“All the wealth of the world will be in your hands”
A vision of the Red Sea in the early 16th century through the Letters of Afonso de Albuquerque (1513)
p. 19-34
Résumés
Intended to provide accurate knowledge of the Red Sea at the dawn of the 16th century, the Letters of Afonso de Albuquerque (1452‑1515), appointed first governor of the “Estado da Índia” (1509‑1515) do not deal exclusively with the commercial and geopolitical dynamics of the region. In spite of the significance of these issues, they also contain valuable geographical descriptions of the insular world and the shores of the Red Sea (“Mar Roxo”), explored in 1513 by Albuquerque in his attempt to conquer Aden. This article examines the most significant information about this area – coastal morphologies, ports, anchorages –, navigation practices and political geography, reported in the wake of the 1513 campaign, which, as it should be recalled, intended to gather strategic information to block the entrance of the Red Sea, which was largely dominated by the Mamluk sultanate, the fierce enemy of the Portuguese, at the beginning of the 16th century.
Véritable somme des connaissances sur la mer Rouge à l’aube du xvie siècle, les Lettres d’Afonso de Albuquerque (1452‑1515), premier gouverneur de l’« Estado da Índia » (1509‑1515), ne traitent pas seulement des dynamiques commerciales et géopolitiques de la région. Elles comportent également de précieuses descriptions géographiques du monde insulaire et des rives du « Mar Roxo », explorées par l’escadre d’Albuquerque lors de sa tentative de s’emparer d’Aden en 1513. Le présent article se proposera d’examiner les informations les plus significatives sur ces espaces – la morphologie des côtes, les ports, les mouillages –, les pratiques de navigation et les aspects de géographie politique, reportés dans la foulée de la campagne de 1513, qui, il faut le rappeler, visait à recueillir des informations stratégiques en vue de bloquer l’entrée de la mer Rouge, largement dominée par le sultanat mamelouk, adversaire principal des Portugais au début du xvie siècle.
Entrées d’index
Mots-clés : mer Rouge, Portugal, Albuquerque, géographie, port, navigation, époque moderne
Keywords : Red Sea, Portugal, Albuquerque, geography, harbour, navigation, Modern Period
Texte intégral
1Of all the seas crossed at the dawn of the 16th century, the Red Sea held a privileged place in the European imaginary. Already known in the ancient Mediterranean world as the privileged route to India,1 it owes much of our awareness of it to cartography. Several traditions brought it to the fore and inspired an immense amount of its representations. One of the most significant representations was the Cosmography of Ptolemy (2nd century AD) which led to multiple variants throughout the medieval period up to the Renaissance. The Commentaire sur l’Apocalypse (ca 1028‑1060) of Beatus de Liébana, and the Polychronicon of Ranulf Higden (14th century), offer two examples of how medieval charts explored different forms of depiction.2 On the other hand, if the Chronologia magna of Paulin of Venice (1329) emphasized the Red Sea’s functionality as a spice route,3 its importance was also due to its proximity to the Christian Holy Places and the Sinai Peninsula, whose name carries strong connotations of the place of biblical revelations.
2In the aftermath of the Crusades, after the fall of Saint John of Acre (1291), the Christian kingdoms scrambled to find an ally to challenge the Muslim power in the Levant. The dissemination of political writings advocating strategies for destroying Islam such as La flor des Estoires des parties de l’Orient of Héthoum of Korykos (1307) and De modo sarracenos extirpandi of William Adam (1319) also revived the myths regarding a landlocked Christianity, ready to help Christendom in its fight. Ruled by a mysterious Prester John, this Christian sovereignty was thought to be located somewhere in Asian lands – possibly in Cathay. In the same period, Abyssinian embassies to Europe, such as the one to the Avignon pope in 1310, also contributed to crystallising Cathay’s mythological figure of Prester John into the “Nǝgus nagašt” of Ethiopia.4
3By the end of the 15th century, the legendary Christian kingdom of Prester John was thought to be located on the edge of the Red Sea. In 1488, in order to initiate relations with Ethiopia through West Africa or Egypt, King D. João II of Portugal had brought the Ethiopian priest Lucas Marcos from Rome to Lisbon, and Majjrcos then set out to Ethiopia with letters from the Portuguese monarch. Although Lucas’s mission failed, between 1488 and 1512 several emissaries were sent to the Red Sea in search of Prester John.5
4In 1497‑1498, the Portuguese circumnavigation of Africa and the establishment of the Indian route around the Cape of Good Hope did not reduce Portuguese interest in the Red Sea. In reality quite the opposite happened, essentially for ideological and politico‑military reasons. Undeniably, D. Manuel, as a true representative of the medieval European millenarians, believed in the providential mission of Portugal in eradicating Islam. This spiritual aim included the conquest of the Christian Holy Places situated in Syria‑Palestine, but his personal ambition was also tinted by more secular objectives. His coronation as “universal emperor” in Jerusalem should be followed by a massive attack on the Mamluk sultanate in Egypt, a religious adversary but above all an economic rival in the redistribution of Indian spices on the European market.6 This anachronistic crusade ideology is clearly displayed in the sovereign’s letter from March 1506, addressed to cardinal Jiménez Cisneros, archbishop of Toledo. The letter strongly highlights the strategic and military importance of the Sinai Peninsula, and of St Catherine of Mount Sinai’s monastery, considered by the monarch as a suitable rear base for undertaking the offensive against the Egyptian Mamluk sultanate.7
5The conquest of the Red Sea and the concomitant destruction of the two Muslim holy cities, Mecca and Medina, were two fundamental steps towards the realisation of this plan. On the other hand, the 1507‑1509 assault on Diu (the port of Gujarat coveted by the Portuguese), by the armada of the Mamluk admiral ‘Āmir Husayn al‑Kurdī, strengthened D. Manuel’s intention to destroy Egypt and thus to prevent the Mamluk from launching a new expedition into the Indian Ocean.
6The king’s political and military strategy was executed by Afonso de Albuquerque, appointed governor of the “Estado da Índia” (the Portuguese empire in Asia) in 1509. Following his three military victories over Hormuz (1507), Malacca (1511), and Goa (1510), the “key to all India”,8 the Governor, a fervent supporter of D. Manuel’s imperial ideology, turned to the Red Sea. The domination of this region implied not only contact with Prester John but also the conquest of Aden, the port of trade in command of the efficient network connecting southeast and south Asia to the Red Sea, and beyond it, to the Mediterranean.9
7In order to collect information about Prester John and the kingdom of Ethiopia while he was returning from his expedition to Hormuz in April 1508, Afonso de Albuquerque sent three men ashore near Faylak, close to Cape Guardafui.10 Commanded by Francisco de Távora, the three pathfinders reached their destination, and four and a half years later, Albuquerque hosted a certain Mateus in Goa, who declared himself to be an ambassador of Prester John, seeking Portuguese help. Mateus, who requested to be sent to Lisbon, was conveying some presents and a letter from queen Elēni, who ruled the kingdom during the minority of the young “Nǝgus” Lebna Dengel.11
Heading to Aden: the urban topography of the city as perceived by the Portuguese
8Rumours of a new Mamluk expedition to the Indian Ocean led Afonso de Albuquerque to sail for the Red Sea, leaving Goa on the 18th February 1513 with 18/20 ships, 1,700 Portuguese and 800-1,000 Indian auxiliaries.12 After a brief stopover on the island of Socotra, where the Portuguese controlled a small fort between 1507 and 1511,13 the armada captured the Muslim pilot of a ship from Chaul (Saymūr), and moored in front of Aden on the 24th March.
9According to Albuquerque, on the 25th March, brief negotiations with ‘Āmir Marğān b. ‘Abdallah al Zāfirī, the city governor,14 ended in failure, but allowed the Portuguese to record in some detail the geographical configuration of the site and the urban topography of the city. Located on the northeast half of the Crater, the centre (still called “bilād”), was covered by beautiful constructions of several floors, built in stone and mortar. The storefronts were whitewashed (“acafeladas de cal”). The city centre was defended by a long but weak rampart on the sea side and a much stronger one on the land side. A number of fancy watchtowers were erected on the peaks of the surrounding range of Jabal Šamsan, which, according to Albuquerque, would better fulfil decorative purposes than military ones.15 A section of wall went up to steep heights overlooking the “buffer” (“focate”) harbour,16 Huqqāt bay. This hill was fortified with two towers, a stronghold and a catapult (“trabuco”), intended for throwing stones against the enemy. On the opposite side of the harbour, the volcanic islet of Sīra was also well fortified and enclosed by a wall with several towers. Nevertheless, Albuquerque’s description of Aden’s fortifications is somewhat confused: we do not know which buildings should be identified as the two main strongholds, al‑Ta‘kar and al‑Ḫaḍrā’, although the depiction of the bastion with the catapult seems to apply to al‑Ḫaḍrā’, placed at Jabal al‑Mansūrī heights. Al‑Ḫaḍrā’ had been built on this range, which limited the north of Aden, to protect the harbour and the isthmus that connected the city to its hinterland.17 Situated at the entrance of the Crater, on Jabal al‑Ta‘kar, the fortress of al‑Ta‘kar, noted in sources at the end of the 11th century, was set back and therefore more inaccessible. It defended the land access.18 According to Albuquerque, there was a mole linking the Sīra islet to the mainland. This causeway ended in a bastion surmounted by a tower at its end, which offered good shelter for ships during the strong monsoon winds.
10Moreover, Albuquerque sent four spies to the shore, who spotted a bridge located in a more remote and hidden part of the harbour (Ra’s Hejāf, known as Hujufu by the Arabs),19 at the end of a narrow waterway (“esteiro”). A water pipe, running through the interior of the al‑Maksar bridge, a construction possibly built on seven pillars, led into a stone fountain from where water supplies were loaded onto camels.20 This bridge was crossed incessantly by a line of camels transporting water and foodstuffs to supply the walled city, defended by its mainland gate, the Bāb al‑Barr. Fifteen or sixteen drinking water wells were also reported at Bi’r Rubāk, a small place located in the middle of the bay, at al‑Ma‘allā.21
11Albuquerque hit the bridge with some artillery shots, but noticed that the camels promptly took a roundabout path by passing a hill, and arrived at the gates of the city avoiding the bridge. He then concluded that Aden was not an island, but an isthmus. He spotted its significance and hatched his strategy to attack the city accordingly.
The siege of Aden
12On 26th March 1513, he launched his men (three columns of 600 men with four scaling ladders each) against the ramparts, in two different places (on the sea front wall and near the main city gate).22 As Albuquerque declared that the harbour topography forced the Portuguese to disembark relatively far from the ramparts, wetting the powder and the weaponry, it seems safe to assert that they assaulted the “sea wall” which ran from the shore along the Jabal al‑Manzar/Jabal Huqqāt; this wall, that appears in the well-known drawing of Gaspar Correia’s Lendas da Índia, was intended to counter attacks coming by sea from the northern part of Huqqāt bay.23
13According to the anonymous Tārīkh Šanbal, Albuquerque entered the city at Bāb Maksūr, a gate earlier known as Bāb al‑Sayla.24 In the 15th century, Bāb al‑Sayla was located approximately at the middle of the Jabal al‑Manzar/Jabal Huqqāt sea wall, which included several gates built in stone and mortar (Bāb al‑Sina’ā, Bāb al‑Hawma, Bāb al‑Sayla, Bāb al‑Furda, Bāb al‑Sāhil, Bāb al‑Sirr).25 On his side, the Tārīkh al‑Šihrī reports the attack at Šarşara.26
14The assault was carried in disorder; Albuquerque’s orders were likely to have been very hard to enforce and his decisions were called into question by his captains. The scaling ladders (made in Cochin), could take up to six men in a row, but were too short and soon overloaded with soldiers. They broke during the two assaults killing soldiers (forty men among the Portuguese, around two hundred according to Arabian sources, and one hundred and sixty according to Italian sources).27 Fifty Portuguese soldiers managed to arrive at the top of the walls but, when they leaped down inside, they soon felt trapped, as the city streets had been closed by palisades surmounted by artillery pieces. They took a small tower (“cubelo”) but the Yemenites set fire to it and the Portuguese soldiers had to back off in disorder. Albuquerque still launched a diversionary attack on the islet of Sīra, which resulted in the destruction of the fortification and the confiscation of thirty-six artillery pieces, but this success did not prevent the Portuguese withdrawal.28
15The defeat at Aden was a political setback for Albuquerque, who had several adversaries not only among his own captains, but also in Lisbon and in Goa, in the core of the “Estado da Índia”. Moreover, he knew that the siege could not exceed fifteen days. Supplies ran low. Finding foodstuff and drinking water would become challenging with the moving of winds. The siege took place in March/April, practically at the edge of the favourable period for sailing and crossing the Bābel‑Mandeb towards the north. Due to the influence of the Indian Ocean’s northeast monsoon, the winds blow south-south-easterly from October to April south of latitude 18°N, and may exceed Beaufort 6 scale at Bāb el‑Mandeb. From May/June to September the prevailing northwest to north winds cause rough seas, thus making it impossible for the Portuguese armada to sail up to the north into the Red Sea; only the “gelbas” (ar. “ğalba”, plural “ğilab”), a particular type of craft, would be able to circulate.29 In addition, as noted, “the most spectacular threat to ships sailing the Red Sea was thus the often violent and impulsive winds that would frequently, although unpredictably, sweep through the narrow waterways that had to be navigated between the many reefs, islands and coasts”.30
16Conscious of the last days of the easterly winds, Albuquerque had no other option but to start a race against the clock. After having informed the king of the natural advantages of the Ra’s Hejāf/Ma‘allā cove (on the northern coast of the isthmus) for building a fortification, thus succeeding in transforming his military failure into a survey campaign, he sailed into the Red Sea on the 3rd April 1513.
17Therefore, the defeat at Aden had unexpected consequences. It spawned an exploration trip that, in spite of its improvisation, may be considered as the first early modern western attempt to measure and rationally order the spatiality of the Red Sea by recording sea depths and coastal geological morphologies, distances between cities, hamlets and the roads that connected them. As emphasized by the Portuguese governor in his letter of the 3rd December 1513 addressed to the king, his aim was “to map a new land with a plumb line in the hand”,31 simultaneously combining on-site physical exploration and the information gleaned from his agents (fig. 1).32
Fig. 1 – Itinerary of Afonso de Albuquerque’s fleet in the Red Sea, April‑August 1513 (H. Renel/APIM project, realized with MapInfo).

Into the Red Sea
18Comprising nineteen vessels,33 Albuquerque’s armada came across the first Muslim ships near Bāb el‑Mandeb, which he crossed, having adopted symbolically the “discoverer posture”, firing artillery shots, blowing trumpets and unfurling flags.34 Although loaded with spices intended for Ǧidda (i.e. Jeddah), these vessels, sailing at some distance in front of or behind the Portuguese fleet, were not boarded. In return, the Governor captured a ship from Daybūl (Dabhol) bound for Sawākin with fabrics, but without spices. This ship was used as a subterfuge to capture pilots (“rubões”),35 who were highly qualified to sail foreign ships into the Bāb el‑Mandeb. In the absence of local pilots, it was almost impossible to navigate among the great number of corals and shoals, “capricious currents and tides”.36
19Their community occupied Mayyūn, the volcanic island situated in the middle of the Bāb el‑Mandeb, also known as Perim Island/Jazīrat Mayyūn. The Portuguese estimated the wages of these pilots to be between twenty-five to thirty “cruzados”.37 According to Albuquerque, they lived more precisely in an islet in front of Mayyūn, linked to the island by a sandy way exposed at low tide.38 Thanks to their experience, the Governor was able to provide the bathygraphical measurements of this part of the Red Sea, highlighting the functions of the two navigable waterways that surrounded Perim. He thus recorded twelve to seven fathoms for the one on the Arabian side, and thirty to twenty-five fathoms for the one on the Abyssinian side. In spite of the depth of the Abyssinian waterway, the ships bound from Aden to Ǧidda preferred the Arabian side, possibly because the shore offered better landfalls.39
20Drawing on the knowledge of the “rubbān”, he also provided information on the three Red Sea steering zones. These areas were gauged in “gemas” (ar. “ğamma”), or navigation speed units, of which he gives the equivalent in Portuguese (“singradura”). The Arab coast up to Suez and the African one up to Qusayr were each assessed in four “gemas”; the central area of the Red Sea or “clean sea” (i.e. without coral reefs) was also calculated in four “gemas”.40
21Sailing in the middle of the Red Sea, with the Abyssinian shore on the left-hand side and the Arab shore on the right, the fleet then headed to “Gebelzocor”, i.e. Zuqar, an island in the Hanīsh archipelago, located north of the great Jazīrat Hanīsh‑al‑Kabīr. While Perim was specialized in pilots skilled to steer ships through the Bāb el‑Mandeb, Zuqar provided the mooring and logistics for the ships that operated between Ǧidda and Aden.41
22As previously reported by Ibn Batūtta in his Tuhfat al‑nuzzār, the scattered coral reefs, rocks under the waterline, changing currents and unevenness of the Red Sea bottom made day and night navigation extremely dangerous.42 The Portuguese armada was therefore forced to anchor and shelter from the southerly winds behind a natural dam on the Tihāma shore, possibly the one located south of Hudayda, northeast from Zuqar island.43
23This cove was also regularly visited by Muslim ships from Barbara and Zayla‘. The Portuguese captured some of them there, loaded with food supplies, intended for Ǧidda and Mecca. Albuquerque sorted out the subjects of ‘Āmir Marğān from the crew and travellers. He ordered their hands, ears and noses to be cut off and to set fire to the ships. But he took with him the “rubbān” and spared the passengers originally from Kamarān Island, believed to have wells of drinking water.44 After a second night spent somewhere close to the Arabian coast in front of Zuqar,45 the journey continued northward in uncharted waters, but the south-easterly winds forced the “rubbān” to anchor further north. Although Albuquerque records the name of “Luia” (i.e. al‑Luhayya Bay) as the place where the fleet took shelter on the Arabian shore, thus passing Kamarān to the north, the correct location of the layover was one of the two coves north or south of al‑Hudayda.46
24The approaches to the coast became progressively more dangerous and the ships had to make their way cautiously through the canals cut in the coral reefs: as reported by Albuquerque, the number of fathoms decreased considerably each time they lowered the plumb line. The sea bottom was covered with loose sandbanks (“alfaques”) and, although not systematically, coral reefs descending in gentle slopes (“parcéis”).47
25When the depth of the water suddenly decreased, the hull of the Conceição scraped the reefs, but no waterway occurred; four other ships (Nossa Senhora da Serra, Nossa Senhora da Guadalupe, Madalena and Rosário) were stranded on the reefs but were rescued by the crews, who, in a tireless effort, took them away from the shallows.
26Once the ships were removed from this dangerous position,48 the armada continued on its way, and moored that night close to Kamarān island. This time, the Portuguese boarded some Muslim “ğilab” used for shuttling dwellers from the island to the continent and captured people on board including the “rubbān”.49 They also captured a large merchant vessel, a “markab” belonging to the sultan of Cairo, “built like those of the Red Sea” and two other brand new ships. The cargo included various types of refined fabrics and clumsily shaped copper “loaves”, to be used to mint the “fulūs” Mamluk coins.50
27Despite the northerly winds that started to blow, the “rubbān” believed it would be possible to access Ǧidda and the northern Red Sea, on the condition of finding drinking water. Feeling emboldened to explore further, Albuquerque thus continued his way to Kamarān,51 mooring seven days in the island’s harbour. The decision turned out to be logistically appropriate, as he could obtain drinking water and fresh camel and goat meat. He took advantage of this stop to capture inhabitants of the littoral villages, including a former sheikh of Dahlak and Massawa, owner of pearl seedling fisheries, who was accompanied by one of his nephews.52
28Showing once more his ability to exploit local rivalries for his own benefit, in line with the general tactics of the Portuguese newcomers in the Indian Ocean, Albuquerque later employed this sheikh, who had been deposed by a rival with the help of ‘Āmir Marğān, to obtain extensive and detailed information about the Red Sea.
29Due to the incessant wind changes, the armada was unable to immediately leave the harbour of Kamarān, and Albuquerque sent a caravel off the island in search of favourable winds. But he soon realized that the wind pattern was the same all over, and he had to wait for southeast gusts to be able to head north.53 Sneaking between the intricate network of islets and sandbanks, he finally arrived north of Kamarān, somewhere between the islands of al‑Bawdi, al‑Hamar, al‑Murk and Jazīrat Antufash where he was stuck for twenty-two days in the “doldrums”.54
30This long period off-shore gave him the opportunity to intensify the exploration of Red Sea spaces. In order to avoid being caught off guard by the winds, he sent his pilot Domingos Fernandes to probe the periphery of the volcanic island of Jabal Teir/Jabal al‑Tair (Ceibão), located northwest of Kamarān, in the hope of finding favourable winds and currents to continue up north and reach Ǧidda or at least Dahlak, Massawa and Arqico.
31However, a few days later, a shortage of drinkable water forced Albuquerque to fall back again towards Kamarān.55 Probably for safety reasons, he did not moor at Kamarān harbour but went back to the place where the armada had previously anchored, in the Antufash archipelago. He waited there for favourable winds. According to one of his “rubbān”, the rising of the “turia” star in the sky (i.e. the “Thurayya” or the Pleiades constellation)56 would announce winds that would bring the fleet to the Abyssinian shore in two days and one night.57
32Meanwhile, a “cross” appeared in the sky. A possible natural phenomenon, related to the heat and stillness of air coupled with very high sea surface temperatures, the “cross” was interpreted as a symbol of the Governor’s providential mission to reach Prester John’s land.58 However, in spite of such a mystical atmosphere, the drinking water issue soon forced the armada to head back to Kamarān. By the end of May, the Portuguese fleet was still stuck off the island, but the overall situation was not too bad. Reports pointed out several inland water wells, and supplies were seized on intercepted ships, formerly bound to Ǧidda and Mecca. The Kamarān dwellers sold chicken and goat meat, grapes, quinces, peaches, prickly pears, dates and pomegranates to the Portuguese crews. Language contacts were ensured by the Governor’s Jewish interpreters, Alexandre de Ataíde and Francisco de Albuquerque, to whom he was indebted for many valuable pieces of information about the Red Sea. Also, one of these two interpreters took part in the stratagem set up by Albuquerque at the entrance of the Red Sea to capture the “rubbān”.59
33The crews undertook to repair the damaged hulls, to make nets to fish and to hunt the island’s rare camels.60 The stay in Kamarān was also used to experiment with lime from the stone of the houses and mosques and to record other scarce local resources, such as mangrove wood.
Mapping spaces and socio-economic networks: the informers
34It was during this long two-month break that Afonso de Albuquerque – in his letter of the 3rd December 1513 addressed to King D. Manuel – set out to record his vision of the Red Sea’s spatial configuration. It must be underlined how fundamental his information was in the subsequent perception that the Portuguese had of this landlocked sea. Indeed, in an attempt to facilitate the visualisation of such a singular space, the Portuguese sources later compared the Red Sea to an enormous lizard, whose neck corresponded to the Bāb el‑Mandeb area and the head to the Gulf of Aden up to Cape Guardafui.61
35As we have seen, Afonso de Albuquerque paid great attention to the natural environment. He took bathymetric measurements, noted geographic discontinuities of landscapes, recorded alternation of plateaus and basins, dune formations and mountain ranges. He was not indifferent to flora either. But he was especially interested in the political geography of the Red Sea. Interconnections between demography and hostile natural environments, as well as decentralisation of political powers all gained his attention. He conveyed information on various tribes and categories of the population, giving accounts of commercial networks, as well as on social, economic and political interdependencies. He worked on finding out who reigned where, what were the kingdoms’ boundaries and who paid tribute to the different rulers.
36His interest was also very much focused on the mesh of port cities and agglomerations, as well as on their connections with the hinterland, served by networks of land routes. For example, he detailed the itinerary from Sawākin to Qusayr, reporting on the Bedouin tribes who lived in the region. He also highlighted the architecture of Qusayr, a big empty city with remnants of stone buildings, ruined churches, and Greek inscriptions on the stones.62 He also added that Cana, a small settlement on the itinerary between Qusayr and the Nile river, was the alternative route of the Iberian Jews and New Christians who travelled to India and were forbidden to take the Ǧidda and Mecca road.63
37Substantial information was provided by the Jewish interpreters mentioned above, but he also relied on fishermen and peasants, and on Muslim merchants who traded with India and Insulindia. The detained “rubbān” formed a separate category, held in high esteem by Albuquerque. One of these “rubbān” was originally from Ǧidda, some others from Suez and Tūr. A group of Ethiopians, who had been captured by Arabian slave traders in Sawākin and sold in Aden, ended up joining the Portuguese crews in Aden. These defectors were immediately used as agents to collect new information.
38As one of Albuquerque’s goals was to map land itineraries around the Red Sea, and their connections with the Mediterranean, he sent one of these Ethiopians to the Portuguese court by land, thus paving the way for many other subsequent journeys of spies and couriers between India and Portugal.64 A former Muslim, who joined the Portuguese in Azemmour and became a soldier in Albuquerque’s forces, also proposed to make the journey between the Red Sea and Portugal by land. The Governor did not accept the offer, but the man was later sent to Yemen, with a little money, disguised as a fugitive slave.65 Another Muslim, a merchant who had twice been a captive of the Governor, was also sent to Zabīd.66 In exchange for the liberation of his wife and children, he agreed to propose to ‘Āmir Marjān the release of the Portuguese captives detained in Zabīd. This group had been seized in 1509 off Zayla‘, on board the Santiago, the ship of Duarte de Lemos.67 However, the negotiations ended in failure: although well treated, the emissary returned surrounded by ‘Āmir Marjān’s men, who banned any further contact with Albuquerque.
39Be that as it may, the Zabīd captives managed to send a letter to the Governor, with information on the Tahirid Yemen and on the Heǧaz. They gave figures for military forces (Aden could mobilise 1,500 cavaliers, the “šarīf” of Ğāzān 600, and Mecca 300). The Governor also received information on the port of Yanbu (north of Ǧidda), on the city of Medina and on the Banū Ǧabr Bedouin tribes, considered to be looters of the Hağğ caravans. As I will detail in a forthcoming article, the information provided by the Zabīd captives was possibly forwarded by Gregório da Quadra. To our knowledge, the Arabian itinerary of which he is the possible author, is one of the earliest 16th century Portuguese documents that locates the tomb of Muhammad at Medina and not at Mecca, an error that prevailed in contemporary Portuguese sources.68
40Although the information conveyed by the captives was not well organised, intertwining the African and Arab shores, it nonetheless succeeded in designating the borders of the Tihāma segmented into political units, and their relations with the short-lived Tahirid state, ruled at the time by sultan ‘Āmir b.‘Abd al‑Wahhāb Al‑Malik al‑Zāfir (894‑923/1498‑1517).69 Accordingly, it mentions the territory which began on the Arabian coast, at the level of Perim island and extended over twelve leagues to the north. This political unity was followed by another, which extended to the level of Dahlak.70
41The sheikh of Dahlak proved to be a first-hand informer, not only for economic topics but also in geopolitics. He explained to Albuquerque about the exchanges of gold, slaves, ivory and wax, between Dahlak and Massawa, and stressed the dependence of both ports on Indian fabric exports, perfumes and spices. The Governor heard from him about the customs’ organisation, and learned about the relationship of these insular fringes of the Red Sea with the hinterland Ethiopian kingdom, a rich and extended one, which coveted Dahlak militarily and was able to pay all purchased commodities in gold.71
42Most interestingly, the sheikh provided an accurate depiction of the small island of Massawa and referred to the ancient harbour of Dhakni or “old Zayla‘” (Dacanam) located in front of Massawa, on the mainland.72 Demography, social organisation, economic networks and political patronages were emphasized. The Dahlak population, ruled by a slave of ‘Āmir Marjān after Albuquerque’s informer was dismissed, was assessed as having 700 inhabitants, including 200 in the capital, living in lime and stone buildings; water wells and cisterns were scattered all over the island. The inhabitants subsisted poorly on livestock. The sheikh also provided interesting information on transaction and payment of duties at the Dahlak pearl fisheries, located on Nura island.73 To meet Albuquerque’s expectations, the sheikh reported on the existence of a “Dominican monastery”, positioned at a distance of four days from Massawa. According to him, the friars used to come to the coast to buy cloth in exchange for fruits from their garden.74
43With all the information he collected, Albuquerque was thus able to draw a picture of the economy of cities and of the local networks that allowed them to communicate. The governor already knew the significance of the root madder (“rubia tinctorum”) trade to the economy of Aden, along with many other products,75 but he also underlined, in terms of supply, the dependence of Yemeni ports on those of the Adal sultanate (Barbara and Zayla‘),76 ruled by Muhammad b. Azhar ad‑Dīn. He established hierarchies of economic subordination which determined the rank of cities: Ǧidda, he told King D. Manuel, was a small town with straw and palm huts, but surrounded by strong walls and towers built by “Mir Hocem”, i.e. the “nā’ib” of Ǧidda, Husayn al‑Kurdī;77 the twenty Mamluks stationed there were in charge of collecting taxes on Indian spices.78 Ǧidda depended entirely on Barbara and Zayla‘, and even on Massawa, and, he added, with some exaggeration, “without Ǧidda, Mecca could not survive”.79 Therefore, he also stressed the importance of Abyssinian peasants in the markets of Ǧidda and Mecca, the role of Cambay ships in keeping busy the maritime route from Ǧazān to Aden, the distribution of maritime populations on the shores of the Red Sea and their characteristics.80 Consequently, it is interesting to note, through several of his remarks, that he seems to have understood during his journey that the “coast of the Red Sea remained a socially and culturally marginal universe, hardly integrated into the sedentary and inland farming”.81
Mapping the Red Sea: the cartography
44In order to collect information to understand the dynamics between the various Red Sea geographic areas and their inhabitants, and also with a hidden military agenda, Albuquerque used a more skilled type of informer. As he had plans to explore the Dahlak area and build a fortress in Massawa, he convened his captains on the 10th of June, to get their agreement for reaching Dahlak, but most of them refused. He could only send to Dahlak a caravel commanded by João Gomes and piloted by Domingos Fernandes. Gomes moored off Dahlak and disembarked on the shore, where he came across some locals. The pilot and cartographer Francisco Rodrigues were part of the group.
45While João Gomes carefully mapped all the islands of the Dahlak archipelago, and their coastlines,82 Rodrigues drew a nautical chart of the southern part of the Red Sea, and wrote a “roteiro”, i.e. rutter “of Dahlak”, a short but valuable piece when it comes to the identification of coastal morphology and knowledge of the Red Sea winds, currents and tides. The “roteiro” is divided in two sections: the first one describes the entrance to the Red Sea (fos 5‑5v°). The second one is entitled “route that I made with João Gomes, captain of the caravel bound to Dahlak” (fos 5v°‑7).83 As declared by Albuquerque in his already mentioned letter addressed to D. Manuel (December 3rd, 1513), the drawing of the nautical chart, including “all islands and sea of this archipelago” was sent to the monarch as evidence of the journey. Unfortunately, this original Dahlak drawing is missing, but Rodrigues later drew from memory (or from a sketch in his possession) the southern part of the Red Sea, which he incorporated in the Livro de Francisco Rodrigues. This map includes the trace of the African coast from around 3°N to the southwest coast from Arabia up to Rā’s al‑Khalb. Apart from Perim, the remaining Red Sea islands are unnamed, but Kamarān and the Dahlak archipelago are likely to be sketched on this chart, as the chosen scale did not allow the inclusion of more toponyms. Thus, legends in red ink only mention Cape Guardafui, Aden, Socotra island and the islets of Sikka and Barraqa (“ilheos de canacanim”), a well-known point of reference for the Portuguese fleets when they sailed off the coast.84
Back to Aden
46On the 15th July, Albuquerque went back to Aden, after having sent two ships to Zayla‘,85 and made a stopover in Perim, which he explored accompanied by his “rubbān”. He took the opportunity to annotate the aspects that seemed to him the most striking: the dryness of the stony ground and the landscape without trees but with some dunes, and the good natural conditions of its harbour which could house up to two hundred ships. The discovery of a cistern from “ancient times” and a well filled in with stones caught his attention. A wooden cross from the rigging of his ships was erected on the top of a hill, and the island received the name of “true cross” (“Vera Cruz”).86
47He was however confronted with a bad surprise on his return to Aden: ‘Āmir Marjān had strengthened the fortifications of Sīra, and Albuquerque, who found himself in sight of the city ca the 22nd July, was limited to pounding the mole and the islet’s tower with his firepower, destroying a catapult standing at the highest point of Sīra. Once his artillery was installed on Sīra’s tower, he fitted out some light artillery pieces (possibly falconets and swivel guns)87 onboard two large ships that had been seized in the harbour, and crushed the city, succeeding in damaging several buildings. But the shoals prevented the ships from approaching the land,88 and the inhabitants, who had also received weapons, were able to retaliate in an effective manner.
Epilogue
48Afonso de Albuquerque left Aden for Goa on the 4th August 1513, after burning all of the Arabian ships he found in the port (probably “ğilāb” and “marākib”) apparently saving only one, loaded with raisins.89
49While leaving, he was still working on hypotheses for returning. Addressed to the king, his long letter of the 3rd December 1513 shows that he continued to analyse the loopholes in the city’s defence, and had grasped its main weakness, the lack of drinking water. However, he believed that victory was still possible, through the conquest of Bi’r Rubāk’s wells, and the construction of new cisterns inside the city, which he estimated would take two years.90 But the course of events decided otherwise, and he did not see the walls of Aden or the Red Sea again.
50However, despite Albuquerque’s military retreat from Aden, the 1513 expedition – which explored the region between 11°N (Zayla‘) and 16°N (Kamarān) – motivated the Portuguese crown to continue exploring the Red Sea. One year later, in 1514, the Portuguese monarch sent João Serrão to explore its middle and northern part.91 Continuing the work done by Francisco Rodrigues, Serrão had to be accompanied by another cartographer who could “paint the whole Red Sea in a detailed manner, as it is in its present state”.92 Portuguese infiltration attempts continued in 1517, when Lopo Soares de Albergaria’s armada of thirty-eight ships entered the Red Sea.93 Other Portuguese expeditions headed to Aden and the Red Sea in the years 1519‑1535, and in 1520 Diogo Lopes de Sequeira was able to disembark at Dahlak, leading the first Portuguese embassy to Ethiopia.94
51However, it was not until 1541 that the expedition of D. Estevão da Gama mapped the Red Sea up to Suez: having integrated into his armada the humanist, warrior, viceroy and governor D. João de Castro, author of the Rutter of the Red Sea (Roteiro do Mar Roxo, 1541) who accomplished the survey of the Red Sea practically in its totality, from the north of Dahlak to Suez (29°59’N), thus completing Afonso de Albuquerque’s exploration of 1513.95
Bibliographie
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Notes de bas de page
1 See Marcotte 2017, pp. 37‑38; Gautier Dalché 2006, p. 44; Wick 2016, pp. 18‑20.
2 National Library of France (hereafter BnF), ms. latin 8878, fos 45v‑46r, manuscript on parchment (36.7x28.6 cm), and BnF, ms. latin 4922, fo 2r, manuscript on parchment (27.7x20 cm) respectively. See Vagnon 2017, pp. 41‑55.
3 BnF, ms. latin 4939, fo 9r (see Vagnon 2017, p. 55).
4 Thomaz 2002, pp. 117‑142 and 269‑279 (footnotes).
5 Aubin 1976, pp. 4‑9. On the medieval representations of Ethiopia, see Vagnon 2012.
6 See Thomaz 2006, pp. 219‑240 and 228 in particular.
7 I. Ferreira da Costa Brochado, “A espiritualidade dos descobrimentos e conquistas dos portugueses”, quoted by Thomaz 2006, p. 229.
8 Madeira Santos 1999.
9 Margariti 2007; Vallet 2010, pp. 116‑163.
10 Possibly Zayla‘, Saylac in Somalian.
11 Aubin 1976, p. 9. On the events related to this embassy see pp. 9‑45.
12 Crews and captains identified by R.L. de Jesus (2013, p. 125).
13 Biedermann 2006, pp. 69‑76; Albuquerque 2010, p. 119. Most of Albuquerque’s information on the Red Sea is drawn from his letter addressed to D. Manuel (3rd December 1513) which is quoted extensively in the present article.
14 ‘Āmir Marğān was apparently of Abyssinian origin; he could have been a former slave converted to Islam. According to Porter 1992, p. 269, his name (“marğān/mirğān”, i.e. “coral”) was given to converts. For more details related to him see Barros 1988, t. 2, book 7, chap. 7, p. 344.
15 Albuquerque 2010, p. 148; Margariti 2007, p. 148; Margariti 2008, p. 572. João de Barros underlines the beauty of the mountain range, declaring that “it looks like a painting, a masterpiece of Nature” (Barros 1988, book 7, chap. 8, p. 346).
16 “Focate” according to Albuquerque.
17 See Vallet 2010, p. 153. Jabal al‑Ta‘kar is currently Jabal al‑Hasāf.
18 Norris, Penhey 1955, pp. 12‑16, and sketch p. 12 in particular.
19 According to Norris, Penhey 1955, p. 15, it would correspond to Ra’s Hejāf in Maafon/Ma‘allā area, e.g. on the Crater.
20 The al‑Maksar bridge had been restored at the end of the 12th century (Vallet 2010, p. 158; Margariti 2007, pp. 42‑43 and n. 39).
21 Albuquerque 2010, p. 128. He also mentions the question of fortifications (pp. 148‑149). Bi’r Rubāk is located at Madinat Asha’ab, more or less at the center of the bay. By 1500, A‘mir Marjān was successful in digging wells, to prevent expensive repairing of tanks (Porter 1992, p. 183). On Bi’r Rubāk gardens and water resources see Vallet 2010, p. 158.
22 Same location given by Norris, Penhey 1955, p. 15.
23 See Vallet 2010, p. 154. It matches the “front bay” featured by Norris, Penhey 1955, p. 12.
24 Tārīkh al‑Šihrī, in Serjeant 1963, p. 47. The text indicates Bāb Maksūr “near Jabal al‑Khadrā”. On Bāb Maksūr, see Serjeant 1963, p. 47, n. 2. Al‑Khadrā probably means the eponymous fortress (and not the Jabal). Norris, Penhey 1955, p. 13 give slightly different names for some of the city’s gates.
25 See drawing of the wall with gates in Vallet 2010, p. 746, fig. 4.
26 Jabal Sirsīra? This place (Sīrisiyya) was at the extremity of Jabal al‑Ahdar, and not far from Bāb al‑Sayla (Vallet 2010, p. 746, fig. 4). Serjeant 1963, p. 47; Norris, Penhey 1955, pp. 9‑20.
27 According to the Tārīkh al‑Šihrī, (in Serjeant 1963, p. 47), there were 2,000 fighters. One of the deceased Arabians was ‘Umar ben Mūsā al Majīdī. For the Italian testimony see Jesus 2013, p. 129 and n. 290; Albuquerque 2010, pp. 123‑127.
28 Jesus 2013, p. 132. English translation of Albuquerque’s account in Norris, Penhey 1955, p. 16. Serjeant reports an Arabian account of the siege by ‘Isā b. Lutf Allāh al‑Mutahhar in his Rawh al‑Rūh, British Museum, ms. or. 4583, fo 13 (see Serjeant 1963, p. 169, n. F, p. 47) with no new information. However, Barros 1988, vol. II, book 7, chap. 9, pp. 347‑353 is extremely accurate.
29 The “gelbas” were small coastal sewn-planked ships. See Malhão Pereira 2012, pp. 293‑296, fig. 6‑8 and p. 315, fig. 4, also available at http://chcul.fc.ul.pt/textos/malhao_pereira_2001b.pdf; Wick 2016, pp. 26‑27; Agius 2007, p. 268; Vallet 2010, pp. 428‑432.
30 Wick 2016, p. 26.
31 Albuquerque 2010, p. 129.
32 See the Itinerário of Jerónimo Lobo in https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1518176m/f287.image, pp. 257‑258, and in the printed version Gonçalves Costa 1971, pp. 264‑293.
33 Full list with names of captains in Jesus 2013, p. 125. The fleet incorporated 17 “naus”, two smaller ships (“ajudas”) and one caravel.
34 Albuquerque 2010, p. 128.
35 From the Arabic “rubbān” (plural “rabābina”) or “mu‘allim”. See Vallet 2010, p. 592 and n. 265; Chakravarti 2002, p. 49.
36 Wick 2016, pp. 25‑26.
37 The Portuguese called it “Mium” (from the Arabic “Mayyūn”), thus giving to Perim the name of its harbour (Mayyūn); according to Francisco Rodrigues’s map (1515), Perim was the “island which is at the end of the strait of Mecca”: on his map see Garcia 2008.
38 Albuquerque 2010, p. 141.
39 Albuquerque 2010, p. 141. These waterways are known as Bāb Iskender (depth of thirty metres) and Dact el‑Mayyūn (depth three hundred and ten metres).
40 Albuquerque 2010, p. 129. The “ğamma” was a unit of speed. According to H. Grosset‑Grange, “it first designates the flow of time, more rarely of space-time, with obviously the ‘zâm’ for common unity”, the zâm being a distance carried by good wind during 1/8 of a day and a night (Grosset-Grange 1993, p. 144). I thank Jean-Charles Ducène for providing this quotation. According to Albuquerque, one “gema” corresponded to three Portuguese “singraduras” (i.e. “the space of twenty-four hours between two half consecutive days during which a ship could sail”, see Leitão, Lopes 1990, p. 483).
41 Albuquerque 2010, p. 141.
42 Ibn Batūtta, Tuhfat al‑nuzzār, quoted by Vallet 2010, p. 431, n. 24. See also, for instance, Merle 2001, pp. 335‑336, 353.
43 On this latitude (4°48’08’’N) and longitude (42°57’04’’E), the only existing bay on the Arabian shore seems to be south of Hudayda, but this place is located too far north from Zuqar. It could have been some other cove on the shore, although the coastline does not offer other significant recess in the area. On the Tihāma anchorages see the detailed study of Vallet 2010, pp. 390‑399 and p. 393 in particular (on the morphological changes at al‑Hudayda).
44 Albuquerque 2010, p. 129.
45 Albuquerque records that “from the place where we moored we were in sight of the island [of Zuqar]” (Albuquerque 2010, p. 130).
46 If the fleet moored in Luyya, and was afterwards in sight of Zuqar, this would mean that the ships were sailing to the south again, i.e. to Zuqar, the next day, which is unlikely, giving the practical knowledge of the “rubbān” and the wording of the text, reporting a linear progression towards the north. The mistake regarding Luyya is also pointed out by R.L. de Jesus (2013, p. 133, n. 324). Albuquerque’s description of an “edge of sand” (“uma ponta e uma restinga ao mar”) fits with Hudayda.
47 Albuquerque 2010, p. 130.
48 The final maneuver was made by the captains Lopo Vaz de Sampaio (Santa Cruz), D. João de Eça (Madanela), Pero da Fonseca (Ajuda Grande), Simão Velho (Graça), Fernão Gomes de Lemos (Rumy): Jesus 2013, p. 125.
49 See also Agius 2007, pp. 318‑320. Jerónimo Lobo provides a detailed description of these ships in his Itinerário e outros escritos inéditos (Gonçalves Costa 1971). See also https://gallica.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/bpt6k1518176m/f287.image (accessed 03/03/2020) and Malhão Pereira 2012, pp. 322‑323 (French translation of Lobo’s quotation).
50 Also known as “ğadīd”/“ğudad”. Albuquerque 2010, p. 136: velvets, brocades, silks, silk hemmed linen and blue banded linen, as well as red and blue wool, i.e. fabrics from Gujarat. Regarding the currency, see Tuscherer 2004; Vallet 2010, p. 176, n. 32.
51 Albuquerque 2010, p. 131.
52 Albuquerque 2010, p. 132.
53 Albuquerque 2010, p. 132. See Malhão Pereira 2012, supra and Wick 2016, p. 27. On the northern portion of the Red Sea it was possible to sail from Ǧidda to Suez between December and May. From May to December it was the other way around. As already pointed out, the southern part was governed by the monsoon system.
54 Albuquerque gives an accurate record of the wind regime. See also Malhão Pereira 2012, p. 315, fig. 4.
55 They found there two ships, presumably Indian, but without passengers or cargo. These ships came from Ğāzān (Jisān), on the Arabian shore, and were bound for Aden.
56 I express my gratitude to Jean‑Charles Ducène who kindly forwarded this information to me. The Yemenites used a calendar where the year was divided according to whether (or not) this star was visible.
57 Albuquerque 2010, p. 133.
58 The “cross” could not have been confused with the Southern Cross, which, at 19:00 in May, 1513, would be seen from Kamarān, at its azimuth, together with three other stars thus forming the Centaur constellation. Visible at 17:00, it disappeared into the horizon at 10:00. I am also indebted to Jean‑Charles Ducène for these calculations. The first description of the southern hemisphere skies was made by Master John in his Brazilian letter addressed to D. Manuel: see Albuquerque 1984, pp. 264‑272; Malhão Pereira 2002, p. 17.
59 Albuquerque 2010, p. 129. On these interpreters, see Aubin 2000, pp. 251‑273; Couto 2005, pp. 171‑183.
60 Albuquerque 2010, p. 132.
61 See Gonçalves Costa 1971, p. 264.
62 On medieval Qusayr see Vallet 2010, pp. 487‑488 and 492‑493.
63 Albuquerque 2010, p. 132. Cana is the actual Qena (Kénéh), 26°10’00’’N, 32°43’00’’E on the right bank of the Nile, located north of Luxor. The itinerary would lead to Assiut.
64 Albuquerque 2010, p. 144. On the travelers see Couto 2020.
65 Albuquerque 2010, p. 144. Gaspar Correia identifies this man as a certain Fernão Dias, who is mentioned by Disney 1998, p. 544.
66 This unknown merchant was probably a Gujarati, as Malik Ayāz, the powerful governor of Diu, interceded to obtain his release (Albuquerque 2010, p. 135).
67 The group, held in captivity in Zabīd, included Gregório da Quadra, possibly the author of the first Portuguese itinerary of Yemen. See Couto 2016. The 16th century Portuguese chroniclers report on the episode with some differences. The account of João de Barros is in line with Albuquerque’s letter.
68 See the example of Tomé Pires (1515), quoted in Couto 2016, p. 12, n. 77.
69 On his reign see Porter 1992, pp. 84‑93.
70 Albuquerque gives their rulers names, “Azaly” and “Damcali” respectively. But they could refer to a single person, Sharīf ‘Izz al‑Dīn b. Ahmad al‑Dari, lord of Ǧazān. On the history of the Tahirid, see Smith 1984, pp. 142‑145; Smith 1987, pp. 129‑140.
71 Albuquerque 2010, p. 139. He provides information on the gold trade, which reached Sawākin under the form of square pieces (p. 144).
72 Although from 1547, D. João de Castro’s Roteiro do Mar Roxo provided an interesting sketch of Massawa, with an elephant drinking from a well: see General Library of the University of Coimbra, cofre 33, fo 28 (33x28.7 cm).
73 Albuquerque 2010, p. 138. Information on the Cairo, Aden and Ǧidda pearl markets is also provided. See Vallet 2010, pp. 398‑399, on the pearls of Kamarān.
74 The monastery is not identified, but the information could be related to Debra Libanos, which was not a Dominican monastery, but was able to host, as pointed out in the text, 1,000 friars. However, Libanos was very far from the coast. Pabiou‑Deschamps 2011, pp. 455‑474, allocates some chapters to Dominican presence in Abyssinia, but these chapters must be understood as part of the propaganda war between the Dominicans and Jesuits.
75 See Godinho 1990, pp. 422‑423. The Portuguese called the madder root “ruiva”. On Aden madder root (“fuwwa”) production and commerce see Vallet 2010, pp. 281‑283.
76 Overview of Zayla‘ importance in Vallet 2010, pp. 402‑403.
77 On these walls, built in 1506‑1507, see Porter 1992, pp. 99‑100; Serjeant 1963, pp. 160‑162. Description of Al‑Muğawīr (13th century) mentioning huts made of palm leaves in Vallet 2010, p. 433.
78 Albuquerque 2010, p. 137.
79 On Mecca’s markets, products in circulation and merchants (14th century) see Vallet 2010, pp. 445‑455, who also stresses the significance of the Yemenite “ğilāb” in ensuring the commercial maritime networks between coastal cities (pp. 428‑433).
80 The approach was naturally biased, but some statements are still interesting, as examples of an “on board vision”. Therefore, in Dahlak “warriors” predominated, the merchants being seasonal (Albuquerque 2010, pp. 134‑135).
81 Vallet 2010, p. 423 : “[…] le littoral de la mer Rouge restait un univers socialement et culturellement marginal, difficilement intégré aux mondes sédentaires et agricoles de l’intérieur des terres”.
82 Albuquerque 2010, pp. 134‑135 and 140.
83 Published in facsimile edition by Garcia 2008, p. 40 and pp. 43‑44. Rodrigues incorporated the rutter in the Livro de Francisco Rodrigues after 1513. It is followed by some pages of a nautical guide and by the Malacca/China rutter.
84 See Garcia 2008, p. 78 (chart), p. 79 (sketch with toponyms), 28‑29. On fo 27, the chart is untitled “upon the thirty-sixth [sheet] you will find the Guardafui Cape and the entrance of the Mecca strait” (“Às trinta e seis [folhas] achareis mais o cabo de Guardafui e a boca do Estreito de Meca”). The latitude scale is 11°S to 17°N.
85 Commanded by Rui Galvão and João Gomes: Albuquerque 2010, p. 146. Following the Governor’s instructions, both captains burnt the ships (moored in the harbour of Zayla‘). According to Albuquerque, an Abyssinian, a former slave of an overseer of the Mamluk sultan Kānsūh Al‑Ghūrī’, living in Ǧidda, deserted to the Portuguese. He was sent to the Portuguese court by land.
86 Albuquerque 2010, pp. 145‑146.
87 Albuquerque mentions “camels” (“camelos”); these light artillery pieces were quite similar to falconets.
88 Albuquerque 2010, p. 146. See also Porter 1992, p. 106.
89 On the “Zabīd”, see Vallet 2010, p. 446, n. 93.
90 Albuquerque 2010, p. 149. According to Ibn Battūta, the al‑Ahdūb tribesmen could obstruct the water supply from al‑Lahaba, another waterhole in Aden’s vicinity. City dwellers were forced to swindle these Bedouins with money and clothing (Vallet 2010, p. 160).
91 Short biography in Sousa Viterbo 1988, pp. 284‑287.
92 Albuquerque 2010, p. 149.
93 The expedition has been studied by Kroell, Bacqué‑Grammont 1988, pp. 1‑46. See also J. Aubin’s review of this book (Aubin 1989).
94 Brief summary of these attempts, led by D. Luís de Meneses (1523), Heitor da Silveira (1526), António de Miranda de Azevedo (1528), Heitor da Silveira (1530), Manuel de Vasconcelos and António de Saldanha (1532), Manuel Rodrigues Coutinho (1535), in Lázaro 2006, pp. 211‑213.
95 Couto 2017, pp. 231‑236.
Auteur
École pratique des hautes études, Section des sciences historiques et philologiques, Paris

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