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The Iranian Plateau during the Bronze Age

 | 
Jan-Waalke Meyer
, 
Emmanuelle Vila
, 
Marjan Mashkour
, 
et al.

Production and trade

The contribution of women to trade and production in Elam society

Mina Dabbagh

Résumé

Cet article vise à interroger la situation économique et sociale des femmes dans la société élamite. J’évalue le rôle des femmes dans le contexte de l’économie domestique et urbaine dans le royaume élamite. Le sujet principal de cette recherche est l’étude des activités des femmes dans la production sur la base des textes juridiques et administratifs élamites. Cette recherche se divise en trois parties. La première partie est consacrée à une étude d’archives et de sources épigraphiques. La deuxième partie traite de la place des femmes dans les activités agricoles. La dernière partie interroge le rôle des femmes dans les échanges commerciaux et économiques. Dans cette recherche, je présente des sources épigraphiques d’anciennes publications d’archives élamites fournies par Scheil et publiées dans les “Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse”. J’ai également apporté des corrections dans la transcription et la traduction de ces textes cunéiformes.

Texte intégral

Introduction

1Private archives of the Elamite kingdom provide us with crucial information regarding the roles that women played in Elamite society. The study of the status of women in the local economy can be evaluated according to criteria on the rights of women and their contributions to the domestic economy. The whole of Elamite documentation (economic contracts, accounting documents, etc.) is extremely informative on such issues as: women’s right to conduct transactions (loan, purchase contract, sale of property, etc.) and the maintenance of the female staff in producing various commodities.

The Elamite archives

  • 1 The first evidence of this graphic invention was exhumed during the excavation of Acropolis site ( (...)
  • 2 Vallat suggests that it was imposed by Puzur-Inšušinak at Susa and it had certainly originated fro (...)
  • 3 As Steve explains during this phase a divergence between the Elamite and Mesopotamian cuneiform co (...)

2The Elamite archives have been recorded into several writing system and had passed different phases in its evolution. The history of this evolution makes clear the contribution of writing by applying it into the registration of economic and social affairs in Elamite civilization. The first step of this evolution corresponds to the Proto-Elamite writing system which had been developed at Susa around 3200 BC1. In a second step, linear Elamite – a new pictographically system of writing – appeared at Susa on the inscription of Puzur(Kutik)-Inšušinak2 (contemporary with the last king of Akkad and possibly with the first king of IIIrd Ur dynasty).The third phase of this evolution includes the Mesopotamian and Elamite cuneiform graphic tradition which began from the Akkadian conquest of Elam (2600 BC) and continued its evolution throughout the Achemenid period3.

Source study

3The Elamite archives provide us with information concerning the daily life and economic structure of Elamite society based on agricultural and pastoral origins. Our main knowledge surrounding the daily life of different social classes and gender in this society comes from the juridical and administrative texts and also the archaeological evidences. They supply us with a wide range of information in various spheres:

  • family law (inheritance, adoption, sharing, marriage);
  • trade and transactions law (purchase contracts, sale of goods, rental of fields, loans…);
  • the maintenance of the female staff and the production of goods.

4In this research, the documents studied date from the second half of the third millennium until the first millennium BC. They were discovered at Susa, Kabnak (current Haft‑tape) and Anšan (current Tell-i-Maliyan) [fig.1]. The inscriptions are mostly engraved on tablets, seals, votive offerings and bricks. These materials were derived from different sources such as: literary, juridical, administrative, royal, scholarly writings and funerary inscriptions.

Fig. 1 – Map showing the location of the Elamite sites.

Fig. 1 – Map showing the location of the Elamite sites.

Women and trade

5In order to elucidate the role of women in Elamite society from an economic perspective, it is useful to reconstruct the social and economic structure of the Elamite kingdom. Through the analysis of Elamite juridical sources, we understand the legal processes according to which the acts of transfers of property during the marriage, the inheritance, and the donation were organized. Therefore, it is possible to identify the activities specific to women and certainly in the context of domestic economy. This series of sources is critical to attaining a better understanding of the daily life of the ancient Elamites. Among these documents, the contracts are the most informative in highlighting the part played by women in the context of commercial activities. These economical sources provide us with crucial information about the activities carried out by women in the cycle of domestic and local economy, within which they have a sort of autonomy in resource management. This autonomy was usually exercised in relation to the husband, but also in relation to the family, and then relative to the local society. In the latter case, the women generally had the opportunity to lead their local properties.

Juridical text

6This series of documents consist of a wide variety of economic contracts from various juridical texts that have been excavated at Susa including: sales and purchases, loan, rent, leases, crop-sharing, partnership, renting, contribution, adoption, sharing, and inheritance. In these sources, the women can be involved as seller, purchaser or borrower. They could participate in several types of commercial activities as the owner of the land, orchard, house, field, etc. According to these sources, it can be deduced that women, in civil law, had unrestricted opportunities to take part in legal contracts. They had the right to lend money, foods and livestock.

Sales and purchasing

  • 4 Scheil 1902, no. 6, p. 179‑180.

7Within the juridical texts, one large series of Susiana archives concern the sale and purchasing contracts. There are many examples of these agreements in which the women participate as the major agent. As an example, the following text is a contract of sale from the first millennium BC that has been found at current Mâlamîr/Izeh. In this document, the woman, Šutbuni, sells an orchard with a house, to Ḫuner for the price of 4 Shekel (1 shekel [GÍN; šiqlu] is equal 8.33 g) of silver. Šutbuni had received this house as an inheritance4 (fig. 2).

  • 5 Certainly Kisim is the name of a place but its localization isn’t known. Scheil reconstructed the (...)
  • 6 According to the indications in the text, it is possible to restore the name of the woman [Šutbuni(...)
  • 7 CAD. N/1, p. 345‑346; in the texts of juridical acts of Susa, the expression i-na na-ar-a-ma-ti-šu(...)
  • 8 According to Elamite juridical documents, the contexts suggest that tahhubu is a legal technical t (...)
  • 9 In Elam, the nail-mark (ú-pur), of PN (written on the edge of the tablet) is used to identify the (...)
  • 10 Transcription: 1) GIŠ.KIRI6 šà Ki-si-im […] 2) šà Ka-ar-in-ri[…] 3) šà Ku-ul-li-li NU.[KIRI6] 4) z (...)

81) An orchard of Kisim5 […] 2) in which Kar-inri […] 3) in which Kullili are gardeners, 4) part of the inheritance of [Šutbuni]6 5) next to (field of) Kuli-meten […] 6) the woman Šutbuni willingly, 7) in her free will7, 8) the orchard with the house 9) to Huner has sold 10) for its total price, 11) 4 shekel of silver, he weighed and has bought. 12) There is neither ransom nor guarantee (for orchard). 13) The complete price is paid. If the orchard is claimed.14) Šutbuni, 15) with her sons and her daughters 16) stands for8. 17) Who will contest, by the name of Šalla and dInšušinak, has sworn! 18) In front of dŠamaš, in front of dRuhuratir 19) in front of Šaḫruru, son of Teptianwar 20) in front of Rišbaratu, of his household 21) in front of Kidinḫutaš, son of Putiti 22) in front of fŠukkutuk, daughter of Amma[…], 23) in front of fPirupi, daughter of At[…] 24) in front of Šammama, scribe 25) their nail9 mark10.

9We observe that in commercial transactions related to the transfer of real estate (sale and purchase); women could be owners, as it is the case in this example. Here, Šutbuni has a property coming from an inheritance. On the other hand she has children but her husband is not mentioned in the text, so presumably she might be a widow who assumes the position of head of the family. In cases in which the sale contract is established for the benefit of an owner woman, most witnesses of these acts are women. In this document, Šukkutuk, daughter of Amma[…] and Pirupi, daughter of At[…] participate as a witnesses with other 3 men.

Fig. 2 – Tablet with a juridical text (Scheil 1902, no. 6, p. 179‑180, pl. XXIl).

Fig. 2 – Tablet with a juridical text (Scheil 1902, no. 6, p. 179‑180, pl. XXIl).

Lease

  • 11 Scheil 1930, no. 90, p. 104.

10Another tablet from a series known as Mâlāmir/Izeh texts dated to the period of the Sukkalmah dynasty (1970‑1600 BC), demonstrates a lease contract11. It reveals that the women Tettê, has leased a field. Damiq-Šušinak had taken this field and paid her its rental in sesame and lentil and one half shekel (1 shekel is equal 8.33 g) of silver. In this sale contract, the woman Apindulti, who is neighbor of Tettê, participate in this legal act as a witness.

  • 12 The Akkadian equivalent for NUMUN is “zēru” that means “acreage” (measured on the basis of the amo (...)
  • 13 u-un-nu-un should be a name of a canal for irrigation.
  • 14 The month of La-an-lu-bi-e or La-lu-bi-e in Elam is equal to Tašrîtu; see Herrero and Glassner 199 (...)
  • 15 Transcription: 1) A.ŠÀ 150 NUMUN-šu [PAL …] úr? ta […] 2) [ma]-aš-qi-it PA6 u-un-nu-u[n?-nu] 3) D (...)

111) A Field12 of 150 sown area, [section …]; 2) the irrigation canal Ḫunnunnu13; 3) next to fApin-dulti 4) and next to Lišlimuni 5) (with her) favor fTettê, from Damiq-Šušinak has leased, 6) (in accordance with the condition of contract) “collect and takeaway!” pure sesame and lentil, 7) 2 shekel ½ of silver he paid her. 8) In the month of Lanlube14, in period of GAL, 9) he paid the money and hired the field. 10) (If) the field is claimed (by who has right); 11) in her domain and in the third section, 12) the stake is stuck. In front of Šamaš, In front of Inšušinak.13) in front of Inzumena14) in front of Yadu-dIšmekarab-Išmeani 15) son of Ali-dIrak, in front of fApindulti 16) in front of Abwaqar, scribe 17) in front of 9 witnesses (!); 18) they swore by the name of Šušinak and dIšme-karab; 19) that whoever will trans[gress], he [will measure] 20) 10 GUR of barley15.

Inheritance

  • 16 As it’s the same case in the first example in which, the women Šutbuni sells an orchard with a hou (...)
  • 17 Scheil 1930, no. 130, p. 141‑142.

12It is understood from a series of documents date back to the period of Sukkalmah dynasty (1970‑1600 BC), that women became owners through donations and inheritance in the context of family connections16. One example is the text published by Scheil, in which the woman, Šamaš-nûri, became the owner of the real estate by way of its donation by her father-in-law17. He gave her the part ownership of a buildings and the field.

  • 18 1 SAR is equal to 35.3 m2.
  • 19 Bâb-kinu, possibly here refers to one sector of the city. Scheil consider it as a personal name bu (...)
  • 20 L. 1‑11: 1) ½ SAR É.DÙ.A 2) šà Ba-ab ki-nu 3) Ta-ù-ú 4) a-na f-d UTU-nu-[ri kal(?)]-la-ti-šu 5) [i(...)

131) Half SAR18 of built property, of Bâb-kinu19, Tauiu, to fŠamaš-nûri, her daughter-in-law (?), 5) gave; the field of “barber”, he gave to her; 2 SAR of built property (of) […] 10) he gave (them) to her. In front of dŠamaš, in front of Šušinak (…)20.

Loan

  • 21 Scheil 1932, no. 272, p. 137‑138.

14According to a group of Elamite sources concerning the loan, we find out that women have taken the loans to undertake some activities like as agriculture as will be seen from the two following examples, published by Scheil. In the first document, Waqartu-ummašu with Libluṭa has taken 10 shekel of silver from Warad-Martu, for two years. They will return the loan with eventual benefits to the investor21.

  • 22 CAD A/1, p. 182a.

15Face: 1) X mines 10 shekel of silver for two years, fWaqartu-ummašu has taken. X silver (shekel) of Warad-Martu (in loan), Waqartu et Libluṭa have tak[en. 5) In the month of Š]abaṭu, they have taken the silver. Whether they put it on deposit or they make loan of it, the creditor isn’t liable for payment to the city quarter or for attack during the overland transportation. They will return the money to the investor22, 10) and if there are benefits, they shall share equally.

  • 23 L. 1‑10, Face: 1) …[ma-na] 10 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR šà 2 MU 2) … W]a-qar-tu-ùm-ma-šu li-qa-at-[ma] 3) … (...)

16Back: 1) They will not appeal to the privilege and regulations (with regard to his debts) 2) In front of Šamaš and Inšušinak, they swore (…)23.

  • 24 Scheil 1932, no. 273, p. 138‑139.

17The second text investigates an exchange between a woman Šuriya and Warad-martu. fŠuriya take the loan from Šamaš and Warad-martu. She will return the loan and they will share eventual benefits. She confides a field of 1 GUR seeding to him. Thus he can do agriculture there and he will compensate. Both of them can harvest its respective share. As seen, this document shows two acts, one concern the loan and another is related to share farming24.

18Face: 1) One half mine silver, according to the stone weight of the city of Ḫu[ḫnur], 2) the hands of the god Šamaš and Warad-(martu), 3) fŠuriya has taken. 4) She will return the money to her owner, 5) and if there are benefits, equally (they shall share). 6) A field of 1 GUR of seeding, section IGI URU.KI, 7) in which she enjoys in common with Temmimi, she surrenders it 8‑9) to Warad-martu: their exploitation […] he will provide (...).

19Back: 1) In front of Kiri-(?) […] 2) in front of Kulu […] 3) in front of Ḫabilki […] 4) in front of Usitutu in front of […] 5) in front of Ṭabṣilili 6) in front of Belikua scribe in front of […] 7) the name of Ruḥuratir and Ik (?) […] 8‑9) who transgress, their hands and his/her tongue will be cut, 10‑11) the shrine of Ruḥuratir, he/she profaned, and 6 mines of silver he/she will pay.

  • 25 Face: 1) ½ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR NA4 URU kiu-[…] 2) SILIM dUTUùmÌR.d[MAR …] 3) […] fŠu-ri-ya il-[qi …] (...)

20Margin: nail Šuriya25.

  • 26 See here “Sales and purchasing” § 2 and “Lease” § 2.

21At Susa, most of the engagements have been contracted under the auspices of the gods. In these contracts, the oath is generally taken by Šušinak, the great national god, and by Išme-karab, one of the favorite goddess in this region. On the other hand, the Elamite juridical transactions have been carried out in front of witnesses, sometimes several. Among them, women are often present26. In such cases the legal contracts demonstrate a sort of domestic autonomy belonging to the women, which are linked certainly to the economic autonomy based on the civil law within the Elamite juridical system.

Women in the production and service activities

  • 27 Scheil 1913, p. 102.

22The administrative texts, including accounting documents, describe details about the maintenance staff and the production of consumer goods. These sources are also relevant to ration distribution to workers. In this series of documents, the majority of women appear as workers who receive remuneration. They show us those women workers employed in various fields; for example: textile production (women weavers), agriculture and distribution (of water, etc.)27. Other administrative texts document the transfer of female staff between services managed by men. These administrative records regarding accounting are the only sources that reflect these elements of social history of the Elamites.

  • 28 SAG.DUB signifies high-quality laborer the Akkadian equivalent is qaqqadu “self”, CAD Q, p. 106.

23The Elamite administrative documents indicate the income of persons for various professions: doctor, cook, cupbearer, fountain-maker, barber, carpenter, messenger, musician, and reaper, etc. The sign in the head of the name, in case of workers’ wages, indicate a degree of the salary rates. The salary is calculated monthly on the basis of 30 days. The first group of labors worked 30 days (GURUŠ SAG.DUB28). The other group of workers completed 15 work days and they were paid the half rate salary (Á 1/2). A third category of labors provided only 10 days, per month. This is one way to reduce the labor force at the day unit. Based on the expression Á = kiru, we are able to distinguish between the work done and the salary. They are different types of rations: barley and wool (ŠE.BA, SÌG.BA); barley, wool and garment (ŠE.BI, SÌG.BI, TÚG.BI). The determinative used for women worker is GÉME and for male workers the term applied is GURUŠ. In accordance with the above, we observe the various professional terms for the female personnel, for example: miller (GÉME.ARÁ); weaver (GÉME UŠ.BAR); water carrier (GÉME DUG.A.GUB.BA); pastry (GÉME.ŠIM), etc.

Women and agriculture

  • 29 Scheil 1932, p. 87.

24In the sphere of agriculture, women can own property and work on their own farm or the farm of someone else, as in following examples. These two fragments belong to the series of tablets founded at various levels in different parts of Susa acropolis, during the excavations between 1898 and 1910. This series dates back to the period of the Akkadian dynasty at Susa. According to Legrain, the form of the writing are reminiscent of both the style of the obelisk of Maništusu, and also of the previously-known tablets of Naràm-Sin and Šar-kali-šarri29. In the first text, the woman, Qišti, cultivates and operates the field for a man, Temmimi, but unfortunately, her salary is not mentioned.

  • 30 The term of SÌLA was the basic small capacity measure of Babylonian, but it seems have been export (...)
  • 31 L. 1‑11: 1) mTa-ri-ba-tu […] 2) i-na ṭu-[ba-ti-šu] 3) i-na na-ar a-ma-[ti-šu] 4) IGI Sin-i-di-na K (...)

251) mTaribatu, in her free will, and freedom of her soul, in front of Sin-Idina, Kišti, Šu[…], 5) took the waters and he rented irrigation. It will raise the waters, and 150 SÌLA30 of seeding, in the third sector, which the woman Kišti cultivate for Temmimi, 10[… of ba]rley, related to operating the field, 10) he will receive 10 (shekel?) of silver for his expenses (…)31.

26In another fragment of a juridical text, the woman, Waqrutu, cultivates and harvests barley of the field, according to the contract with mŠušinak-ṣilli. It is not known how much fWaqrutu is paid as wage:

  • 32 LÚ (Sumerian); immeru (Akkadian) signify sheep, see CAD I, p. 133. According to Scheil, one shekel (...)

27Face: 1) The field of mŠušinak-šar-mati, mŠušinak-ṣilli will cultivate it; fWaqrutu will collect the barley of the field, 4‑5) in relation with the exploitation of field, mŠušinak-šar-mati will measure to mŠušinak-ṣilli 16 GUR of barley, and he will pay him one and half shekel and a fifth shekel of silver32 8) In front of dŠamaš, in front of dŠušinak 9) in front of dEa-mali, in front of Niq-ili.

  • 33 1) A.ŠÀ šà dMÚŠ.EREN-[šar]-ma-ti 2) m‑dMÙŠ.EREN-íl-lí i-[ri]-iš-ma 3) še-a-am šà A.ŠÀ Wa-aq-ru-tu (...)

28Back: 1) in front of Ikišunu, in front of Ambilu 2) in front of Ibni-dEa-šarru 3) in front of Kuiaû, in front of Atkalû 4) in front of Damkia, the scribe 14) the name of Šušinak et Išme-karab33.

Various professions of women

  • 34 This example also, belongs to the same group of tablets, coming from the various levels in differe (...)
  • 35 In this fragment indicating the list of salary of workers (monthly rations), the sign GAB, means h (...)

29An administrative text34 gives us information concerning the monthly expense of barley (ŠE), salary and nourishment of artisans (the men, women and child workers are organized per group under the orders of UGULA), the animals and slaves. This extensive staff consists of 471 men, 482 women (children included), 14 teams, 30 sheep, 12 dogs, excluding the slaves (ARAD.É). They worked in the house of the governor “ÉNSI”. This document provides us the different activities and professions that women occupied such as: weaver, pastry, water carrier, miller and GAB (old woman)35 (fig. 3).

Fig. 3 – Tablet with an administrative text (Scheil 1913, no. 71, p. 102‑107, pl. I).

Fig. 3 – Tablet with an administrative text (Scheil 1913, no. 71, p. 102‑107, pl. I).

30“… 41girls (years), ration of barley: 12 GUR 220 SÌLA, weaver women, responsible …, Da-beli, 5 young persons with 20 SÌLA, 49 women with 30, (and) 18 supplements (?) of 10, 12 girls with 20, ration of barley: 6 GUR 190 SÌLA, water carrier women, responsible Izubu. … 34 women with 30 SÌLA, (and) 10 supplements (?) of 10, 16 girls with 20 SÌLA, 4 old women with 20 SÌLA, ration of barley: 8 GUR 150 SÌLA, miller women, responsible Sida, …, 9 women with 30 SÌLA, 1 girl with 20 SÌLA, ration of barley: 2 GUR less than 10 SÌLA, miller women, responsible Išma-kar, …, 19 women with 30 SÌLA, 10 supplements (?) of 10, 10 girls with 20 SÌLA, 1 old women with 20 SÌLA, ration of barley: 3 GUR 100 SÌLA, miller women, responsible Lula, …, 5 women with 30 SÌLA, ration of barley: 270 SÌLA, responsible Ukîn-ilu, …, 3 women with 30 SÌLA, ration of barley: 110 SÌLA, responsible Mamatum, 1 woman with 30 SÌLA, ration of barley: 270 SÌLA, responsible Aḫu … tum, pastry chef, 6 women with 30 SÌLA, 2 girls with 20 SÌLA, ration of barley: 220 SÌLA, doorkeeper of women 3, …” (tab. 1).

Table 1 – Women functions (professional context).

Table 1 – Women functions (professional context).

Conclusion

31The present analysis leads us to the following conclusions:

  • a division of labor between men and women based on their skills is (more or less) assumed. Furthermore, the women did not only take part in the domestic activities (food, clothing); on the contrary, they participated in many other socio-economic activities;
  • the wealth levels of women are high, and their degree of autonomy is broad. In this condition a woman can manage the organization of her property by herself or with members of her family;
  • Susa was a city having a population of mixed origin and language, in giving insight into many different aspects or society. As Scheil proposes, Susa was an urban society very inserted into the exchange economy and production, as well as in the domestic and family context and social sphere. This economic system requires an important monetization of exchange, even if the metal currency (coin) does not exist itself.

32The texts examined here provide a unique insight into the many roles that women played within the framework of society in Elam from the 3rd to the 1st millennia BC. Women clearly were considered as an important part of the socio-economic framework of the society and there is a substantial body of documentation that reveals the details of their daily life and their part within society as a whole. Further work will be done to analyze a series of specific case studies in order to elaborate on the lives of Elamite women.

Bibliographie

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Herrero P. and Glassner J.J. 1991, “Haft-tépé: choix de textes II”, Iranica Antiqua 26, p. 39‑80.

Malbran-Labat F. 1995, Les inscriptions royales de Suse. Briques de l'époque paléo-élamite à l’empire néo-élamite, Paris.

Powell M.A. 1990, “Masse und Gewichte”, Reallexikon der Assyriologie 7 (1987‑1990), p. 457‑517.

Scheil V. 1902, Texte élamite-sémitiques, IIe série, Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse IV, Paris.

Scheil V. 1911, Textes élamites-Anzanites, IVe série, Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse XI, Paris.

Scheil V. 1913, Textes élamites-sémitiques, Ve série, Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse XIV, Paris.

Scheil V. 1930, Actes Juridiques Susiens (de n° 1 à n° 165), Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse XXII, Paris.

Scheil V. 1932, Actes Juridiques Susiens (suite: n° 166 à n° 327), Mémoires de la Délégation en Perse XXIII, Paris.

Schwenzner W. 1914, Altbabylonisches Wirtschaftsleben: Studien über Wirtschaftsbetrieb, Preise, Darlehen und Agrarverhältnisse, Mitteilungen der Vorderasiatischen Gesellschaft XIX, p. 3.

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Notes

1 The first evidence of this graphic invention was exhumed during the excavation of Acropolis site (Acropolis I) in Susa and revealed the steps in its invention. In Iran, the second phase of pictography corresponds to cultural changes dating back to 3000‑2700 BC. We also find the traces of these changes within archaeological evidence: habitat modification, construction and orientation of houses, pottery, etc. (Steve 1992, p. 3; Vallat 1971, p. 235‑245; Vallat 1973, p. 93‑107).

2 Vallat suggests that it was imposed by Puzur-Inšušinak at Susa and it had certainly originated from Iranian Plateau (Vallat 1986, p. 339‑347). The excavation by Ali Hakemi at Shahdad, in Kerman has unearthed inscriptions engraved on the pottery in which the Proto-Elamite signs coexist with the linear Elamite writing (Hakemi 1976; Scheil 1911, no. 88).

3 As Steve explains during this phase a divergence between the Elamite and Mesopotamian cuneiform continues through the development of graphic tradition in Elam (Steve 1992, p. 4‑6).

4 Scheil 1902, no. 6, p. 179‑180.

5 Certainly Kisim is the name of a place but its localization isn’t known. Scheil reconstructed the damaged part of the name: ki-si-im-[ma-ra-tu].

6 According to the indications in the text, it is possible to restore the name of the woman [Šutbuni] and it is understood that the share of orchard heritage belongs to her.

7 CAD. N/1, p. 345‑346; in the texts of juridical acts of Susa, the expression i-na na-ar-a-ma-ti-šu(-ši) is often observed instead of i-na a-ma-ti-šu(-ši).

8 According to Elamite juridical documents, the contexts suggest that tahhubu is a legal technical term. The reading taūmu was based on using the value me4 for the BE in this word. The single instance written ta-a-mu is most likely a mistake for ta-u-be. CAD. T, p. 50.

9 In Elam, the nail-mark (ú-pur), of PN (written on the edge of the tablet) is used to identify the contract and it indicates the presence of the witnesses, CAD. Ṣ, p. 251.

10 Transcription: 1) GIŠ.KIRI6 šà Ki-si-im […] 2) šà Ka-ar-in-ri[…] 3) šà Ku-ul-li-li NU.[KIRI6] 4) zi-it-tu šà f[Šu-ut-bu-ni] 5) DA Ku-li-me-te-en-[…] 6) fŠu-ut-bu-ni i-na u-[ba-ti-šu] 7) i-na na-ar-a-ma-ti-šà 8) GIŠ.KIRI6 DA É-DÙ.A a-na ší-mi 9) a-na u-ne-ir id-di-in 10) a-na ší-mi-šu ga-am-ru-ti 11) 4 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR iš-qu-ul-ma i-šà-am 12) ù-ul ip-ì-ru ù-ul ma-an-za-za-nu 13) ší-mu ga-am-ru GIŠ.KIRI6 ib-ba-aq-qar 14) fŠu-ut-bu-ni qa-du 15) DUMU.MEŠ-šà ù DUMU.MUNUS.MEŠ-šà 16) a-na ta-a-u-me4 šà-ki-in 17) šà BAL MU Šal-la ù dMÚŠ.EREN it-mu 18) IGI dUTU IGI dRu-u-ra-te-i 19) IGI Ša-a-ru-ru DUMU Te-ip-ti-un-wa-ar 20) IGI Ri-iš-ba-ra-tu šà ne-še-šu 21) IGI Ki-di-u-ut-ta-aš DUMU Pu-ut-ti-ti 22) IGI fPi-ru-pi DUMU.MUNUS At […] 23) IGI Šu-um-ma-ma DUB.SAR 24‑25) ú-pur-šu-nu.

11 Scheil 1930, no. 90, p. 104.

12 The Akkadian equivalent for NUMUN is “zēru” that means “acreage” (measured on the basis of the amount of seed required), arable land, CAD‑Z, p. 92.

13 u-un-nu-un should be a name of a canal for irrigation.

14 The month of La-an-lu-bi-e or La-lu-bi-e in Elam is equal to Tašrîtu; see Herrero and Glassner 1991, p. 79‑80.

15 Transcription: 1) A.ŠÀ 150 NUMUN-šu [PAL …] úr? ta […] 2) [ma]-aš-qi-it PA6 u-un-nu-u[n?-nu] 3) DA fA-pi-in-du-ul-ti 4) ù DA Li-iš-li-mu-ni 5) SILIM fTe-it-te-e mDa-mi-iq dMÚŠ.EREN [ú]-še-i 6) a-na e-sí-ip ta-ba-al a-na še-im ŠE.GIŠ.Ì ù GÚ.TUR? 7) 2 ½ GÍN KÙ.BABBAR iš-qú-ul 8) [ITU La-an-lu]-bi-e šà PAL GAL 9) [KÙ.BABBAR iš-qú-ul] A.ŠÀ ú-še-i 10) A.ŠÀ ib-ba-qar-ma 11) [i-na] É.DÙ.A-ti-šà ù PAL 3 [KAM?] 12) GAG ma-a-at IGI dUTU IGI dMÚŠ.[EREN] 13) IGI In-zu-um-me-en-na 14) IGI Ya-a-du IGI dIš-me-ka-ra-ab-[Iš-me-an-ni] 15) DUMU A-di-Ir-ra-ak IGI fA-pi-[in du-ul-ti] 16) IGI A-bu wa-qar DUB.SAR 17) IGI 9 AB.BA.MEŠ an-nu-ti 18) MU dMÚŠ.EREN ù dIš-me ka-ra-ab 19) šà ib-ba-la-ak-[ka-tu] 20) 10 GUR še-[am i-ma-da-ad].

16 As it’s the same case in the first example in which, the women Šutbuni sells an orchard with a house that she had received this house as an inheritance (see here “Sales and purchasing” § 1 and 2).

17 Scheil 1930, no. 130, p. 141‑142.

18 1 SAR is equal to 35.3 m2.

19 Bâb-kinu, possibly here refers to one sector of the city. Scheil consider it as a personal name but I think that it might be a zone in the city.

20 L. 1‑11: 1) ½ SAR É.DÙ.A 2) šà Ba-ab ki-nu 3) Ta-ù-ú 4) a-na f-d UTU-nu-[ri kal(?)]-la-ti-šu 5) [i]-di-iš-zi 6) A.ŠÀ šà ga-la-bi 7) i-di-iš-zi 8) 2 SAR É.DÙ.A […] 9) ta […] an ti […] 10) i-[di-iš]-zi 11) IGI d[UTU] IGI dMÚŠ.EREN (…).

21 Scheil 1932, no. 272, p. 137‑138.

22 CAD A/1, p. 182a.

23 L. 1‑10, Face: 1) …[ma-na] 10 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR šà 2 MU 2) … W]a-qar-tu-ùm-ma-šu li-qa-at-[ma] 3) … KÙ.BABBAR SILIM ÌR dMar-tu 4) Wa-q]ar-tu ù Li-ib-lu-a il-[qu-ú 5) … Š]a-ba-i KÙ.BABBAR il-qu-u 6) i-qi]-ip-pu-ni i-zi-bu-ni-im-ma 7) a-na] ba-ab-ti ù ši-i-i [KASKAL] 8) um-m]a-nu ú-ul šu-u-uz 9) KÙ.BABBAR um-m]a-ni i-pa-lu-ma 10) ni-me-lam ib]-ba-aš-šu ma-al-la a-ma-mi; Back: 1) i-zu-zu ki]-di-nam ù ku-bu-uz-za-[nam] 2) ú-ul ú]-ma-a-a-ru IGI dUTU IGI dMÚŠ.EREN (...).

24 Scheil 1932, no. 273, p. 138‑139.

25 Face: 1) ½ ma-na KÙ.BABBAR NA4 URU kiu-[…] 2) SILIM dUTUùmÌR.d[MAR …] 3) […] fŠu-ri-ya il-[qi …] 4) KÙ.BABBAR be-el-šu i-ip-pa-al-[ma? ...] 5) ne-me-lamib-ba-aš-šu ma-al-la a-ma-[mi-iš i-zu-uz-zu] 6) A.ŠÀ 1 GUR NUMUN-šu BAL IGI URU.KI 7) šàit-ti mTe-im-mi-mi i-ka-lu-[ma …] 8) a-na mÌR.dMARta-ap-qí-is-su 9) du-ul-la-[šu-nu u-ba-al …], Back: 1) IGI Ki-ri […] 2) IGI Ku-lu […] 3) IGI a-bil-ki-[…] 4) IGI U-si-Tu-tu IGI […] 5) IGI à-ab-íl-lí-li 6) IGI Be-li-ku-u-a DUB.SAR IGI […] 7) MU dRu-u-ra-ti-ir ù I[k? …] 8) šàib-ba-la-ak-ka-tu ri-[it-ta-šu] 9) ù li-šà-aš-šu i-na-[ki-su] 10) ki-di-en dRu-u-ra-[te-ir il-pu-ut?] 11) ù 6 ma-na KÙ.BABBAR [GÍN] Edge: ú-pur fŠu-ri-ya.

26 See here “Sales and purchasing” § 2 and “Lease” § 2.

27 Scheil 1913, p. 102.

28 SAG.DUB signifies high-quality laborer the Akkadian equivalent is qaqqadu “self”, CAD Q, p. 106.

29 Scheil 1932, p. 87.

30 The term of SÌLA was the basic small capacity measure of Babylonian, but it seems have been exported via the cuneiform system to the other area and societies; see Powell, p. 457‑517. For area measured in , see CAD Q, p. 290.

31 L. 1‑11: 1) mTa-ri-ba-tu […] 2) i-na ṭu-[ba-ti-šu] 3) i-na na-ar a-ma-[ti-šu] 4) IGI Sin-i-di-na Ki-[iš-ti] Šu[…] 5) mê-e [il]-qi 6) mê-e ú-še-el-li-ma 7) 150 [T]A.A.AN NUMUN PAL 3 tu[…] 8) šà fKi-iš-tiip-šu 9) …še]-a-am pi-il-[ki] A.ŠÀ-li 10) i-[li-iq-qi] 11) ù 10 GÍN KÙ.BABBAR ma-na-ḫa-[ti] (…), Scheil 1932, no. 242, p. 103‑104.

32 LÚ (Sumerian); immeru (Akkadian) signify sheep, see CAD I, p. 133. According to Scheil, one shekel and ¾ silver in this period, was indeed the equivalent of the price of one sheep, see Scheil 1932, no. 243, p. 105, cf. Schwenzner 1914, p. 3.

33 1) A.ŠÀ šà dMÚŠ.EREN-[šar]-ma-ti 2) m‑dMÙŠ.EREN-íl-lí i-[ri]-iš-ma 3) še-a-am šà A.ŠÀ Wa-aq-ru-tu i-te-zi-ib 4) 16 GUR še-a-am pi-il-ki-e A.ŠÀ 5) dMÚŠ.EREN-šar-ma-ti 6) a-na dMÚŠ.EREN-í-[] i-mà-da-ad 7) ù 1 ½ IGI 5 GAL GÍN KÙ.BABBAR šài-na-di-in 8) IGI dUTU IGI dMÚŠ.EREN 9) IGI dE.Ami-li IGI Ni-[…] a-an 10) IGI I-ki-šu-ni IGI Am-[bi]-lu 11) IGI Ib-ni dE.Ašar-[ru] 12) IGI Ku-ia-ù-ù IGI At-ka-lu-lu 13) IGI Dam-ki-ia DUB.SAR 14) MU dMÚŠ.EREN ù dIš-me-ka-ra-ab, Scheil 1932, no. 243, p. 105.

34 This example also, belongs to the same group of tablets, coming from the various levels in different parts of Susa acropolis. They were founded during the excavations between 1898 and 1910. Scheil 1913, no. 71, p. 102‑107.

35 In this fragment indicating the list of salary of workers (monthly rations), the sign GAB, means here the old woman who is responsible to crush barley (ašâlu ša šêim), to prepare food (GAB.GAB = epȗ, cuire,) for team of 6 workers. Her own salary was 10 SÌLA per month. Here, it seems that GAB is an abbreviated form of Á.GAB-A.ME which means “those who distribute salary”, Scheil 1913, p. 73‑74.

Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 1 – Map showing the location of the Elamite sites.
URL http://books.openedition.org/momeditions/docannexe/image/8136/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 525k
Titre Fig. 2 – Tablet with a juridical text (Scheil 1902, no. 6, p. 179‑180, pl. XXIl).
URL http://books.openedition.org/momeditions/docannexe/image/8136/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 805k
Titre Fig. 3 – Tablet with an administrative text (Scheil 1913, no. 71, p. 102‑107, pl. I).
URL http://books.openedition.org/momeditions/docannexe/image/8136/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 911k
Titre Table 1 – Women functions (professional context).
URL http://books.openedition.org/momeditions/docannexe/image/8136/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/jpeg, 188k

Auteur

Université Lumière Lyon 2, UMR 5133-Archéorient, Maison de l’Orient et de la Méditerranée, 7 rue Raulin, 69007 Lyon

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