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Provence and the British Imagination

Claire Davison
Béatrice Laurent
Caroline Patey
et al.

Landscapes of modernity

Monarchy, Spirituality & Britishness: The Anglican Diaspora in Grasse 1880-1950

Gilles Teulié

Texte intégral

1In March 2011, the British film The King’s Speech, the story of King George VI’s courageous fight against his stammering, was awarded 12 Oscars, including best film, and several acting honours. This came as a surprise to those who thought Americans did not care about British Royalties. Yet journalist Sarah Sands wrote in the Evening Standard of Tuesday 1st March 2011 an interesting article entitled “Royals are still our Best Sign of Being British”. She states that “The King’s Speech celebrates duty, ceremony, history and sacrifice, embodied in the monarch” adding: “Politicians have tried and failed to find any alternative symbol of being British” (2011, 15). Any given human group always, almost unconsciously, tries to define itself so as to root its existence on commonly accepted elements by the members of the group. Yet it is not the elements which are shared by a group which define it, it is the way the members look at themselves which shapes identity. British identity, or Britishness, as it came to be known during the seventeenth century, is naturally an old question. The very invention of the word British was not, and sometimes still is not, consensual among a diversity of population from various origins. Yet when a diaspora comes to exist, an unconscious need for a proper definition of one’s identity becomes a sine qua non matter for its survival.

2Among the many parts of the world where Victorians settled, the French Riviera attracted so many British people that, at one stage, there were 20,000 British residents living between Menton and Hyères, which might lead us to consider eastern Provence as an informal colony of the Empire. What I would like to argue is that in the last decades of the nineteenth century, the imperial spirit that prevailed in Britain moulded British attitudes towards foreign lands, and whenever a British community shared a same dwelling place in foreign parts (whether located within a British territorial colony or not) they would unite and build what I would call a ‘Little England’. The building of an Anglican church as well as the links to the Royalty were part of the process of rooting a British community in foreign soil and the pillar around which the community evolved and defined its identity.

British Residents, Queen Victoria and the Riviera

  • 1 See Nathalie Bernard’s essay in this volume.

3The British ‘colony’ has been present in this region known as the Riviera for decades. Historians usually date the history of the British discovery of the Côte d’Azur to the arrival of Tobias Smollett (1721-1771).1 The famous novelist was also a doctor who suffered from a chest complaint. He stayed two years in Nice, which inspired his famous book Travels through France and Italy (1766), in which he explained that the region’s climate had cured him of his pulmonary complaints. This very colourful narrative was important in promoting the Côte d’Azur, to whose coast more and more rich British citizens came. Other doctors took over, such as Dr John Brown (1810-1882) a Scotsman who suffered from ‘melancholy’ (depression). He invented the concept of climate-therapy and accompanied Queen Victoria during her visit to Menton in 1882, just before his death. Even more famous was Dr James Henry Bennett (1816-1891) who settled in Menton in 1859 in order, as he said, to die in peace after having caught tuberculosis from his patients in England and who was entirely cured thanks to the climate. He invited Queen Victoria and her daughter Beatrice to visit his garden in Menton. Bennett’s influence was so great that many British citizens, sometimes in a critical condition, came to try to prolong their lives in Menton. The result is summed up in a famous saying: ‘Cannes is for the living, Monaco for the playing and Menton for the dying’. The English diaspora wanted its own doctors, which led many to move to the South of France: there were five English doctors in Cannes before the end of the nineteenth century. Many Anglophone residents found their resting place on the Riviera as shown by the English corners in Menton cemetery or in Grasse, the English quarter of St Raphael’s cemetery or the importance of the English ‘Caucade’ cemetery in Nice built in 1865. Even in death, English residents remained together. Through the impetus of their doctors, English aristocrats were invited to ‘Go South’. Dynasties settled on the Riviera such as the Rothschilds. Theresa in Cannes, Alice went to Grasse and Beatrice Ephrussi to the Cap Ferrat. However the effects of the industrial revolution began to be felt in the nineteenth century and the occupation of the Côte d’Azur was no longer the prerogative of the aristocracy who had to make room for the rich bourgeoisie, as we shall see with rich middle class wool merchants, the Bowes, who lived next door to the Baroness of Rothschild in Grasse.

4Queen Victoria’s third visit to the Riviera – to Grasse (25 March-28 April 1891) – prompted The British Medical Journal (1891, 1583.1, 974), in an article entitled The Queen’s Visit To Grasse, to seize on the opportunity by commenting upon the positive effect of the climate. Queen Victoria transformed the Riviera as she affirmed its position as an important holiday centre, rather than a centre for convalescence (Nelson 2001, 2). Rich people became known as hivernants as they stayed during the winter season and went back to Britain in the summer; one such case was Lord Brougham, who, in 1834, because of an epidemic of cholera in Provence, was forbidden to enter Nice and therefore forced to remain in Cannes. It pleased him so much he decided to stay. They built big mansions (Villa Eleonora), whole quarters such as Cimiez in Nice, Costebelle in Hyères, Garavan in Menton, la Croix de Marbre in Nice (nicknamed ‘Little London’), the quartier de Malbosc in Grasse or the Suquet in Cannes which were virtually British property. Yet it was not just the aristocracy, as we saw previously; there were doctors who followed their patients and settled in the South of France, members of the rich middle class, people such as bakers and industrialists, but also dentists and shopkeepers. There was a ‘British Pharmacy’ in Menton and many other shops which bore an English name and were run by Englishmen. British people organized the place to their taste: they built cricket fields, tennis courts, race courses, great gardens and walking paths (the famous Promenade des Anglais). British tourists praised the beauty of the land, the charms of the southern cities and villages. It is recorded that ‘English’ became a synonym for tourist. A good example of the obvious existence of a British ‘colony’ is illustrated by Charles Yriate who wrote in 1867 in Le Monde Illustré, “Menton est un bourg anglais, les insulaires sont là chez eux, les enseignes sont écrites en anglais et les pharmaciens étalent des bocaux de dimensions monumentales aux armes d’Angleterre” (An. 2008, 4-5).

5As far as Grasse is concerned, many references were positive because of the climate, the view and the perfume industry. On April 2, 1765, Tobias Smollett distinguished Grasse as an excellent summer station far from the heat and mosquitoes of the coastline towns (Smollett, [1766] 1979). Margaret Maria Brewster explained that going on a day visit to Grasse with her father in 1856 was like going on an beautiful adventure (1998, 62). A magnificent palm tree on the outskirts of the town led her to write that it looked savage and oriental, evoking all sorts of thoughts and souvenirs of oriental tales, or passages from the Scriptures (1998, 62). Queen Victoria herself wrote in her diary in 1891 that the surroundings of the nearby hamlet Le Bar-sur-Loup are “almost oriental” (Queen Victoria: 1891, 109). Reverend Hugh Macmillan in 1885 expressed the idea that the climate in Grasse was “remarkably mild and salubrious”, that from the terraces “the town commands the most beautiful and extensive views” (1885, 34). He was not devoid of Orientalism when he wrote: “The air of Grasse always smells as sweet as a conservatory: it is heavy with delicious odours and filled with murmuring sounds of fountains” (1885, 34). Rudyard Kipling was also sensitive to the smells in the twentieth century when he wrote: “[w]e can climb by car into the hills behind Grasse and smell the pines as the spring snow melts from beneath them, and the anemones begin to come out” (Jones 2009, 85). It is not surprising that, considering such attractive features, some former officers of the colonial army, who were used to the mild temperatures of India or Africa, preferred to retire on the Riviera rather than in England, as was the case with the late Colonel Harry Harvey Jones – Indian Army – in Grasse.

St John the Evangelist and the Religious Revival

6The English Church, St John the Evangelist, in Grasse, owes its building to the Bowes and Booker families. They settled in Grasse in the early 1880s, and the members of these families were among those British citizens who had best profited from the industrial revolution. The Bowes became rich thanks to the wool trade. Members of the family are mentioned in the English decennial censuses between 1841 and 1901. Two of the six children, John and James Lord Bowes, started their own business with the added heading of ‘Lord’, their mother’s name. Their firm, based in Liverpool, was known as J. L. Bowes & Brother (the “J” could therefore denote either John or James). John Lord Bowes, his sister Isabella Bowes, his other sister Helen Booker and his brother-in-law Charles Edward Booker were registered in the March 1886 Grasse census. They acquired a large property on the Avenue de Magagnosc in the Saint Christophe quarter, known as ‘Haut Malbosc’. It consisted of 17,000 square meters, bought on 9th February 1885. John and Isabella lived in Villa Isabella, which housed fifteen people, of whom ten were servants, whereas the Bookers, who lived in Villa Helen had only one servant – to be compared with Alice of Rothschild who had 26 persons at her service. This quarter of Malbosc and the Rioublanquet is famous in Grasse for two reasons. There is a microclimate – as stated by doctor Sir Hermann Weber (1823-1918), specialist of open-air treatment for tuberculosis – which makes it the best part of town to live in (even today). Secondly, as a consequence of the first reason, it is where rich (Anglophone) people settled for the winter season. First the Grand Hôtel was built in 1882 on what was to become Avenue Victoria and another hotel, The Victoria, was built on Avenue Riou Blanquet in 1905. Then, after 1888, Baroness of Rothschild built the house she called Villa Victoria (still existing on the avenue that bears the Queen’s name). The Baroness probably had Villa Beau Site erected in the 1880s while the Bowes had Villas Isabella and Helen also built at the same time.

7Marjorie Morgan states that Victorian “travellers were conscious of a British religious identity when they were in Catholic areas of Europe” (2001, 118). The Illustrated London News often had an engraving of each English Church that Queen Victoria visited: Menton in 1882, Grasse in 1891 and Hyères in 1892. This shows that the Queen had everything she needed when abroad including spiritual comfort. Rich people wanted to build their church in order to unite the English community, which would thus have a meeting place. This happened when Protestants felt threatened by the animated debates that took place around Darwinian theories of evolution, the Catholic revival triggered by the Oxford Movement and the process of de-Christianisation revealed by the 1851 census. The Protestant revival led Methodists, Wesleyans, Plymouth Brethren, Quakers etc., along with the Church of England, to evangelize Britain and Europe. Under the banner of the Camden Society, a program of church construction was launched on the Riviera.

  • 2 Archives of the French Reformed Church in Grasse
  • 3 Deed of Maître Bertrand, 1st May 1890

8Anglican worship thus became a vital issue. One example of this is in Cannes where Sir Thomas Robinson Woolfield and his wife Catherine had built Villa Victoria in 1853. They soon realized that to keep their compatriots in Cannes, they needed to build a church, which they did on their property in 1855. As for the Bowes, the English church was built on a piece of land next to their house, Villa Isabella. The municipal archives in Grasse reveal a request from Maître Bertrand, notary in Grasse, addressed to the Mayor of the town on 21st January 1884, indicating that “The Bishop of Gibraltar wished to build a church for the purposes of worship for the English who spent the winters in Grasse”.2 The Municipal Council confirmed its acceptance in the register of the minutes of 27th November 1884: Mr Hibert, landowner in Grasse, wishing to contribute to the installation of a foreign colony in this town, proposed to donate to the commune a piece of land in the area of Malbosc “in order to build a Protestant church”. It is to be noted that the objective was to establish a community in the area, thanks to a religious building. John Bowes bought “a piece of land of triangular form being the remains of a property which the sellers possessed in Grasse, in the Malbosc quarter”.3 John declared a few months later that the work for the building of “a protestant church called St John’s Church” started on 7th October 1890. The architect was Liverpool-based. George Ashdon Audsley (1838-1925) built many churches and at least two synagogues in Britain and in the USA. A close friend of James Lord Bowes, he agreed to work on his only building in Europe outside Britain to please his friend who was probably consulted by his brother John Lord Bowes when the time came for him to find an architect. Audsley, though originating from Scotland, had immigrated at an early age to Liverpool. He and the Boweses were keen on the aesthetics of their local buildings. One of the characteristics of the area surrounding their city was then the important number of half-timbered buildings from the Middle Ages, the Tudor era and the Victorian period. Interestingly, St John the Evangelist in Grasse is quite unique as it is typically an Anglican Church, but among the fourteen Anglican churches built on the Riviera between 1822 (Nice) and 1910 (Vence), St John is moreover the only one to be a half-timbered church (figs. 15-16).

  • 4 Reported by The Times, 13th April 1891

9The church was finished at the end of February 1891, just three weeks before the arrival in Grasse of Queen Victoria who was coming to visit her friend the Baroness Alice of Rothschild. The appointment of Henry E. Gedge as Chaplain for British residents in Grasse was signed by Charles W. Sandford, Bishop of Gibraltar, on 14th March 1891. The Queen settled at the Grand Hotel (now the Grand Palais) on 25th March 1891 and went to visit her friend who lived a few hundred meters away on the present Avenue Victoria, quite close to the church. The Queen attended her first service at St. John the Evangelist on 27th March, Good Friday. One of the Queen’s ladies-in-waiting, Marie Adeane, recounted this event in a letter to her fiancé Bernard Mallet, explaining: “We went to church this morning, such a pretty little building only finished three weeks ago, and as the natives say, quite ‘le style anglais’” (Mallet 1968, 43). Queen Victoria was more expansive in her diary: “We drove to the little English Church, which is close by. It is very pretty & was actually finished three years ago [sic ‘weeks’], having been built by a rich gentleman, a Mr Bowes. A Mr Spencer Smith from Christ Church, Cannes, took the service, which he did very well, & preached a particularly nice and appropriate sermon. The singing was not bad but the lady who played the harmonium ‘laissait à désirer’” (Queen Victoria, 1891, 109). Later, on Sunday 5th April, the Queen again attended the service in the “English Church on the road to Vence” which was taken by the “Reverend Clergyman” from St George’s Church in Cannes, T. Aitken, noting that it was necessary to have an invitation to be able to attend divine service. She also devoted her time to visiting the town and its outskirts or to seeing Alice of Rothschild regularly. On 10th April she visited Mr. Chiris’s perfumery and wrote that after dinner: “I saw Mr. Bowes, who lives near here and who built the little English church, and who came with his sister, an elderly lady” (Queen Victoria, 1891, 140). The Queen had actually entertained John and Isabella as well as Charles Edward Booker, designated as the churchwarden. The Queen expressed her satisfaction to John for his generosity and her pleasure in attending the various services.4 On 15th April, the Queen wrote that she went to visit Mr. Bowes, who, she writes, had a charming villa, a little further beyond Miss Rothschild’s. His “friendly” sister came outside and they went round the garden together, finding it beautiful and well maintained (Queen Victoria, 1891, 146). She then attended service on a regular basis until the end of her stay in Grasse. On the 27th the Queen left, not without a last visit to the Ste Brigitte cemetery as one of her chambermaid, E. Reynolds, had died of blood poisoning during her stay at the Grand Hotel. As we can see, the Anglican community in Grasse was close to its Queen thanks to its church.

  • 5 Le Commerce, 10th May 1891.

10After the Queen had left, the Bowes and Booker families must have been happy for the honour which had been done them. A great surprise occurred shortly afterwards; a Grasse newspaper records that the Queen’s Private Secretary, Sir Henry Ponsoby “had just written to Mr. Bowes, distinguished resident of the Villa Isabella, that Her Majesty wished to offer a stained glass window to the Anglican Chapel in our town”.5 This must have been the last satisfaction that John Lord Bowes had, for he died while journeying to London on 20th August 1891. Heaton, Butler & Bayne, a famous stained glass window company of the time, whose premises were in Covent Garden at 14 Garrick Street, was contacted by Richard Holmes, the Royal Librarian at Windsor. The latter had designed three stained glass windows, which Queen Victoria wished to offer to the Anglican parish of Grasse. This royal command was certainly carried out quickly and sent off to Grasse. It represents St George with St John the Baptist and St John the Evangelist on either side, the latter having given his name to the church (fig. 17).

  • 6 Lines 9-12 of Alfred Tennyson’s poem, ‘Crossing the bar’, 1891
  • 7 Lines 1-4 of John H. Newman’s poem, ‘Lead, lindly lights’, 1833.

11St George, famous for having slain the dragon, is represented as a knight of the Order of the Garter. He is the patron saint of England, who wears the flag of England on his ‘surcoat’ (St George’s cross), has the garter and the knight’s mantle of the order with the garter. He has his sword and lance to kill the dragon, and there are ramparts behind him meaning he is the bulwark of the nation. All the symbolism is British (as for example the oak in the background which evokes the English Oak thus suggesting that the saint, as the Royal Navy, is ‘the wooden rampart[s] of Old England’). Beneath the three figures is the coat of arms of Great Britain with the text of the Order of the Garter in old French: Honni soit qui mal y pense. On either side there is Queen Victoria’s coat of arms with the inset initials VRI (Victoria Regina Imperatrix). The text below recalls the visit of the Queen: “To the Glory of God and in memory of her visit, Her Majesty Victoria, Queen of Great Britain and Ireland, Empress of India”. To the right of the nave there are three other windows offered by the Bowes family when their brother John died in 1891. The dedication reads: “In memory of John Lord Bowes. Born 24th Dec. 1825, died August 1891” (the middle window was partly destroyed). There are other windows by Heaton Butler and Bayne at the back of the church (fig. 18). Very feminine in style, they were offered in memory of Mary Sands, in 1896. There are two powerful Biblical women on either side: Myriam, sister of Moses, and Ruth, the Moabite. They are accompanied by three allegories: Hope, Love and Truth. The text above is an elegy by the Poet Laureate of Queen Victoria, Alfred Lord Tennyson: “Twilight and evening bell/ And after that the dark!/ And may there be no sadness or farewell,/ When I embark”.6 The other text is a hymn by the English clergyman, John Henry Newman: “Lead, kindly light, amidst th’encircling gloom,/ Lead Thou me on!/The night is dark, and I am far from home,/ Lead Thou me on”.7 As these examples show, St John the Evangelist in Grasse was rooted in British culture right from the beginning. A common wish of the Anglican diaspora, shared by their queen, was to mark off some of the slopes of Grasse as being British ground by exposing to the Provençaux visible elements of their Englishness.

12It would appear that the disappearance of the Bowes family, the First World War and the Wall Street Crash in 1929 reduced the Anglophone Grasse community. Next to the church is a house called Villa Beau Site given by Baroness of Rothschild to her god-daughter Alice Pearce. When the latter got married and became Mrs Jacot, she was still in the house and had the keys to the church. After the Second World War she wrote a letter to the Bishop of Gibraltar on 23rd March 1946, which ended by saying that she and her family were to return to England, and that in her opinion there would not be much chance of seeing a new congregation in Grasse. She explained that two of the large hotels in Grasse had been converted into flats. There would, therefore, be no more British visitors. They themselves would come back less and less because they wanted their children to be educated in England, and there were no families with children living nearby. Some English would come back, she wrote, but they would be scattered throughout the territory of the town of Grasse. She concludes by saying that the death of Revd. Oliver in 1940 (a former Anglo-Boer War veteran and the last chaplain appointed to Grasse) was a great sorrow to the community for they were very fond of him. This letter marks the end of an era, that of the presence of a united British community, around its clergyman.

  • 8 See Christine Reynier’s essay in this volume

13We have a final letter from Mme. Jacot, written from Surrey on 4th October 1947 in which she explains that there was no longer a British colony, and the only residents in Grasse were invalids. The Society for the Propagation of the Gospel finally gave up taking care of the church and gave it to the French Reformed Church in Grasse who was looking for suitable venues for their services but kept the possibility to perform Anglican services. When interviewed in 2011, Mrs Jacqueline Beoletto, a French citizen of Grasse, born in 1927, recalled that before the Second World War, Mrs Jacot-Pearce, her God-mother, used to invite the English community to her house (Villa Beau Site) next to the English Church, every Thursday afternoon. She herself attended and admired this English diaspora’s meetings which included, among others, Reverend Oliver and Lord and Lady Fortescue8 – John Fortescue being a former Royal Librarian, and Winifred Fortescue a former actress and then writer – who lived in The Domaine down the road towards the hamlet of Magagnosc. This was the heyday of the Anglican community in Grasse.

14Marjorie Morgan writes in the introduction to her book that she felt a sense of what it meant to her to be an American only when confronted with ‘otherness’ during a trip to Great Britain (2001, 2). She also explained that it is confrontation that forces people to reflect on the familiar and makes them more aware of how it defines them individually and collectively. Within the imperial frame of mind, we can say that British dwellers on the French Riviera tried their best to reproduce a ‘Little England’ within ‘Greater Britain’. The Riviera was not a British Colony, but there was a strong British colony living there. They had contact with local inhabitants but their attitude was somewhat closer to that of colonials who lived in the British Empire and stuck to their community. The fact that Queen Victoria was a regular visitor to the area led many aristocrats to follow in her footsteps. Their spiritual needs induced them to build English churches on the Riviera, their Axis Mundi, around which they gathered and elevated their souls, and legitimized their presence. The church, then, was a strong element of British identity along with shared admiration for their Queen and will to remain together. Today, although the French Protestants of Grasse call their church un temple, they still accept it to be nicknamed chapelle Victoria, thus bearing testimony to the memory to the Empress of India and the English diaspora.

Fig. 15 - The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse. Unidentified photograph

Fig. 15 - The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse. Unidentified photograph

Fig. 16 - Panorama of the eastern side of Grasse in 1911. Unidentified photograph

Fig. 16 - Panorama of the eastern side of Grasse in 1911. Unidentified photograph

Fig. 17 - St George, St John the Baptist and St John the Evangelist, 1891, stained glass window for The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse, Richard Holmes and Heaton, Butler and Baines Stained Glass Company.

Fig. 17 - St George, St John the Baptist and St John the Evangelist, 1891, stained glass window for The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse, Richard Holmes and Heaton, Butler and Baines Stained Glass Company.

Fig. 18 - Myriam, Ruth, and the Allegories of Hope, Love and Truth, 1891, stained glass window for The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse, Richard Holmes and Heaton, Butler and Baines Stained Glass Company.

Fig. 18 - Myriam, Ruth, and the Allegories of Hope, Love and Truth, 1891, stained glass window for The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse, Richard Holmes and Heaton, Butler and Baines Stained Glass Company.


Archives Visited:

Archives of the French Reformed Church in Grasse, of the Towns of Grasse and Menton and of the Alpes Maritimes, Nice.

Archives of St John the Evangelist, Grasse held for the Diocese of Gibraltar at the Metropolitan Archives in London. The Bodleian Library of Commonwealth and African Studies at Rhodes House, Oxford. The United Society for the Propagation of the Gospel, London and the Diocese of Gibraltar Offices, London.

Archives of the Heaton, Butler & Baynes Stained Glass Company held at the Victoria & Albert Museum, London.

Queen Victoria’s Diary, Royal Archives at Windsor. Reference RA VIC/ MAIN/ QVJ/ 1891: Mar.

Printed Matter:

Anon. 2008. “Les Britanniques sur la Riviera française, Ou Païs Mentounasc.” Le magazine culturel du pays mentonnais, Societé d’art et d’histoire du mentonnais 12: 6-8.

Benoist, Lindsay. 2009. “Les Fantômes d’Albion: les tombes anglaises du cimetière Alphonse Karr de Saint Raphaël”. Bulletin de la Société d’histoire de Fréjus et de sa région 10, s.p.

Brewster, Margaret M. 1998. Lettres de Cannes et de Nice 1856-57. Spéracédes: Éditions Tac Motifs.

Chadwick, Owen. [1970] 1997. The Victorian Church (Part 2) 1860-1901. London: SCM Press Ltd.

Howarth, Patrick. 1977. When the Riviera Was Ours. London and Henley: Routledge & Kegan Paul.

Jones, Ted. 2009. The French Riviera. A Literary Guide for Travellers. London & New York: Tauris Parke Paperbacks.

Macmillan, Hugh. 1885. The Riviera. London: J. S. Virtue & Co Ltd.

Mallet, Victor, ed. 1968. Life with Queen Victoria, Marie Mallet’s Letters from Court 1887-1901. London: John Murray.

Morgan, Marjorie. 2001. National Identities and Travel in Victorian Britain. Basingstoke and New York: Palgrave.

Nelson, Michael. 2001. Queen Victoria and the Discovery of the Riviera. London & New York: Tauris Parke Paperbacks.

Smollett, Tobias. [1766] 1979. Travels through France and Italy. Ed. Frank Felsenstein. Oxford: Oxford University Press.


1 See Nathalie Bernard’s essay in this volume.

2 Archives of the French Reformed Church in Grasse

3 Deed of Maître Bertrand, 1st May 1890

4 Reported by The Times, 13th April 1891

5 Le Commerce, 10th May 1891.

6 Lines 9-12 of Alfred Tennyson’s poem, ‘Crossing the bar’, 1891

7 Lines 1-4 of John H. Newman’s poem, ‘Lead, lindly lights’, 1833.

8 See Christine Reynier’s essay in this volume

Table des illustrations

Titre Fig. 15 - The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse. Unidentified photograph
Fichier image/jpeg, 228k
Titre Fig. 16 - Panorama of the eastern side of Grasse in 1911. Unidentified photograph
Fichier image/jpeg, 216k
Titre Fig. 17 - St George, St John the Baptist and St John the Evangelist, 1891, stained glass window for The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse, Richard Holmes and Heaton, Butler and Baines Stained Glass Company.
Fichier image/jpeg, 160k
Titre Fig. 18 - Myriam, Ruth, and the Allegories of Hope, Love and Truth, 1891, stained glass window for The Church of St John the Evangelist in Grasse, Richard Holmes and Heaton, Butler and Baines Stained Glass Company.
Fichier image/jpeg, 220k


He is Professor of British and Commonwealth Studies at Aix-Marseille University. He has written extensively on South African history and the Victorian period. He is the author of a book on the Afrikaners and the Anglo-Boer War and has edited several collections of essays among which: Religious Writings and War, Victorian Representations of War, Healing South African Wounds, L’Afrique du Sud, de Nouvelles identités? He is currently working on several aspects of the Victorian community in Grasse and on a book about eugenics and the British Empire.


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