Version classiqueVersion mobile

Dire la ville en grec aux époques antique et byzantine

 | 
Liliane Lopez-Rabatel
, 
Virginie Mathé
, 
Jean-Charles Moretti

Nommer et classer les villes

The vocabulary of the city in Macedonia from Archelaos to Kassandros

Franca Landucci

Texte intégral

  • 1 Dahmen 2010, p. 41‑62, at 47.

1Until Philip II, Macedonia was part of the northern periphery of Greece where the urban phenomenon was essentially represented by several colonies founded by the Greeks along the coasts of the region. The Chalcidice peninsula takes indeed its name from the city of Chalcis on Euboea that « settled two daughter-cities there, Olynthos and Torone, while Chalcis’ neighbour Eretria founded Dicaia, Mende and Methone (this last in Pieria). Potidaia was the only colony of Corinth in this region, and Acanthos and Stageira were founded by Andros »1.

  • 2 Millet 2010, p. 479‑481.
  • 3 For a brief description of Macedonian cities, see Hatzopoulos 2004, p. 794‑809.
  • 4 All dates are BC, unless otherwise stated.

2According to Millett2, before Philip’s reign Macedonia had three main centres : Dion (religious ritual), Aigai (royal ritual) and Pella (royal court)3. For the rest, the Macedonian population lived mostly in villages scattered around the territory : these communities hardly appear in the literary or even epigraphic record. Thucydides (II, 99‑100) devotes an excursus to the history of Macedonia and profusely praises the program of public works launched by king Archelaos, son of Perdiccas II and grandson of Alexander I, in the last decade of the fifth century4. According to Thucydides, Archelaos built « straight roads through the country » and constructed « strongholds and fortresses » of which there were still « not many ».

  • 5 See Diodoros, XVII, 16, 3‑4 ; Arrian, Anabasis I, 11, 1 ; on Zeus’ sanctuary at Dion, see now Mari (...)

3Also other sources briefly mention the activity of Archelaos of Macedonia : Diodoros and Arrian in particular say that Archelaos was the first to organize religious celebrations in honour of Olympian Zeus in Dion5.

  • 6 See e.g. Aelian, Varia Historia XIV, 17, who mentions the work of the painter Zeuxis in a palace, (...)
  • 7 See Xenophon, Hellenica V, 2, 13.

4Many clues seem to support the hypothesis of a transfer of the capital from Aigai to Pella during the last years of Archelaos’ reign6. In this respect, Xenophon indicates Pella as the « largest city in Macedonia » already as early as in the first two decades of the fourth century7, although by Greek standards it was still a small town until Philip II enlarged it (Strabo, VII, frg. 20).

  • 8 Borza 1990, p. 168.

5As Bozra puts it8, « the Athenian orators of Philip II’s era all point to Pella as the center of official activity (and source of evil), and the town was the birthplace of Alexander the Great. Thus, although there is no certainty that Archelaos moved the royal residence – for that must be our definition of “capital” – the inferential evidence points to such a conclusion : there is no evidence of Pella’s importance before the reign of Archelaos ; there is evidence that Archelaos imported Greek artists into his court and that an expensive residence was built (location not stated) ; such a construction and adornment project is consistent with Archelaos’ program and with no other monarch of the period ; Euripides, patronized by Archelaos, worked at Pella ; and within a generation Pella was the greatest of Macedonian cities ».

  • 9 Diodoros, XVI, 71, 2 (for the philo-Macedonian setting of Diodoros’ passage, see Sordi 1969, comm. (...)
  • 10 On the foundations of the strongholds, see Diodoros, XVI, 71, 2. On the many expeditions of Philip (...)
  • 11 On Philip II’s establishments in Thrace, see Archibald 1998, p. 235‑237, with ample ancient and mo (...)

6As for Philip II, tradition focuses on the cities that he founded in Thrace. In the year of Pythodotos (343‑342), Diodoros9 states that in about fifteen years Philip had become master of Thrace where he founded a series of « remarkable » (ἀξιόλογοι) cities with the manifest aim to stabilise his achievements10. Among these cities, we can mention the names of Philippopolis (modern Plovdiv) and Kabyle, respectively in the Ebro and in the Tundza valleys, which had great importance in the military and administrative control of Thrace11.

  • 12 See Cohen 1995, p. 17.
  • 13 On the forced population transfers imposed by Philip II to many Macedonian citizens, see Iustinus, (...)
  • 14 See the unfavourable description of the 2000 « colonists » chosen by Philip in Theopompos, BNJ 115 (...)
  • 15 See Pliny, NH IV, 11, 41 : oppidum sub Rhodope Poneropolis antea, mox a conditore Philippopolis, n (...)
  • 16 On this topic, see Landucci Gattinoni, 2004, p. 195‑211.

7But, as already noted12, these newly-built cities had to tackle several demographic issues in Macedonia, as a large number of citizens was indeed transferred there13. Sources hostile to Philip describe these Macedonian citizens as the dregs of society14 : as a matter of fact, Pliny the Elder15 explicitly links the nickname Poneropolis to Philippopolis16.

  • 17 On the foundation and role of cities in the Hellenistic kingdoms, see Landucci Gattinoni 2010, p.  (...)

8After Philip II’s death in 336, Alexander began his great expedition against Persia. In 334 he left Macedonia and never returned home ; he died in Babylon in June 323 after founding many cities in countries foreign to the Greek world, so as to promote a progressive process of Hellenisation. Among the many cities called Alexandria after his name, the most important and famous is Alexandria in Egypt. After its foundation, Alexandria became the seat of the Ptolemaic rulers of Egypt, and quickly grew to be one of the greatest cities of the Hellenistic world – second only to Rome in size and wealth17.

  • 18 On the marriage of Kassandros and Thessalonike, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 79‑82 ; Landucci G (...)

9In the age of the Diadochs, Kassandros was the undisputed master of Macedonia from 316‑315 onwards. In his account of Kassandros’ return to Macedonia, Diodoros describes at length the dynast’s choice to found a new city called Kassandreia after his name. After mentioning the marriage between Kassandros and Thessalonike, daughter of Philip II18, Diodoros says :

  • 19 Diodoros, XIX, 52, 2‑3 : (Κάσανδρος) ἔκτισε δὲ καὶ πόλιν ἐπὶ τῆς Παλλήνης ὁμώνυμον αὐτοῦ Κασάνδρει (...)

He [sc. Kassandros] also founded on Pallene a city called Kassandreia after his own name and united with it as one city [= συνῴκισε] the cities of the peninsula, Potidaia and a considerable number of the neighbouring towns. He also settled in this city those of the Olynthians who survived, not few in number. Since a great deal of land, and good land too, was included within the boundaries of Kassandreia, and since Kassandros was very ambitious for the city’s increase, it quickly made great progress and became the strongest of the cities of Macedonia19 (translation Geer 1947).

  • 20 Marmor Parium in BNJ 239 F B 14 : ἀφ᾽ οὗ Κάσσανδρος εἰς Μακεδονίαν κατῆλθεν, καὶ Θῆβαι οἰκίσθησαν, (...)
  • 21 See Strabo, VII, frg. 25 ; Livy, LIV, 11, 2 ; Pausanias, V, 23, 3 ; Athenaios, XI, 784c ; Stephano (...)
  • 22 On bibliography about Kassandreia, see Zahrnt 1971, p. 112‑121 ; Papazoglou 1988, p. 424‑426 ; Hat (...)

10Information on the founding of Kassandreia can also be found in the Marmor Parium20 under the Attic year 316‑315, and it is furthermore mentioned, still out of context, in many other historical, scholarly and lexicographic sources, from the late first century BC to late antiquity21. All these sources agree in regarding Kassandros as the founder of the city (= οἰκιστής) and in enhancing the importance of its location, connected both to Macedonia and to the Chalcidice peninsula22.

  • 23 See Diodoros, XXX, 11, 1 ; XXXI, 8, 8 ; XXXII, 15, 2.

11Besides Kassandreia, Kassandros founded another great city in Macedonia, called Thessaloniki after the name of his wife Thessalonike, daughter of Philip II. The ancient testimonia do not seem very interested in information about the origin of this city : the Marmor Parium does not mention the foundation date of Thessaloniki ; also Diodoros is silent on this event and never mentions the city until the end of Book 20 of the Library, the last Book that has survived. Thessaloniki is cited in three fragments of Diodoros’ Books XXX, XXXI and XXXII, dedicated to the Roman conquest of Macedonia, yet always without any reference to its founder, Kassandros23.

  • 24 See Dionysios of Halicarnassos, AR I, 49, 4 ; Strabo, VII, frg. 21 and 24.
  • 25 See Stephanos Byzantios, s.v. Θεσσαλονίκεια.
  • 26 On Aeneias, as described by Dionysios, see Vanotti 1995, p. 12‑17 and 143‑152, with wide bibliogra (...)

12In the absence of a source that sets the rise of Thessaloniki within a specific historical context, the information preserved by Strabo and Dionysios of Halicarnassos is very important24 – whereas Stephanos of Byzantion focuses his interest not on the founding of the city but on the story of Thessalonike, Kassandros’ wife25. In detail, Dionysios of Halicarnassos deals with the issue of the arrival of Aeneas and his men, only recently escaped from Troy, in Pallene headland26. He says :

  • 27 Dionysios of Halicarnassos, AR I, 49, 4 : [sc. Aeneias and the Trojans] πόλιν Αἴνειαν ἔκτισαν, ἐν (...)

[sc. Aeneas and the Trojans] built a city called Aeneia where they left all those who from fatigue were unable to continue the voyage and all who chose to remain there as in a country they were henceforth to look upon as their own. This city existed down to that period of the Macedonian rule which came into being under the Successors of Alexander, but it was destroyed in the reign of Kassandros, when Thessaloniki was founded ; and the inhabitants of Aeneia with many others removed [= μετῴκησαν] to the newly-built city27 (translation Cary 1937).

  • 28 On the tradition of Strabo’s Geography, see Lasserre, in Aujac et Lasserre 1969, p. xlviii-lxiv ; (...)
  • 29 See the synthesis in Papazoglou 1988, p. 189‑203.

13For its part, the issue related to Strabo’s account on Thessaloniki is rather complex. Information figures in the last (and lost) section of Book 7 of Geography, a section dedicated to Macedonia, of which only few fragments have survived handed down by the Byzantine scholarly and lexicographical tradition28. The foundation of Thessaloniki is mentioned in two fragments of Strabo’s Book 7, namely 21 and 24, preserved respectively in the Epitome Vaticana and in the Epitome Palatina, also known as Edita. These fragments have been much discussed by modern scholars29 who wonder if the site of the new city must be identified with ancient Therma.

At VII, frg. 21, Strabo says :

  • 30 Strabo, VII, frg. 21 : μετὰ δὲ Ἀξιὸν Ἐχέδωρος ἐν σταδίοις εἴκοσιν· εἶτα Θεσσαλονίκεια Κασάνδρου κτ (...)

After the Axios, at a distance of twenty stadia, is the Echedoros ; then, forty stadia farther on, Thessaloniki, founded by Kassandros, and also the Egnatian Road. Kassandros named the city after his wife Thessalonike, daughter of Philip son of Amyntas, after he had razed to the ground the towns in Crusis and those on the Thermaic Gulf, about twenty-six in number, and had settled all the inhabitants together in one city ; and this city is the metropolis of what is now Macedonia. Among those included in the settlement were Apollonia, Chalastra, Therma, Garescos, Aeneia, and Cissos30 (translation Jones 1924).

At VII, frg. 24, he says :

  • 31 Strabo, VII, frg. 24 : μετὰ τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν ἡ Θεσσαλονίκη ἐστὶ πόλις, ἣ πρότερον Θέρμη ἐκαλεῖτο· (...)

After the Axios River comes Thessaloniki, a city which in earlier times was called Therma. It was founded by Kassandros, who named it after his wife, the daughter of Philip the son of Amyntas. And he transferred to it the towns in the surrounding country, as, for instance, Chalastra, Aeneia, Cissos, and also some others31 (translation Jones 1924).

  • 32 See above, p.195.
  • 33 On synoikismoi in the Greek world, see Moggi 1976, passim ; on synoikismoi in the early Hellenism, (...)
  • 34 On the foundation of Thessaloniki, see Papazoglou 1988, p. 189‑203 ; Carney 1988, p. 134‑142 ; Tou (...)
  • 35 On the date of Kassandros’ death, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 23‑25.

14Without delving into a topographical discussion, which is beyond the scope of this paper, it is manifest that Strabo highlights both the role of Kassandros in the founding of the city and its merging with pre-existing cities (συνοικισμός). In this respect, we encounter the same events mentioned by Diodoros for Kassandreia32 : the building of a new city through its merging with pre-existing cities is indeed typical of early Hellenism, not only in Greece and Macedonia but also in Asia Minor33. In Strabo’s fragments, however, we find no precise historical references, which are also absent from the passage by Dionysios of Halicarnassos. We can therefore conclude that the dating of the founding of Thessaloniki to 316‑315, the year generally accepted by modern scholars, is hypothetically « cloned » on the date of the founding of Kassandreia, explicitly mentioned in the Marmor Parium and in Diodoros34. There are, nonetheless, safe termini a quo and ad quem : the terminus a quo is 316‑315, the year of Kassandros’ takeover in Macedonia, and the terminus ad quem is 297, the year of the king’s death35.

  • 36 See the lists quoted in Tataki 1998, p. 85‑97 and 178‑189.
  • 37 See Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 199‑202.

15When literary sources mention, more or less briefly, Kassandreia and Thessaloniki, they seem to consider these two cities in the same way. In recent years, however, mainly due to epigraphic discoveries about their citizens36, scholars have repeatedly highlighted the Greek status of Kassandreia and the Macedonian status of Thessaloniki37, and this for two main reasons, namely :

  • the Greek names of about 80% of all citizens of Kassandreia38 in the Hellenistic age, and the Macedonian names of about 80% of all citizens in Thessaloniki39 ;
  • the facts that in inscriptions found outside Macedonia the ethnic adjective Μακεδών is almost never related to Kassandreia’s citizens, and that it is, on the contrary, very common not only when referring to the citizens of Thessaloniki but also to those of other Macedonian cities such as Pella or Beroia40.
  • 41 On this topic, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 98‑101, with ample bibliography.
  • 42 Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 160‑163 and 199‑202.
  • 43 On this topic, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 99‑101.
  • 44 On the war of Antigonos Gonatas against Apollodoros, tyrant of Kassandreia, see Pompeius Trogus, P (...)
  • 45 Livy, XLV, 30, 4.

16Based on these facts, the first half of the twentieth century still saw a lively critical debate on the status of Kassandreia41. In the last decade of the same century, however, Miltiades Hatzopoulos42 proved that some documents attest that during the reign of Antigonos Gonatas Kassandreia adopted the Macedonian calendar. Thus, according to this scholar, Kassandreia is likely to have abandoned the autonomy it had enjoyed in the previous decades43. Antigonos Gonatas is supposed to have forced the city to fully integrate in the Macedonian kingdom after his victory over the « tyrant » Apollodoros in 27644 ; from then on, even formally, the status of Kassandreia was the same as that of the other Macedonian cities. Indeed, Livy45 mentions Kassandreia and Thessaloniki simply as celeberrimae urbes, with no distinction on their status.

  • 46 See above in this page.
  • 47 See the list of Thessaloniki’s citizens in Tataki 1998, p. 178‑189.
  • 48 See Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 160‑165.

17In this regard, it should be recalled, once again, that Thessaloniki displayed frank, continuous and manifest Macedonian traits : its citizens, as mentioned above46, usually had typical Macedonian names, and were identified abroad with the epithet Μακεδόνες47; furthermore, the city followed the Macedonian calendar48. Therefore, Thessaloniki was founded by Kassandros as a Macedonian city in order to exploit to the utmost its favourable geographical position, which indeed contributed greatly to its success and which, until that time, the small towns already in the area had not been able to do.

18Thus, Kassandros acted differently with respect to the two cities he had decided to found in Macedonia, as is also suggested by the different reactions of Greek and Macedonian people to their building. About the foundation of Thessaloniki, literary and epigraphic tradition has recorded no hostile reactions, as if the communis opinio believed that this action normally belonged to Kassandros’ competences : conversely, with regard to Kassandreia the situation is much more complex.

  • 49 Diodoros, XIX, 61, 1‑2.
  • 50 On the speech by Antigonos, mostly about the freedom and autonomy of the Greeks (Diodoros, XIX, 61 (...)
  • 51 Diodoros, XIX, 61, 2 : πρὸς δὲ τούτοις (Ἀντίγονος) ἔλεγεν […] ὡς (Κάσανδρος) Ὀλυνθίους ὄντας πολεμ (...)
  • 52 See Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 79‑82 ; Landucci Gattinoni 2009, p. 261‑275.
  • 53 Diodoros, XIX, 61, 1 : Ἀντίγονος […] συναγαγὼν τῶν τε στρατιωτῶν καὶ τῶν παρεπιδημούντων κοινὴν ἐκ (...)
  • 54 On the relationship between Olynthos and Macedonia, see Zahrnt 1971, passim ; Beck 1997, p. 146‑16 (...)

19In effect, according to Diodoros49, in his indictment against Kassandros, at the beginning of the so-called Third Diadoch War50, Antigonos the One-Eyed mentioned several « sins » attributed to his enemy. Among other things, he said that Kassandros had established the people of Olynthos in a city called by his own name even though they were the worst enemies of the Macedonians51, while saying nothing about the founding of Thessaloniki – and despite accusing Kassandros of having married Thessalonike, daughter of Philip II, by force (= βιασάμενος)52. Therefore, to the several Macedonian soldiers gathered in assembly with unidentified « aliens » Antigonos proposed a substantial equivalence between Olynthos and Kassandreia53. This means that, in the eyes of the Macedonians, Kassandreia was not a Macedonian city, but the direct heir of Olynthos, the Greek city of the Chalcidice peninsula that had long struggled against the rising power of Philip II54.

  • 55 On Uranopolis’ foundation, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 103‑104.
  • 56 On the biography and bibliography of Alexarchos, see Strabo, VII, frg. 35, (C 331) ; Athenaios, II (...)

20The status of Kassandreia may have been similar to that of Uranopolis, the city built in the Chalcidice peninsula, in Akte headland, by Alexarchos, son of Antipatros and brother of Kassandros55, whom the scholarly tradition describes as an odd character since he used to replace words of the common language with new ones he had invented, and to present himself as Helios, the Sun god56.

  • 57 Zahrnt 1971, p. 209‑210 ; Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 201.
  • 58 On the coins of Uranopolis, Kassandreia and Thessaloniki, see Head 1911, p. 203‑214 ; Gaebler 1935 (...)

21According to Zahrnt and Hatzopoulos57, the hypothesis of Uranopolis’ autonomy is in effect justified by the fact that coins were minted in the city at the time of its foundation : this is a sure sign of independence, denied even to Kassandreia, which, like Thessaloniki, never coined money before the Roman conquest58.

  • 59 On the interest of the Antipatrid clan for an utopian urban planning, linked to Plato’s last works (...)

22Uranopolis’ coins have, on the obverse, the image of Aphrodite Urania (Celestial Aphrodite) sitting on the globe and holding a sceptre, with the inscription Οὐρανίδων or Οὐρανίδων πόλεως, and, on the reverse, the image of the rayed sun, alone or accompanied by a waxing moon. In my opinion, these coins are to be connected to the « oddity » of Alexarchos, who, thanks to his kinship with Kassandros, appears to have founded a sort of ideal city to reflect his esoteric ties with the sky59.

  • 60 On an archaeological status quaestionis about the alleged site of Uranopolis, see Papangelos 1993, (...)

23Despite the fact that the scarce and fragmentary nature of available information about Uranopolis does not allow us to have a clear idea of the institutions and the status of the city, it is however undeniable that this newly-built city confirms the intention of Antipatros’ sons to increase the number of poleis in the Chalcidice peninsula, without fear of possible competition with central Macedonian power60.

24With regard to Kassandros, we can conclude that his decision to give his name to Kassandreia was intended to emphasise the importance of the role of the dynast in Macedonian history, in a fashion later imitated by all the other Successors : all of them did in fact perpetuate their name in one or more newly-built cities.

25Moreover, by choosing the toponym Thessaloniki for the other city, Kassandros wanted to honour his wife as the daughter and heir of Philip II. In this way, he hoped his people would accept him as the true successor of Philip II who was always considered the real founder of Macedonian power by his countrymen.

Bibliographie

Ancient texts

Diodorus Sicilus, Library of History, volume IX, books 18‑19.65, translated by R.M. Geer, Loeb Classical Library 377, London-Cambridge (Mass.), 1947.

Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Roman Antiquities, volume I, books 1‑2, translated by E. Cary, Loeb Classical Library 319, London-Cambridge (Mass.), 1937.

Strabo, Geography, volume III, books 6‑7, translated by H.L. Jones, Loeb Classical Library 182, London-Cambridge (Mass.), 1924.

Studies

Anson E.M. 1984, « The meaning of the term Macedones », AncW 10, p. 67‑68.

Archibald Z.H. 1998, The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace. Orpheus Unmasked, Oxford.

Aujac G. and Lasserre F. (ed.) 1969, Strabon, Géographie, tome I, 1re partie, introduction générale, livre I, CUF, série grecque 192, Paris, 2003 (1er tirage, 1969).

Beck H. 1997, Polis und Koinon. Untersuchungen zur Geschichte und Struktur der griechischen Bundesstaaten im 4. Jahrhundert v.Chr., Historia-Einzelschriften 114, Stuttgart.

Billows R.A. 1990, Antigonos the One-Eyed and the Creation of the Hellenistic State, Berkeley-London.

Borza E.N. 1990, In the Shadow of Olympus. The Emergence of Macedon, Princeton.

Carney E.D. 1988, « Eponymous Women : Royal Women and City Names », AHB 2, p. 134‑142.

Cohen G.M. 1995, The Hellenistic Settlements in Europe, the Islands and Asia Minor, Berkeley-Los Angeles-Oxford.

Dahmen K. 2010, « The Numismatic Evidence », in J. Roisman and I. Worthington (ed.), A Companion to Ancient Macedonia, Oxford-Malden (Mass.), p. 41‑62.

Diller A. 1975, The Textual Tradition of Strabo’s Geography, Amsterdam.

Ellis J.R. 1969, « Population transplants by Philip II », Makedoniká 9, p. 9‑17.

Fraser P.M. 1993, « Thracians Abroad : Three Documents », in Ancient Macedonia. Papers Read at the International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki V, Thessaloniki, p. 443‑454.

Gaebler H. 1935, Die antiken Münzen Nord-Griechenlands. Band III. Die antiken Münzen von Makedonia und Paionia, I‑II, Berlin.

Hammond N.G.L. and Griffith G.T. 1979, A History of Macedonia, vol. II, Oxford.

Hatzopoulos M.B. 1993, « Le statut de Cassandrée à l’époque hellénistique », in Ancient Macedonia. Papers Read at the International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki V, Thessaloniki, p. 575‑584.

Hatzopoulos M.B. 1996, Macedonian Institutions under the Kings I‑II, Meletemata 22, Athens.

Hatzopoulos M.B. 2004, « Makedonia », in M.H. Hansen and T.H. Nielsen (ed.), An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis, Oxford-New York, p. 794‑809.

Head B.V. 1911, Historia Numorum (2nd ed.), Oxford.

Landucci Gattinoni F. 1994, « Immigrazioni ed emigrazioni nella Ionia d’Asia nella prima età ellenistica », in M. Sordi (ed.), Emigrazione immigrazione nel mondo classico, CISA 20, Milano, p. 169‑185.

Landucci Gattinoni F. 2003, L’arte del potere. Vita e opere di Cassandro di Macedonia, Historia- Einzelschriften 171, Stuttgart.

Landucci Gattinoni F. 2004, « La Tracia tra Alessandro e Lisimaco : storia di una “normalizzazione” difficile », in P. Schirripa (ed.), I Traci. Tra l’Egeo e il Mar Nero, Milano, p. 195‑211.

Landucci Gattinoni F. 2009, « Cassander’s Wife and Heirs », in P. Wheatley and R Hannah (ed.), Alexander and His Successors. Essays from the Antipodes, Claremont (Calif.).

Landucci Gattinoni F. 2010, L’Ellenismo, Bologna.

Landucci F. 2014, Il testamento di Alessandro. La Grecia dall’Impero ai Regni, Roma-Bari.

Mari M. 2002, Al di là dell’Olimpo. Macedoni e grandi santuari della Grecia dall’età arcaica al primo Ellenismo, Meletemata 34, Athens.

Millet K. 2010, « The Political Economy of Macedonia », in J. Roisman et I. Worthington (ed.), A Companion to Ancient Macedonia, Oxford-Malden (Mass.), p. 472‑504.

Moggi M. 1976, I sinecismi interstatali greci, Pisa.

Papangelos I. 1993, « Οὐρανοπόλεως Τοπογραφικά », in Ancient Macedonia. Papers Read at the International Symposium Held in Thessaloniki V, Thessaloniki, p. 1115‑1173.

Papazoglou F. 1988, Les villes de Macédoine à l’époque romaine, BCH Suppl. 16, Athens.

Sordi M. (ed.) 1969, Diodori Siculi, Bibliothecae liber sextus decimus, Firenze.

Tataki A.B. 1998, Macedonians Abroad. A Contribution to the Prosopography of Ancient Macedonia, Meletemata, 26, Athens.

Touratsoglou I. 1996, « Die Baupolitik Kassanders », in W. Hoepfner and G. Brands (ed.), Basileia. Die Paläste der hellenistischen Könige, Mainz am Rhein, p. 176‑181.

Vanotti G. 1995, L’altro Enea. La testimonianza di Dionigi di Alicarnasso, Problemi e ricerche di Storia antica 17, Roma.

Wüst E. 1961, RE IX A, s.v. « Uranopolis » n° 1, col. 965‑966.

Zambon E. 2000, « Filippo II, Alessandro il Grande e la Tracia », Anemos 1, p. 69‑95.

Zahrnt M. 1971, Olynth und die Chalkidier. Untersuchungen zur Staatenbildung auf der Chalkidischen Halbinsel im 5. und 4. Jahrhundert v.Chr., Vestigia 14, München.

Notes

1 Dahmen 2010, p. 41‑62, at 47.

2 Millet 2010, p. 479‑481.

3 For a brief description of Macedonian cities, see Hatzopoulos 2004, p. 794‑809.

4 All dates are BC, unless otherwise stated.

5 See Diodoros, XVII, 16, 3‑4 ; Arrian, Anabasis I, 11, 1 ; on Zeus’ sanctuary at Dion, see now Mari 2002, p. 51‑60.

6 See e.g. Aelian, Varia Historia XIV, 17, who mentions the work of the painter Zeuxis in a palace, hypothetically identified with Pella’s ; for an analysis of this topic, see Borza 1990, p. 166‑171.

7 See Xenophon, Hellenica V, 2, 13.

8 Borza 1990, p. 168.

9 Diodoros, XVI, 71, 2 (for the philo-Macedonian setting of Diodoros’ passage, see Sordi 1969, comm. ad loc.) : (Philip) ἐν τοῖς ἐπικαίροις τόποις κτίσας ἀξιολόγους πόλεις ἔπαυσε τοῦ θράσους τοὺς Θρᾷκας « [Philip] by founding remarkable cities at key places made it impossible for the Thracians to commit any outrages in the future ». Diodoros’ account of a great Macedonian expedition against Thrace is confirmed by Demosthenes, VIII, 2‑5 ; 14‑16 ; Trogus, Prol. 8 ; Theopompos in BNJ 115 F 217.

10 On the foundations of the strongholds, see Diodoros, XVI, 71, 2. On the many expeditions of Philip II against the Thracians, see the canonical synthesis of [Hammond] and Griffith 1979, p. 230‑254, 264‑284, 336‑345, 554‑584 and Landucci Gattinoni 2004, p. 195‑211.

11 On Philip II’s establishments in Thrace, see Archibald 1998, p. 235‑237, with ample ancient and modern bibliography ; see also Zambon 2000, p. 68‑81.

12 See Cohen 1995, p. 17.

13 On the forced population transfers imposed by Philip II to many Macedonian citizens, see Iustinus, VIII, 5, 7‑6, 2 ; more recently, the by now classic commentary by Ellis 1969, p. 9‑17.

14 See the unfavourable description of the 2000 « colonists » chosen by Philip in Theopompos, BNJ 115 F 110. See also Strabo, VII, 6, 2 (C320), about the city of Kabyle, where Philip settled the most villainous people (οἱ πονηρότατοι) of his kingdom (in Strabo the name of this city is Καλύβη, as also in Steph. Byz. s.v.).

15 See Pliny, NH IV, 11, 41 : oppidum sub Rhodope Poneropolis antea, mox a conditore Philippopolis, nunc a situ Trimontium dicta.

16 On this topic, see Landucci Gattinoni, 2004, p. 195‑211.

17 On the foundation and role of cities in the Hellenistic kingdoms, see Landucci Gattinoni 2010, p. 37‑41.

18 On the marriage of Kassandros and Thessalonike, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 79‑82 ; Landucci Gattinoni 2009, p. 261‑275.

19 Diodoros, XIX, 52, 2‑3 : (Κάσανδρος) ἔκτισε δὲ καὶ πόλιν ἐπὶ τῆς Παλλήνης ὁμώνυμον αὐτοῦ Κασάνδρειαν, εἰς ἣν τάς τε ἐκ τῆς Χερρονήσου πόλεις συνῴκισε καὶ τὴν Ποτίδαιαν, ἔτι δὲ τῶν σύνεγγυς χωρίων οὐκ ὀλίγα· κατῴκισε δ’ εἰς αὐτὴν καὶ τῶν Ὀλυνθίων τοὺς διασωζομένους, ὄντας οὐκ ὀλίγους. πολλῆς δὲ χώρας προσορισθείσης τοῖς Κασανδρεῦσι καὶ ταύτης ἀγαθῆς, ἔτι δὲ τοῦ Κασάνδρου πολλὰ συμφιλοτιμηθέντος εἰς τὴν αὔξησιν ταχὺ μεγάλην ἐπίδοσιν ἔλαβεν ἡ πόλις καὶ πλεῖστον ἴσχυσε τῶν ἐν Μακεδονίᾳ. Diodoros mentions the foundation of Kassandreia also in the so-called Tyre declaration by Antigonos at the beginning of the so-called Third Diadoch War (see Diodoros, XIX, 61, 1‑3).

20 Marmor Parium in BNJ 239 F B 14 : ἀφ᾽ οὗ Κάσσανδρος εἰς Μακεδονίαν κατῆλθεν, καὶ Θῆβαι οἰκίσθησαν, καὶ ᾽Ολυμπιὰς ἐτελεύτησεν, καὶ Κασσάνδρεια ἐκτίσθη […] ἔτη πεντήκοντα δύο, ἄρχοντος ᾽Αθήνησι Δημοκλείδ[ου].

21 See Strabo, VII, frg. 25 ; Livy, LIV, 11, 2 ; Pausanias, V, 23, 3 ; Athenaios, XI, 784c ; Stephanos Byzantios, s.v. Κασσάνδρεια. For Strabo and Pausanias the Chalcidice peninsula was a Greek region and they highlight the continuity between Potidaia and Kassandreia ; Livy, on the contrary, is interested in the fact that Pallene headland was in the Roman province of Macedonia.

22 On bibliography about Kassandreia, see Zahrnt 1971, p. 112‑121 ; Papazoglou 1988, p. 424‑426 ; Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 199‑202 ; Touratsoglou 1996, p. 176‑181 ; Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 96‑104.

23 See Diodoros, XXX, 11, 1 ; XXXI, 8, 8 ; XXXII, 15, 2.

24 See Dionysios of Halicarnassos, AR I, 49, 4 ; Strabo, VII, frg. 21 and 24.

25 See Stephanos Byzantios, s.v. Θεσσαλονίκεια.

26 On Aeneias, as described by Dionysios, see Vanotti 1995, p. 12‑17 and 143‑152, with wide bibliography.

27 Dionysios of Halicarnassos, AR I, 49, 4 : [sc. Aeneias and the Trojans] πόλιν Αἴνειαν ἔκτισαν, ἐν ᾗ τούς τε ὑπὸ καμάτων ἀδυνάτους πλεῖν καὶ ὅσοις αὐτοῦ μένειν βουλομένοις ἦν, ὡς ἐν οἰκείᾳ γῇ τὸ λοιπὸν ἐσομένους, ὑπελίποντο. αὕτη διέμεινεν ἕως τῆς Μακεδόνων δυναστείας τῆς κατὰ τοὺς διαδόχους τοὺς Ἀλεξάνδρου γενομένης· ἐπὶ δὲ τῆς Κασάνδρου βασιλείας καθῃρέθη, ὅτε Θεσσαλονίκη πόλις ἐκτίζετο, καὶ οἱ Αἰνεᾶται σὺν ἄλλοις πολλοῖς εἰς τὴν νεόκτιστον μετῴκησαν.

28 On the tradition of Strabo’s Geography, see Lasserre, in Aujac et Lasserre 1969, p. xlviii-lxiv ; Diller 1975, p. 38‑41 and 60‑62.

29 See the synthesis in Papazoglou 1988, p. 189‑203.

30 Strabo, VII, frg. 21 : μετὰ δὲ Ἀξιὸν Ἐχέδωρος ἐν σταδίοις εἴκοσιν· εἶτα Θεσσαλονίκεια Κασάνδρου κτίσμα ἐν ἄλλοις τετταράκοντα καὶ ἡ Ἐγνατία ὁδός. ἐπωνόμασε δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἀπὸ τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικὸς Θεσσαλονίκης, Φιλίππου δὲ τοῦ Ἀμύντου θυγατρός, καθελὼν τὰ ἐν τῇ Κρουσίδι πολίσματα καὶ τὰ ἐν τῷ Θερμαίῳ κόλπῳ περὶ ἓξ καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ συνοικίσας εἰς ἕν· ἡ δὲ μητρόπολις τῆς νῦν Μακεδονίας ἐστί. τῶν δὲ συνοικισθεισῶν ἦν Ἀπολλωνία καὶ Χαλάστρα καὶ Θέρμα καὶ Γαρησκὸς καὶ Αἴνεια καὶ Κισσός.

31 Strabo, VII, frg. 24 : μετὰ τὸν Ἀξιὸν ποταμὸν ἡ Θεσσαλονίκη ἐστὶ πόλις, ἣ πρότερον Θέρμη ἐκαλεῖτο· κτίσμα δ’ ἐστὶ Κασσάνδρου, ὃς ἐπὶ τῷ ὀνόματι τῆς ἑαυτοῦ γυναικός, παιδὸς δὲ Φιλίππου τοῦ Ἀμύντου, ὠνόμασε· μετῴκισε δὲ τὰ πέριξ πολίχνια εἰς αὐτήν, οἷον Χαλάστραν Αἴνειαν Κισσὸν καί τινα καὶ ἄλλα.

32 See above, p.195.

33 On synoikismoi in the Greek world, see Moggi 1976, passim ; on synoikismoi in the early Hellenism, see Landucci Gattinoni 1994, p. 169‑185.

34 On the foundation of Thessaloniki, see Papazoglou 1988, p. 189‑203 ; Carney 1988, p. 134‑142 ; Touratsoglou 1996, p. 176‑181.

35 On the date of Kassandros’ death, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 23‑25.

36 See the lists quoted in Tataki 1998, p. 85‑97 and 178‑189.

37 See Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 199‑202.

38 See Hatzopoulos 1993, p. 576‑577 and n. 11.

39 See the list of names in Tataki 1998, p. 178‑189.

40 On the early use of the ethnic adjective Κασσανδρεῖς, see IG II², 1956, l. 111‑116 (on this inscription, see Fraser 1993, p. 443‑454, in particular p. 445‑449). On the meaning of the term Μακεδόνες, see the brief paper of Anson 1984, p. 67‑68.

41 On this topic, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 98‑101, with ample bibliography.

42 Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 160‑163 and 199‑202.

43 On this topic, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 99‑101.

44 On the war of Antigonos Gonatas against Apollodoros, tyrant of Kassandreia, see Pompeius Trogus, Prol. XXV ; Diodoros, XXII, 5 ; Polyaenos, VI, 7, 1‑2 ; for a synthesis of the war, see now Landucci 2014, p. 168‑175.

45 Livy, XLV, 30, 4.

46 See above in this page.

47 See the list of Thessaloniki’s citizens in Tataki 1998, p. 178‑189.

48 See Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 160‑165.

49 Diodoros, XIX, 61, 1‑2.

50 On the speech by Antigonos, mostly about the freedom and autonomy of the Greeks (Diodoros, XIX, 61, 1‑3), see Billows 1990, p. 113‑116 ; Landucci 2014, p. 46‑49.

51 Diodoros, XIX, 61, 2 : πρὸς δὲ τούτοις (Ἀντίγονος) ἔλεγεν […] ὡς (Κάσανδρος) Ὀλυνθίους ὄντας πολεμιωτάτους Μακεδόνων κατῴκισεν εἰς τὴν ὁμώνυμον ἑαυτοῦ πόλιν. Moreover, « [Antigonos] said that […], although the Olynthians were very bitter enemies of the Macedonians, [Kassandros] had re-established them in a city called by his own name » (translation Geer 1947).

52 See Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 79‑82 ; Landucci Gattinoni 2009, p. 261‑275.

53 Diodoros, XIX, 61, 1 : Ἀντίγονος […] συναγαγὼν τῶν τε στρατιωτῶν καὶ τῶν παρεπιδημούντων κοινὴν ἐκκλησίαν κατηγόρησε Κασάνδρου. « Antigonos […] calling a general assembly of the soldiers and of the aliens who were dwelling there, laid charges against Kassandros » (translation Geer 1947).

54 On the relationship between Olynthos and Macedonia, see Zahrnt 1971, passim ; Beck 1997, p. 146‑162.

55 On Uranopolis’ foundation, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 103‑104.

56 On the biography and bibliography of Alexarchos, see Strabo, VII, frg. 35, (C 331) ; Athenaios, III, 54 (98d-f) ; Pliny, NH IV, 37. On Alexarchos, see Landucci Gattinoni 2003, p. 78‑79.

57 Zahrnt 1971, p. 209‑210 ; Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 201.

58 On the coins of Uranopolis, Kassandreia and Thessaloniki, see Head 1911, p. 203‑214 ; Gaebler 1935, II, p. 52‑55 and 117‑133.

59 On the interest of the Antipatrid clan for an utopian urban planning, linked to Plato’s last works, see Hatzopoulos 1996, I, p. 158‑160.

60 On an archaeological status quaestionis about the alleged site of Uranopolis, see Papangelos 1993, p. 1115‑1173 ; on this city, see the synthesis of Wüst 1961, col. 965‑966.

Auteur

Università Cattolica del Sacro Cuore, Milan

Acheter

Volume papier

lcdpu.fr
Rechercher dans OpenEdition Search

Vous allez être redirigé vers OpenEdition Search