Trade and Monetary Economy in the Early Hellenistic City of Seuthopolis in Thrace

Kamen Dimitrov

Introduction

Fig. 1
Arial view of Seuthopolis.

  • 1 Dimitrov, D. P., Seuthopolis, Antiquity, 35, 1961, 91-102; Dimitrov, D P., Das Entstehen der thrak (...)
  • 2 Zhivkova, L. The Kazanluk Tomb. BRD (Bongers), 1975; Kitov, G. The Valley of the Thracian Rulers, (...)
  • 3 Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae III. 2, 1731, Serdicae 1961 (edidit G. Mihailov) (herea (...)
  • 4 Curt. 10.1. 43-45; Diod. XVIII. 14,2-4; XIX. 73,1-10.
  • 5 IG Bulg. 1731; Dimitrov, K. Wars and Policy of the Royal Dynasty at Seuthopolis. - Thracia, 18, 20 (...)
  • 6 Kitov 2005 (as Note 2); Dimitrov 2009 (As Note 5), p. 282.
  • 7 On the discussion see ibidem, p. 287-288 with ref.

1Seuthopolis was located on the river of Tonzos (Toundja) in South Thrace, an important trade route in the antiquity. Both the city1 and its necropolis of more than 20 monumental tombs2 were excavated and well-studied (Fig. 1, 2, 3). An inscription (Fig. 4) found in the city revealed the city’s name, the name of its founder Seuthes III (Fig. 5, 6) as well as that of Seuthes’ wife Berenike, most probably a Macedonian princess.3 Called by C. Rufus „an Odrysian“ , Seuthes revolted against the Macedonian rule after the defeat of the Macedonian strategos Zopyrion in the northern Black sea in 326/325 BC. As Thracian king Seuthes waged war with Lysimachos in spring 322 and in 312 BC,4 an agreement between both rulers is supposed, probably cemented by the marriage of Seuthes and Berenike. The peaceful period that followed resulted in the foundation and the prosperity of Seuthopolis and of the whole state of Seuthes.5 The elite necropolis of Seuthopolis featured the royal tombs under the mound of Goliama Kosmatka (belonging to Seuthes III himself) and that of Kazanlak (belonging to Roigos, son of Seuthes).6 Seuthopolis was destroyed most probably by the Celts in the 270’s BC or some 20 years later by Antiochos II.7 Both the city and the necropolis provided a rich material, relevant to the problems of the trade and finances in early Hellenistic Thrace. However, trade in Thrace developed long before the time of Seuthopolis.

Fig. 2 (left)
Plan of Seuthopolis.

Fig. 3 (middle)
House of Seuthopolis, reconstruction.

Fig. 4 (right)
The Seuthopolis inscription.

Fig. 5
Bronze head of Seuthes III from his tomb and a coin portrait of the king.

Fig. 6
Depiction of a horseman (Seuthes IIP), the first from left, on the dromos of the Kazanluk tomb.

The trade in the Odrysian Kingdom before 340 BC

  • 8 Димитров, K. 2011 (as Note 1), p. 96; on the Odrysian Kingdom see Archibald, Z. H. The Odrysian Ki (...)
  • 9 Thuc. II. 96.1–4, 97.1–2; Diod. XII. 50.1.

2In the pre-hellenistic age the area of Seuthopolis was a part of the Odrysian Kingdom.8From the 5th Century B.C. up to the Macedonian conquest in 341/340 BC it was the largest and the mightiest multi-tribal state in Thrace. In late 5th Century its territories extended from Abdera to the mouth of Istros.9 The Kingdom underwent periods of raise and unification, followed by fall and disintegration. After Al. Fol the Odrysian Kingdom existed as multy-tribal, economic, social and political organisation κατὰ ἔθνη based on an economy of „Asiatic” or „tributary” type, in fact on the direct exploitation of the rural communities by the King as supreme owner of the land, by the ηαϱαδυναςτοί (co-rulers and vassals of the King) and the aristocratie circles. An economy of this type „did not require a developed Internai markets“.

  • 10 Φoʌ, Αʌ. Демографска и социаʌна структура нa древна Тракия. Първо хиʌядоʌетие пр. н. e. София, 197 (...)
  • 11 Isaac, B. The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest. Leiden, 1986.
  • 12 On Pistiros: Dossier: nouvelles perspectives pour l’etude de l’inscription de Pistiros. Bulletin d (...)
  • 13 Bouzek, J., Domaradzka, L. More than 300 talents for the emporia for Kersobleptos. – In: Thrace an (...)
  • 14 Xen. anab.VII. 3.10; 4.1.
  • 15 Aristot. oecon. II. 26.1351a. 19–23; Polyaen. VII. 32.
  • 16 Thuc. II. 96.
  • 17 Briant, P. et al. Le monde Grec aux temps classiques. Tome 1. Le Ve siècle., Paris, 1995, 52-53.

3This kind of organisation was antagonistic to the communities κατὰ πόλεις of the Greek city-states on the Thracian coasts neighboring the Kingdom. These Statements need to be reconsidered. Thrace was recognised as a „contact zone” of various interactions long time ago.10 There is rich evidence on permanent contacts of different nature the Odrysian kingdom maintained with the Greek world and particularly with the πόλεις on the Thracian coasts. Trade occupied a prominent place in these contacts, implying new ideas and forms of economy with strong political and cultural impact on the Odrysian society. According to B. Isaac the Greeks founded 72 πόλεις in the North-aegean, Propontic and Black sea area and many other Settlements of less importance.11 Their economy was widely based on trade: purchasing goods from the natives and re-exporting them, normally by sea, to the rest of the Greek world. Many of them were situated in close proximity to the Odrysian realms. Ἐμπόϱια of Thasos, Ainos and Kardia in the inland of Thrace are recorded in the ancient sources. Some of them represented joint ventures such as Pistiros on the upper Hebros, deep in the Odrysian lands, an ἐμπόϱειου of the Thasians, Maronitans and Apollonitans (from Chalkidiki?). The names on the graffitti point to the presence of Hellenized Thracians as well. The imported items in the Thracian centers and necropoleis in the area of Stryama were correctly regarded as a resuit of trade contacts with Pistiros.12 Some of the Greek cities and the ἐμπόϱεια were usually taxed by the Odrysian kings. Kersebleptes acquired 300 talents „from the emporia on the Thracian territory”.13 The tribute way of production which dominated in the vast Odrysian lands and the usual plundering campaigns permitted the Odrysians to act as trade partners of the Greeks. Kotys I and Kersebleptes exported to the Coastal cities cereals, especially produced for sale by the dependent peasants on royal order.14 They were sold at a lower price than the usual, a normal practice even in the modern concurrence in trade. The war booty (slaves, cattle etc) acquired by Seuthes II was sold there as well.15 In 431 BC or even earlier an alliance of pure military nature was concluded between Sitalkes and Athens. The Thracians operated in Macedonia and in the Chalkidiki, hindering the Spartans and their allies to act in the North-aegean.16 No rival around, Athens felt at ease to take profit of her monopoly on the grain trade in Thrace and through the straights.17

4Some well documented acts of the Odrysian rulers can be evaluated as no doubt creative for they were in fact supporting and stimulating the development of the social base of the trade in Thrace.

  • 18 Xen. anab. VII. 2. 35.

5As a supreme landlord the ruler was in position to propose unlimited lands („as much as they wish“) and cattle to the Greeks as did Seuthes II ca. 400 BC.18 No doubt the new owners would hold their new domains as free farmers. Moreover Seuthes promised them a fortress on the sea shore, i.e. he was inclined to provide the Greeks with all necessary so as to found a new Coastal Settlement and trade center of polis type.

6The emporion of Pistiros represented a clear case of flourishing polis economy and trade housed on Odrysian royal land. It was founded near Vetren, 22 km NW of Pazardjik, by refugees from Thasos after the defeat by Athens in 463 BC. Earlier material suggests that the site served as market place before the thasian occupation. The Settlement was fortified in the 3rd quarter of the 5th Century BC. A royal decree preserved on a stone inscription guaranteed to the emporiti the right to own land, to tax the trade convoys in their own profit, to apply their own jurisdiction. Thracian troops should not garrison the Settlement as well. The issue is usually ascribed to Amatokos II, king of the middle part of the Odrysian Kingdom (ca 356-346 BC), but it may well be a confirmation of an earlier decision by Kotys I (382-359 BC).

  • 19 Dimitrov, K. On the Thraco-Greek Contacts in the Valley of Stryama During the 5th and the First Ha (...)

7Some 30 coin hoards, dozens of single coins and many imported artifacts found in the Odrysian lands testify to extensive trade traffic and to the economic unification of the areas along the main riverine arteries of the Odrysian Kingdom regardless of the temporary political decentralization. The coin bulk came from different centers and trade routes. The issues belonged to various denominations struck after several standards: Phokean (the kyzikeni), Attic (Athenian owls), light Thracian-Macedonian (staters and drachme of the Thasos-type and ¼ drachms of Thasos), Chian-Rhodian (drachms of Parion and of Apollonia Pontica) and the local Standard (the Odrysian royal issues and the Thasos-type imitative bronzes). Some areas such as those of Stryama, of Jambol, of Haskovo, of Byzantion may be defined as „contact zones“of several directions of coin influx and trade traffic, supported by the abundant imported materials. During the second half of the 5th Century BC and the first half of the 4th Century BC the trade activities to the south-east were related to the grain export of the Athenian League, later to Parion and Apollonia Pontica, and to the south-west – to Thasos, Abdera, Maroneia, etc. over Pistiros and the other emporia in the interior of Thrace. The single silver coins and the bronze issues of low value were relevant for daily transactions in the Thracian milieu, though not so extensive as in the later Hellenistic period. The trade was obviously protected by the Odrysian kings as stated in the decree of Pistiros.19

  • 20 Peter, U. Die Münzen der thrakischen Dynasten (5-3 Jahrhundert v. Chr.). Hintergründe ihrer Prägun (...)

8The Odrysian kings developed their own coinage as well. The silver coins were mosdy of small denominations and very restricted volume, an output of several local mints. Normally they followed the Greek weigh Standards and often kept to the design of the issues of Thasos, Abdera and Maroneia. They were clearly intended first to be accepted as mean of payment similarly to the Greek issues and then- to radiate the royal ideology through some characteristic images of the ruler’s head and of the ruler-horseman. The bronze coins were more numerous, which is relevant about the need of appropriate currency for small transactions within the Odrysian realms. One of the royal mints located probably in Pistiros, yieldied issues of unusual thick flans and Maronitan design and magistrate names for six Odrysian kings (Metokos to Teres III). The most finds come from Pistiros. Other pieces were found in Kabyle and near Deultum.20 The specifications of this production fit well to the position of Heraklides from Maroneia who sold the booty of Seuthes II in Perinth and to the leading place of the Maronitans among the emporiti of Pistiros. It seems that the Odrysians accepted much from the Greeks and borrowed practices of trading and financing such as introducing their own small silver and bronze currency.

9The Odrysian Kingdom certainly developed an external and internal market and a coin economy in cooperation with the Greek world or a dualistic economic model:

  1. Economy of eastern type (agricultural production, taxation and presents from the subjects, trade control, war booty);
  2. Income received or converted in cash through trade partnership with the polis economy.21

The trade in Thrace under the Macedonian domination (340-320 BC)

  • 22 Ibidem, 235.
  • 23 Diod. XIV 71, 1–2; XVIII. 18.4; Plut. 9; Димитров, Д· Π. 3a укреиените виʌи и резиденции y траките (...)
  • 24 Delev, P. Proto-Hellenistic and Early Hellenistic Phenomena in Ancient Thrace. - In: The Thracian (...)
  • 25 Contra: Φoʌ, Аʌ. Еʌинизмът в Тракия.- Исторически прегʌед, 5,1984, p. 47.
  • 26 Ellis, J. R. Philip II and Macedonian Imperialism (2), London, 1986, p. 171; Димитров, K. 1989 (As (...)
  • 27 Arr. anab. I. 2.1; VII. 9, 3; Ellis 1986 (as Note 26), p. 171; Archibald 1998 (as Note 8), p. 240.
  • 28 Димитров К. 1989 (as Note 21), p. 26–28; Dimitrov, K. 1996/1997 (as Note 21).
  • 29 Драганов, Д. Търговските връзки нa Кабиʌе ирез V–III в. пp. н.e. (пo нумизматчини дании). – Bullet (...)

10By 341 BC the Thracian conquest was „the most ambitious enterprise” of Philip II.22 The Odrysian dynasty was dethroned and the lands under direct occupation along the river of Hebros were organized as strategia. „Big cities at convenient places” such as Philippopolis, Kabyle, Beroia etc. were founded no doubt on earlier native Settlements. They were populated by Macedonians and Greeks, the locals being driven out as in the case of Alexandroupolis in Medike. A passage about the settling of 12 000 Athenians in Thrace by Antipater after September 322 BC should be singled out among the texts on colonization as evidence for its economic impact. The newcomers received land, probably „from the big royal domains of the Thracian rulers”.23 Macedonian cities in the strategia were obviously organizations of private landowners displaying „principle characteristics of Hellenistic poleis contrary to the System of direct royal economy”.24 They, „Philippopolis included“, were no longer „royal cities” and centers of the Odrysian royal economy of eastern type,25 but centers of economy of Greek type, i.e. of trade. The former Thracian economic infrastructure, including the emporia, was monopolized by the Macedonians.26 Macedonian trade expanded due to the occupation of „the most convenient Coastal places“, the inland of Thrace being included in the trading network. Both the one-tenth tax from the province and the booty were sold at the markets of the allied Coastal cities.27 The activity of this economy is clearly reflected in dozens of hoards with Macedonian coins and hundreds of single finds. The small silver of the Thracian Chersonesos and Parion (to be probably considered as Macedonian provincial coinage) are widespread in Southern Thrace along the main river routes and even north of the Balkan range.28 Except in the strategy of Thrace the Macedonian bronzes were in use in areas under other political regime such as the territories of the Coastal poleis and the Thracian lands along the river of Tonzos and north of the Balkan range which were not under direct Macedonian control. Kabyle offers a clear example of prospering local economy after the Macedonian reorganization of the settlement. Substantial coin finds, including imitative issues of bronze drachms of Maroneia found in the area of Kabyle are relevant of an extensive local exchange.29 Obviously the Macedonian presence and reforms considerably stimulated the trade and the use of coins in the Odrysian lands, thus contributing to their economic unification.

Fig. 7
Thasian amphora stamp from a tumulus near Seuthopolis.

The trade in the area of Seuthopolis before the foundation of the city

  • 30 Димитров К. 1989 (as Note 21), p. 26–28, 32, 34; idem. Към въпроса зa циркулациятa нa македонски б (...)
  • 31 Kitov 2005 (as Note 2), p. 59, 66.
  • 32 Димитров Κ. 1984 (as Note 1), p. 32-36.
  • 33 Balkanska, A., Tzochev, Ch. Amphora Stamps from Seuthopolis - Revised. - In: Phosphorion. Studia i (...)
  • 34 See note 32.

11The life in the area of Seuthopolis (the so-called Valley of the Kings near Kazanläk) existed since the mid-Neolithic Age. As a part of the Odrysian Kingdom it was economically connected to the core of the Kingdom situated along the river of Stryama. Although being not under direct Macedonian occupation, after 340 BC the Valley was united with the Argead province of Thrace. Trade in the area is attested by several hoards with coins of Parion, the Thracian Chersonesos and of Macedonian bronze issues.30 A marvelous red figured crater and other imported items come from elite burials from the late 5th to the mid-4th Century BC.31 More than 100 coins of Philip II and Alexander the Great types,32 12 Thasian amphora stamps mostly from 315-310 BC (Fig. 7) and some fragments of „West slope” Greek pottery were found in the mounds of two tumuli erected near Seuthopolis33 with earth and materials previously belonging to an earlier Settlement preceding the city.34

Fig. 8
Tetradrachms from Seuthopolis: a. Lymachos, Sardes, 297-287 BC; b. Alexander-type, Tenedos?, 280-275 BC.

Indications on trade activities in Seuthopolis

The situation and the city planning

  • 35 See notes 1-3; Dimitrov, K. The Cult of Dionysus in Seuthopolis.- Orpheus, 19, 2012, p. 23-24,39-4 (...)
  • 36 Стоянов, Т. Кабиʌе, Севтопоʌис и Хеʌис три варианта на урбанизма в ранноеʌинистическа Тракия. - In (...)

12Seuthopolis was certainly a river port on Tonzos and thus actually in touch to the Aegean coast. The realms of Seuthes’s state neighbored to the territories of the cities of Philippopolis (Plovdiv), Kabyle (near Jambol) and probably Beroia (Stara Zagora), old Odrysian „royal cities” which were re-founded as poleis by the Macedonians. Seuthopolis was strongly fortified. It included a basileia, erected as an essential part of the general Hippodamos city-planning, an agora, some 50 luxury houses, large streets and a temple of the Great Gods of Samothrace incorporated in the basileia. A temple of Dionysos with altar nearby found place by the agora. Of particular interest is the decision a second copy of the royal decree to be exposed by the altar of Dionysos on the agora thus stressing the importance of the city square as second center of social and political life after the King’s palace and suggesting some economic aspects of the worship of Dionysos as „agoreian” deity’as well.35 The suburbs north of the city were occupied by tiled farmehouses „ of economic and social importance”.36 The similarities between Seuthopolis and the Greek Hellenistic poleis are evident although the Greek city planning was adapted to the needs of an aristocratic rather than a democratic society. Anyway, in some extend a Greek type of economy and especially trade activities would be not surprising in similar urban background.

The foreign coins

  • 37 Димитров К. 1984 (as Note 1); for some reattributions see Русева, Б. Антични монети от Севтопоʌис (...)

13Some 270 coins struck outside Seuthopolis were found in the city: 7 tetra-drachms of Attic weight (Fig. 8) and three more-of Thrako-Macedonian weight; 22 drachms of Attic weight and 240 bronzes. The predominance of the small silver and especially of the bronze issues are enough indicative about small scale trade operations, supported by the pattern of the local coinage, see below. The typology of the foreign coins is quite rich. Most of the Alexander-type silver coins were struck at the Anatolian mints of Lampsakos, Tenedos, Kolophon, Sardes, Miletos and Priene. One tetradrachm comes from Amphipolis and another from Phoenikia. The tetradrachms of Lysimachos come from Lampsakos and Pergamon. The bronze coins of the same ruler are 41 in number, most probably struck in the mint of Lysimacheia. 19 authonomous coins of the same city and isolated pieces of Kardia, Aegospotamoi and the Thracian Chersonessos may be related to a traffic coming from the peninsula via the riverine route of Hebros and Tonsos. The bronzes of Ainos and Adaios (14 pieces) followed the same path. Of particular interest is the coin of king Spartokos from Kabyle (Fig. 9), mentioned in the Seuthopolis inscription. The tetradrachms of Philip and Alexander type from Amphipolis, the abundant bronze coins of Philip II (40 pieces), of Alexander the Great (31 pieces) and of Kassander (51 pieces) from Macedonian mints certainly penetrated from the south-west as did some single issues of Philippot, Ortagoreia and of Demetrius Poliorcetes.37

Fig. 9
Bronze coin of king Spartokos of Kabyle, found in Seuthopolis.

The imported amphorae andpottery

  • 38 Balkanska, Tzochev, 2008 (as Note 33), p. 188-205.
  • 39 Чичикова 1984 (as Note 33).
  • 40 Балканска, A. Севтопоʌис и икономическиге връзки на Тракия през еʌинистическата епоха. - In: Траки (...)
  • 41 Cf. Dimitrov, Cicikova, 1978 (as Note 1), p. 31.
  • 42 Balkanska, Tzochev, 2008 (as Note 33), p. 191.
  • 43 Bouzek, Domaradzka, Taneva, 2004 (as Note 12), p. 180.

14According to the recent study of Balkanska and Tzochev the excavations of Seuthopolis itself (excluding the nearby tombs) provided 78 amphora stamps. The production of Thasos (38 stamps) and of Akanthos (7 stamps) predominates. Samothrace, Rhodes, Knidos, Sinope and the Tauric Chersonesos are represented by one to three pieces each. 25 stamps remain unattributed.38 Some 100 pieces of Greek „West slope” pottery, mostly kantaroi, fish plates, bowls, lamps etc.(Fig. 10-14) were found in Seuthopolis.39 Amphorae, pottery and coins altogether certainly point to trade. The commercial traffic to south-east to the Thracian Chersonesos and Asia Minor is well attested both through coins and stamps, which no doubt penetrated via Hebros and Thonzos. The second main direction of the trade traffic was bound to the south-west to Thasos and Macedonia. The huge number of Thasian amphorae point to the leading position of the island in the trade of the seuthopolitans. Moreover, the Knidan amphorae and the „West slope” pottery import may have been distributed equally via Thasos, who was the main trade partner of Athens in the North Aegean.40 There is no need to seek direct traffic neither from Athens nor from the Black sea colonies41 as Athens and the Pontic Messambria and Apollonia are represented in Seuthopolis by one coin each. The Thasian import vanished ca 275 BC not only in Seuthopolis but in the whole „inner Thracian region”,42 just in the years when the empomn of Pistiros most probably perished during the great Celtic invasion in 279 BC43. The emporion of Pistiros certainly played an important role connecting the Aegean coast with the inland of Thrace both by riverine and land routes as mentioned in the decree from the mid 4th C. BC. Macedonian coins are numerous both in Pistiros and Seuthopolis and the most suitable way the Thasos import to reach Seuthopolis would be effectuated through a Thasian foundation deep in the continent such as Pistiros.

Fig. 10 (left)
Greek kantaroi from Seuthopolis.

Fig. 11 (right)
Greek fish plates from Seuthopolis.

Fig. 12 (left)
Greek lamps from Seuthopolis.

Fig. 13 (middle)
Greek lamps from Seuthopoüs.

Fig. 14 (right)
Greek pottery from Seuthopoüs.

The local coinage

  • 44 Димитров К. 1984 (as Note 1).

15A total of 849 bronze coins with the name of Seuthes III and one with the name of Roigos (Fig. 15) represent the local coinage in Seuthopolis. Seuthes’s issues were classified in three groups, the first and the second struck by Seuthes himself and representing three denominations each. The third group includes a single type, struck most probably by the heirs of Seuthes. The coinage was produced in relatively short time of several decades and certainly was intended for the local market. Macedonian coins, mostly of Kassander and less of Philip II, Alexander the Great and Lysimachos were widely overstruck, a clear tendency to obtain monetary unification on the local market. A small hoard with 21 coins of Seuthes and one of Kassander was discovered in Seuthopolis and two more similar hoards were recorded in the area of Karlovo, sonie 40 km north-west from Seuthopolis. Obviously the local coinage circulated far from the city44 and from that point Seuthopolis, although a „royal city” dominated financially the neighboring territory just as did the real Hellenistic poleis. The examined evidence is enough relevant about the existence of a well-developed foreign and local market and monetary economy not only in Seuthopolis, but in the whole state of Seuthes III as well.

Fig. 15
Bronze coins of Seuthes III and Roigos (bottom right), struck and found in Seuthopolis.

References of the illustrations

16Fig. 1: Dimitrov, Cicikova, 1978 (as Note 1), fig. 4.

17Fig. 2: After Dimitrov, D. P., 1961 (as Note 1), Tav 1, Abb. 2, A -agora, B -basileia.

18Fig. 3: Dimitrov, D. E, 1961 (as Note 1), Tav. IV, Abb. 7.

19Fig. 4: Elvers, 1994 (as Note 3), 243.

20Fig. 5: Kitov 2005 (as Note 2).

21Fig. 6: Zhivkova 1975 (as Note 2), pl. 17.

22Fig. 7: Dimitrov, Cicikova, 1978 (as Note 1), fig. 58.

23Fig. 8: Dimitrov, Cicikova, 1978 (as Note 1), fig. 66.

24Fig. 9: Чичикова 1984 (as Note 33), табло XIV.

25Fig. 11: Чичикова 1984 (as Note 33), табло XIX.

26Fig. 12-13: Чичикова 1984 (As Note 33), табло XX, XXIII.

27Fig. 14: Чичикова 1984 (as Note 33), табло XXIV.

28Fig. 15: Димитров К. 1984 (as Note 1).

Notes

1 Dimitrov, D. P., Seuthopolis, Antiquity, 35, 1961, 91-102; Dimitrov, D P., Das Entstehen der thrakischen Stadt und die Eigenart ihrer städtebaulichen Gestaltung und Architektur - In: Atti del settimo congresso internazionale di archeologia Classica,I, Brussel, 1961, 379-387, Tav. I -IV; Dimitrov D. R, Cicikova, M., The Thracian City of Seuthopolis, BAR, Suppl. Series, 38, Oxford, 1978; Чичикова, M., СeвтопоɅис, София, 1970; Чичикова, M., Царският квартаʌ в Сeвтопоʌис-basileia- In: Пробʌеми и изеʌедвания нa тракийската куʌтура IV. Казанʌък, 2009, 39-47; Сeвтопоʌис, 1. Бит и куʌтура. София, 1984; Димиров, K., Античнитс монети οт Сeвтопоʌис- In: Сeвтопоʌис, 2. Аитнчии и срeдновсковни монсти, София, 1984, 5-136; Димитров, К., Социаʌни и рeʌигиозни аспекти нa „царcкия гpaд” в ранноeʌинистическа Тракия. II. 1. Сeвтопоʌис: градът и общeството- In: Seminarium Thracicum, 7, Sofia, 2011, 95-122; Dimitrov, K., Social, Economic and Political Structures in the Territories of the Odrysian Kingdom in Thrace (5th-first half of the 3rd Century. - Orpheus 18, 2011, p. 5-24.

2 Zhivkova, L. The Kazanluk Tomb. BRD (Bongers), 1975; Kitov, G. The Valley of the Thracian Rulers, Varna, 2005; Valeva, J. Painted Coffers of the Ostrusha Tomb. Sofia, 2005; Димитров, К. Социаʌни и рeʌигиозии аспскти на ”царския гpaл” в ранноeʌинистическа Тракия. II.2.1. Сeвтоиоʌис: рeʌигизнитe куʌтовe (памeтници и тeкстовe). - In: Пробʌеми и изеʌедвания нa тракийската куʌтура, IV. Казанʌък, 2009, p. 31-42.

3 Inscriptiones Graecae in Bulgaria repertae III. 2, 1731, Serdicae 1961 (edidit G. Mihailov) (hereafter cited as IG Bulg); Elvers, K.-L. Der Eid der Berenike und ihrer Söhne: eine Edition von IG Bulg. III, 2, 1731.- Chiron, 24,1994, p. 241-266.

4 Curt. 10.1. 43-45; Diod. XVIII. 14,2-4; XIX. 73,1-10.

5 IG Bulg. 1731; Dimitrov, K. Wars and Policy of the Royal Dynasty at Seuthopolis. - Thracia, 18, 2009, p. 285-286 with ref.

6 Kitov 2005 (as Note 2); Dimitrov 2009 (As Note 5), p. 282.

7 On the discussion see ibidem, p. 287-288 with ref.

8 Димитров, K. 2011 (as Note 1), p. 96; on the Odrysian Kingdom see Archibald, Z. H. The Odrysian Kingdom of Thrace. Orpheus Unmasked. Oxford, 1998.

9 Thuc. II. 96.1–4, 97.1–2; Diod. XII. 50.1.

10 Φoʌ, Αʌ. Демографска и социаʌна структура нa древна Тракия. Първо хиʌядоʌетие пр. н. e. София, 1970, p. 41; Idem. Поʌитика и куʌтура в Древиа Тракия, София, 1990, p. 43,46–49.

11 Isaac, B. The Greek Settlements in Thrace until the Macedonian Conquest. Leiden, 1986.

12 On Pistiros: Dossier: nouvelles perspectives pour l’etude de l’inscription de Pistiros. Bulletin de correspondence hellenique 123/1, 1999, p. 247–371; Pistiros vols. 1-3, Prague 1996–2005; Bouzek, J., Domaradzka, L., Taneva, V. Interrelations between Thracians and Greeks in Inner Thrace during the Classical Period. - In: Thracians and Circumpontic World, II. Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Thracology. Chişinau, 2003 (2004), p. 177–189; Bouzek, J., Domaradzka, L. The Greek Emporion Pistiros near Vetren between Greater Powers: 450–278 BC. - In: Proceedings of the 10th International Congress of Thracology, Komotini-Alexandroupolis 18-23 October 2005 Athens 2007), p. 86–94.

13 Bouzek, J., Domaradzka, L. More than 300 talents for the emporia for Kersobleptos. – In: Thrace and the Aegean. Proceedings of the Eighth International Congress of Thracology (Sofia-Yambol, 25–29. September 2000), vol. I. Sofia, 2002, p. 391–397.

14 Xen. anab.VII. 3.10; 4.1.

15 Aristot. oecon. II. 26.1351a. 19–23; Polyaen. VII. 32.

16 Thuc. II. 96.

17 Briant, P. et al. Le monde Grec aux temps classiques. Tome 1. Le Ve siècle., Paris, 1995, 52-53.

18 Xen. anab. VII. 2. 35.

19 Dimitrov, K. On the Thraco-Greek Contacts in the Valley of Stryama During the 5th and the First Half of the 4th Centuries B. C. – In: Ζήσης I. Μπόνιας και / and Jacques Y. Perreault (ed.). Greeks and Thracians. Acts of the international Symposium «Greeks and Thracians along the coast and in the Hinterland of Thrace during the years before and after the great colonization» (Thasos, 26–27 September 2008) (2009), p. 37–52 with ref.

20 Peter, U. Die Münzen der thrakischen Dynasten (5-3 Jahrhundert v. Chr.). Hintergründe ihrer Prägung, Berlin, 1997; Димитров, К. Бронзова монета на одриския цар Севт II. – Annuaire du Musée Archéologique Plovdiv, IX, 1999, p. 175-180.

21 Димитров, К. Съкровища с автономни монети, тьрговски връзки и инфраструктура нa Тракия през IV в.пр.н.е. – Исторически прегʌед, 8,1989, p. 21–35; Dimitrov K. The Treasury of Lysimachos. (CD-ROM), Sofia. (University „St. Kliment Ohridski” Press), 1996/7; idem 2009 (as Note 19), 44; cf. Archibald 1998 (as Note 8), 316.

22 Ibidem, 235.

23 Diod. XIV 71, 1–2; XVIII. 18.4; Plut. 9; Димитров, Д· Π. 3a укреиените виʌи и резиденции y траките в преʌримската eпoxa. – In: Изсʌедвания в чест на акаʌ. Д. Дечев. София, 1958, p. 698; on the date: Schmitt, H. Die Staatsverträge des Altertums III. Die Verträge der griechisch-römischen Welt von 338 bis 200 v. Chr. München, 1969, No 415.

24 Delev, P. Proto-Hellenistic and Early Hellenistic Phenomena in Ancient Thrace. - In: The Thracian World at the Crossroads of Civilizations. Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of Thracology (Constanta-Mangalia-Tulcea, 20-26 May 1996), II. Bucharest, 1998, p. 379; Димитров, К. Социаʌни и реʌигиозни аспекти на „царския граʌ” в раиноеʌинистаческа Тракия. 1. Кабиʌе. – In: Seminarium Thracicum 6, 2004, p. 106-107.

25 Contra: Φoʌ, Аʌ. Еʌинизмът в Тракия.- Исторически прегʌед, 5,1984, p. 47.

26 Ellis, J. R. Philip II and Macedonian Imperialism (2), London, 1986, p. 171; Димитров, K. 1989 (As Note 21); Dimitrov, K. Macedonian Royal Traditions in Early Hellenistic Thrace. - In: Ancient Macedonia VI, I. Sixth International Symposium (Thessaloniki 1996), (1999), p. 379; Domaradzka, L. Pistiros and its contribution to classical Greek epigraphy. – In: Πιτύη. Изсʌeдвaния в чecт нa пpoф. Ивaн Mapaзoв, Cοфия, 2002, p. 298.

27 Arr. anab. I. 2.1; VII. 9, 3; Ellis 1986 (as Note 26), p. 171; Archibald 1998 (as Note 8), p. 240.

28 Димитров К. 1989 (as Note 21), p. 26–28; Dimitrov, K. 1996/1997 (as Note 21).

29 Драганов, Д. Търговските връзки нa Кабиʌе ирез V–III в. пp. н.e. (пo нумизматчини дании). – Bulletin de la Société historique bulgare, XXXIV, 1982, p. 10; Draganov, D. Zu den Handelsbeziehungen der thrakischen Stadt Kabyle vom 5. bis 3. Jahrhundert v. u. Z. – In: Jahrbuch fuer Wirtschaftsgeschichte II, 1983, p. 112–113; Dimitrov, K. 1996/1997 (as Note 21), hoard XXVIII; Γетoв, Ʌ. Амфори и амфорни печгaти от Кабиле (IV–II в. пp. н. e.), София, 1995, p. 114.

30 Димитров К. 1989 (as Note 21), p. 26–28, 32, 34; idem. Към въпроса зa циркулациятa нa македонски бронзови монети в районa нa Севтопоʌис.- Годишник на Нов Бъʌгарски Университет, Департамент „Източни и средиземноморски изсʌедвания“, 2, 2004, p. 50-57.

31 Kitov 2005 (as Note 2), p. 59, 66.

32 Димитров Κ. 1984 (as Note 1), p. 32-36.

33 Balkanska, A., Tzochev, Ch. Amphora Stamps from Seuthopolis - Revised. - In: Phosphorion. Studia in honorem Mariae Cicikova. Sofia, 2008, p. 193; Чичикова, M. Антична керамика.-In: Севтопоʌис, 1, 1984 (as Note 1), p. 18-114.

34 See note 32.

35 See notes 1-3; Dimitrov, K. The Cult of Dionysus in Seuthopolis.- Orpheus, 19, 2012, p. 23-24,39-41.

36 Стоянов, Т. Кабиʌе, Севтопоʌис и Хеʌис три варианта на урбанизма в ранноеʌинистическа Тракия. - In: IV международен симпозиум „Посеʌищен живот в Тракия” (Ямбоʌ-Кабиʌе 9-11 ноември 2005). Ямбоʌ, 2006, p. 85.

37 Димитров К. 1984 (as Note 1); for some reattributions see Русева, Б. Антични монети от Севтопоʌис в нова интерпретация. - Нумизматика, 1988, No 2, 9-15; No 3, 3-12.

38 Balkanska, Tzochev, 2008 (as Note 33), p. 188-205.

39 Чичикова 1984 (as Note 33).

40 Балканска, A. Севтопоʌис и икономическиге връзки на Тракия през еʌинистическата епоха. - In: Тракийската куʌтура през еʌинистическата епоха в Казаиʌъшкия край. Казанʌък, 1991, p. 89.

41 Cf. Dimitrov, Cicikova, 1978 (as Note 1), p. 31.

42 Balkanska, Tzochev, 2008 (as Note 33), p. 191.

43 Bouzek, Domaradzka, Taneva, 2004 (as Note 12), p. 180.

44 Димитров К. 1984 (as Note 1).

Auteur

Kamen Dimitrov