1 For an overview of Austria’s difficulties in dealing with its Nazi past see Günter Bischof, “Victims? Perpetrators? ‘Punching Bags’ of European Historical Memory? The Austrians and Their World War II Legacies,” German Studies Review 27 (Feb. 2004): 17-32.

2 Greene shows in a comparative case study of the FPÖ and the Lega Nord that the latter “has prompted its government to adopt more extreme right-wing ideologies and policies than the Freedom Party has in Austria, both before and after the parties’ incorporation into their respective national governments.” Referring to the EU’s apparent double standards, Greene concludes, “If the Austrian diplomatic sanctions were an established precedent for how the EU should respond to extreme elements in its member nations [...] one would have expected a similar quarantine on Italy.” See Megan Greene, “Right-Wing Movements in the European Union: A Case Study of the Austrian Freedom Party (FPÖ) and the Lega Nord (LN),” in The Dollfuss/Schuschnigg Era in Austria: A Reassessment, ed. Günter Bischof et al., Contemporary Austrian Studies 11 (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2003), 204.

3 In the ORF’s (Austrian Broadcasting Corporation) TV program Europastudio of 25 April 2010, Michael Frank compared Jobbik’s Hungarian Guard, which has been outlawed but is still active, with the SA (Sturmabteilung), the Nazi Party’s paramilitary organization. In the same broadcast, Ernst Gelegs labeled Jobbik a fascist, openly racist, and anti-Semitic party that would be unthinkable in Austria. Gelegs stated that in comparison to Jobbik the FPÖ would be a “left-liberal” party. Jobbik received 16.7 percent of the vote in Hungary’s April 2010 general election. Fidesz, the conservative ruling party of Prime Minister Viktor Orbán, used an anti-Jewish language in its parliamentary election campaign “even Haider didn’t dare utter.” See Denis MacShane, “Europe’s New Politics of Fear,” Newsweek, 26 Apr. 2010. Despite — or due to?— its anti-Semitic campaign, Fidesz has won a two-thirds majority.

4 Sonja Puntscher-Riekmann, “Es ist vorbei. Ist es vorbei?,” in Eine europäische Erregung: Die “Sanktionen” der Vierzehn gegen Österreich im Jahr 2000 – Analysen und Kommentare, ed. Erhard Busek and Martin Schauer (Vienna: Böhlau, 2003), 120.

5 According to a verdict of the European Court of Human Rights, it is legitimate to call Rosenkranz a “Kellernazi” (“basement Nazi”). Before being forced during the presidential campaign 2010 to admit the existence of gas chambers in the Third Reich’s concentration and extermination camps, she called them into question.

6 This is confirmed by Günter Bischof and Michael S. Maier in “Reinventing Tradition and the Politics of History: Schüssel’s Restitution and Commemoration Policies,” in The Schüssel Era in Austria, ed. Günter Bischof and Fritz Plasser, Contemporary Austrian Studies 18 (New Orleans and Innsbruck: UNO Press and Innsbruck University Press, 2010), 212.

7 Anton Pelinka, “Österreich und Europa: Zur Isolierung eines Landes,” in Eine europäische Erregung, 88.

8 Report by Martti Ahtisaari, Jochen Frowein, Marcelino Oreja (adopted in Paris on 8 September 2000), paragraphs 92 and 110; for the report in German see Busek and Schauer, eds., Eine europäische Erregung, 538-67; an English version of the report can be found under <www.mpg.de/pdf/commentsStatements/berichtOesterreich_en.pdf> (20 Apr. 2010).

9 See for example Michael Fleischhacker, Wien, 4. Februar 2000 oder Die Wende zur Hysterie (Vienna: Czernin, 2001); Waldemar Hummer and Anton Pelinka, eds., Österreich unter “EU-Quarantäne”: Die “Maßnahmen der 14” gegen die österreichische Bundesregierung aus politikwissenschaftlicher und juristischer Sicht – Chronologie, Kommentar, Dokumentation (Vienna: Linde, 2002); Michael Gehler, “‘Preventive Hammer Blow’ or Boomerang? The EU ‘Sanction’ Measures against Austria 2000,” in Austria in the European Union, ed. Günter Bischof et al., Contemporary Austrian Studies 10 (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2002), 180-222; Busek and Schauer, eds., Eine europäische Erregung; Anton Pelinka’s writings on this issue, which consistently discuss Austria’s difficulties in dealing with its past and the FPÖ’s specific nature, have to be mentioned as a notable exception among very few.