhyming of /a/ and /e/ in Hebrew Maqāmas in Thirteenth-century Egypt

Index