1 Österreichische Staatsarchiv (ÖStA)/Archiv der Republik (AdR), Bundeskanzleramt (BKA)/Heimatdienst (HD), Carton 10, Österreichische Korrespondenz für volksdeutsche Arbeit (ÖKVDA), 19 June 1937.
2 It is beyond the scope of this article to address the debate on whether the Dollfuss/Schuschnigg state was “authoritarian” or “fascist” or “Austrofascist.” For further discussion of this term, see Tim Kirk, “Fascism and Austrofascism,” in The Dollfuss/Schuschnigg Era in Austria: A Reassessment, ed. Günter Bischof et al. (New Brunswick, NJ: Transaction, 2003). See also the contributions in Austrofaschismus: Politik - Ökonomie - Kultur 1933-1938, 5th rev. ed., ed. Emmerich Tálos and Wolfgang Neugebauer (Vienna: Lit, 2005).
3 Andrew G. Whiteside, The Socialism of Fools: Georg Ritter von Schönerer and Austrian Pan-Germanism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), 1-3.
4 Ibid., 91-92. The so-called Linz solution in 1882 called for the union of the German hereditary lands of Cisleithania with Bohemia and Moravia and the exclusion of Galicia and Dalmatia in this alliance.
5 Ibid., 143. On Srbik’s life and historical idealism, see Paul R. Sweet, “The Historical Writing of Heinrich von Srbik,” History and Theory 9 (Feb. 1970): 37-58.
6 For example, Andrew Whiteside sees pan-Germans as the representatives of a German-nationalist camp in the Austro-Hungarian Empire. See Andrew G. Whiteside, “The Germans as an Integrative Force in Imperial Austria: the Dilemma of Dominance,” Austrian History Yearbook 3 (Jan. 1967): 157-200. For this usage, see also Carl E. Schorske, “Politics in a New Key: An Austrian Triptych,” Journal of Modern History 39 (Dec. 1967): 343-86; Roger Fletcher, “Karl Leuthner’s Greater Germany: The Pre-1914 Pan-Germanism of an Austrian Socialist,” Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism 9 (Spring 1982): 57-79; Kurt Tweraser, “Carl Beurle and the Triumph of German Nationalism in Austria,” German Studies Review 4 (Oct. 1981): 403-26; Robert S. Wistrich, Hitler and the Holocaust (New York: Modern Library, 2001), 35. William T. Bluhm refers to pan-Germanism in connection with Schönerer, the Social Democrats and the National Socialists, which is typical of the ambiguity of this term in historiography. See William T. Bluhm, Building an Austrian Nation: The Political Integration of a Western State (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), 12-45.
7 This teleology has also entered into most comparative studies of fascism. See, for example, Robert Paxton, Anatomy of Fascism (New York: Vintage, 2004). For a rebuttal of the claim that the Nazis were the offspring of Schönerer’s followers, see Robert Hoffmann, “Gab es ein ‘Schönerianisches Milieu’? Versuch einer Kollektivbiographie von Mitgliedern des ‘Vereins der Salzburger Studenten in Wien,’” in Bürgertum in der Habsburgermonarchie, vol. 1, ed. Ernst Bruckmüller et al. (Vienna: Böhlau, 1990), 275-98.
8 With a few exceptions, Austrian historians have glossed over the question of pan-German identity in the interwar period. Anton Staudinger and Michael Steinberg have offered most insight into the pan-German idea within Austrofascist ideology, but still neither gives a useful definition of pan-Germanism. See Anton Staudinger,“Austrofaschistische ‘Österreich’-Ideologie,” in Austrofaschismus, 28-52; and Michael Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival: Austria as Theatre and Ideology, 1890-1938 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1990).
9 “Das ‘Linzer Programm’der Sozialdemokratischen Arbeiterpartei Österreichs, 1926,” in Die Grundsatzprogramme der österreichischen Parteien: Dokumente und Analyse, ed. Albert Kadan and Anton Pelinka (St. Pölten: Niederösterreichisches Pressehaus, 1979), 93; Hanns Haas, “Staatsund Landesbewusstsein in der Ersten Republik,” in Handbuch des politischen Systems Österreichs: Erste Republik 1918-1933, ed. Emmerich Tálos et al. (Vienna: Manz, 1995), 482. The Austrian Socialists’ active resistance against National Socialism gained impetus after the 1943 Moscow Declaration, which stated Allied intentions to create an independent Austrian state. Alfred D. Low, “Otto Bauer, Austro-Marxism, and the Anschluss Movement 1918-1938,” Canadian Review of Studies in Nationalism 6 (Spring 1979), 56.
10 Bauer’s description of Austria as a German tribe appeared in an article in Der sozialistische Kampf in June 1938, shortly before his death. See Susanne Frölich-Steffen, Die österreichische Identität im Wandel (Vienna: Braumüller, 2003), 47.
11 Bluhm, Building an Austrian Nation, 25, 30. Renner stated this in his address to the Provisional National Assembly of German-Austria in 1918.
12 Andreas Lüer, “Nationalismus in Christlichsozialen Programmen 1918-1933,” Zeitgeschichte 14 (Jul./Aug. 1987), 150.
13 Ibid., 156-59; “Das Programm der Christlichsozialen Partei, 1926,” in Die Grundsatzprogramme der österreichischen Parteien, 116.
14 Lüer, “Nationalismus in Christlichsozialen Programmen,” 160-62. For example, Schmitz disparaged the National Socialist idea of race by claiming that the true “national” idea embraced the mind, body and spirit of the people, whereas the “völkisch” idea in National Socialism devalued the people by emphasising only their ethnicity, race and natural history.
15 Bruce Pauley, From Prejudice to Persecution: A History of Austrian Anti-Semitism (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1992), 80-82.
16 Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival, 130-31.
17 Ibid., 72-74. Harald Waitzbauer, “‘San die Juden scho’ furt?’: Salzburg, die Festspiele und das jüdische Publikum,” in Der Geschmack der Vergänglichkeit, ed. Robert Kriechbaumer (Vienna: Böhlau, 2002), 256.
18 Kenneth Segar, “Austria in the Thirties: Reality and Exemplum,” in Austria in the Thirties: Culture and Politics, ed. Kenneth Segar and John Warren (Riverside: Ariadne, 1991). Steinberg, The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival, 48.
19 This is Steinberg’s central thesis in The Meaning of the Salzburg Festival. He also makes a crucial and much under-recognised point that the Austrofascist state’s attempt to define Austrian identity against Nazism was thwarted by the state’s own manufacturing of a pan-German identity.
20 Staudinger, “Austrofaschistische ‘Österreich’-Ideologie,” 31-33.
21 Peter Hofrichter,“Die österreichischischen Katholikentage des 20. Jahrhunderts (bis 1933),” PhD. diss., University of Vienna, 1966, 148-49.
22 Ernst Hanisch,“Der Politische Katholizismus als ideologischer Träger des ‘Austrofaschismus,’” in Austrofaschismus, 76-77. The speech at the Trabrennplatz on 11 September was not part of the official Congress programme, but rather, the first official rally of the Fatherland Front timed to coincide with the final events of the Congress. That Dollfuss was hoping to attract delegates to the rally is evidenced by the fact that he gave virtually the same speech in his welcome to Congress delegates in the Vienna Stadium two days earlier on 9 September. Hofrichter, “Die österreichischischen Katholikentage,” 166-68.
23 Hofrichter, “Die österreichischischen Katholikentage,” 168.
24 Viktor Reimann, Innitzer: Kardinal zwischen Hitler und Rom (Vienna: Amalthea, 1988), 65-66.
25 Ibid.
26 See Cardinal Innitzer’s preface to the official guidebook for pilgrims, Festführer zum Allgemeinen Deutschen Katholikentag in Wien, 7-12. September 1933 (Vienna: Verlag des Allgemeinen Deutschen Katholikentages Wien, 1933), 15-17.
27 Hofrichter, “Die österreichischischen Katholikentage,” 159-62. The 1000-Mark tariff was applied after the Austrian government expelled Germany’s Justice Minister Hans Frank, who had urged opposition to Dollfuss on Austrian radio. See also C. Earl Edmondson, The Heimwehr and Austrian Politics, 1918-1936 (Athens, GA: University of Georgia Press, 1978), 190.
28 Reimann, Innitzer, 55, 63-64. On earlier occasions Innitzer had spoken out more directly against Nazi attempts to foil the “All-German” Congress, declaring in June 1933 to those who wished to harm “our Austrian pan-German Catholic Congress, I say: no return!” Hofrichter, “Die österreichischischen Katholikentage,” 160.
29 Hofrichter, “Die österreichischischen Katholikentage,” 164, 182.
30 Ibid., 170-71.
31 Irmgard Bärnthaler, “Geschichte und Organisation der Vaterländische Front: Ein Beitrag zum Verständnis totalitärer Organisation,” PhD. diss., University of Vienna, 1964, 265-68.
32 Hanns Haas and Karl Stuhlpfarrer, Österreich und seine Slowenen (Vienna: Löcker & Wögenstein, 1977), 42; Erwin Steinböck, “Kärnten,” in Österreich 1918-1938: Geschichte der Ersten Republik, vol. 2, ed. Erika Weinzierl and Kurt Skalnik (Graz: Styria, 1983), 810-13; Thomas M. Barker, The Slovene Minority of Carinthia (Boulder: Columbia University Press, 1984), 181-89.
33 Bärnthaler, “Geschichte und Organisation der Vaterländischen Front,” 261.
34 On the Kinderaustausche in Bohemia and Moravia, see Tara Zahra, Kidnapped Souls: National Indifference and the Battle for Children in the Bohemian Lands, 1900-1948 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2008).
35 ÖStA/AdR, BKA/HD, Carton 10, ÖKVDA, 24 April 1937 and 19 June 1937. See also Bärnthaler, “Geschichte und Organisation der Vaterländischen Front,” 269.
36 Bärnthaler, “Geschichte und Organisation der Vaterländischen Front,” 268-69.
37 See Elizabeth Harvey, “Pilgrimages to the ‘Bleeding Border’: Gender and Rituals of Nationalist Protest in Germany, 1919-39,” Women’s History Review 9 (June 2000): 201-29; idem., Women and the Nazi East: Agents and Witnesses of Germanization (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003). There are many studies of the German “Ostforscher,” notably Michael Burleigh, Germany Turns Eastward: A Study of Ostforschung in the Third Reich (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988).
38 Bärnthaler, “Geschichte und Organisation der Vaterländischen Front,” 268.
39 Ibid., 267-68. The ÖKVDA began publication in November 1935 and was edited by Josef Tzöbl.
40 ÖStA/AdR, BKA/HD, Carton 10, ÖKVDA, 20 March 1937 on Germans in Slovenia, for example, and 24 April 1937 on municipal plans to build a Czech commerce academy and teachers’ college in Iglau.
41 Ibid., 8 May 1937.
42 Ibid., 19 June 1937.
43 Ibid.
44 Ibid.
45 Ernst Hanisch, “Die Salzburger Presse in der Ersten Republik,” Mitteilungen der Gesellschaft für Salzburger Landeskunde 128 (1988): 359-60; Michael Schmolke, “Das Salzburger Medienwesen,” in Geschichte Salzburgs: Stadt und Land, ed. Heinz Dopsch and Hans Spatzenegger (Salzburg: Universitätsverlag Anton Pustet, 1991), 1980.
46 ÖStA/AdR, BKA/HD, Carton 10, ÖKVDA, 19 June 1937.
47 Ibid.
48 Reimann, Innitzer, 90.
49 Ibid.
50 On the opening of the new school see Karl M. Brousek, Wien und seine Tschechen: Integration und Assimilation einer Minderheit im 20. Jahrhundert (Munich: Oldenbourg, 1980), 48.
51 See Reimann, Innitzer. Innitzer intervened on behalf of Austrian Nazis imprisoned in Wöllersdorf in 1934 and again in 1935 when a request came from families of the prisoners to send Christmas parcels to their loved ones. He also defended the young priests and members of the Catholic “Neubund” when Rome sought an official explanation for the numbers of Nazis in the organization.
52 Bärnthaler, “Geschichte und Organisation der Vaterländischen Front,” 269-70. The Austrian propaganda bureau already had on file all the publications of the Volksdeutsche Presse- und Informationsdienst and the Sudetendeutsche Presse-Briefe, the press agency of the SdP. See ÖStA/AdR, BKA/HD, Carton 11.
53 Ibid.
54 Henlein had already sought out Hungary, Italy, Sweden, Britain and even the League of Nations as allies in the cause of the Sudeten minority and his political alliances remained flexible right up until the end of 1937, as Mark Cornwall has recently shown. Even Henlein’s famous letter to Hitler in November 1937 asking him to invade Czechoslovakia (before Hitler had even annexed Austria) does not indicate that Henlein saw Nazi Germany as the only chance for the Sudeten Germans, but simply that this was another one of Henlein’s “manoeuvres.” See Mark Cornwall, “‘A Leap into Ice-Cold Water’: The Manoeuvres of the Henlein Movement in Czechoslovakia, 1933-1938,” in Czechoslovakia in a Nationalist and Fascist Europe 1918-1948, ed. Mark Cornwall and R. J. W. Evans (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007), 123-42.
55 Pieter M. Judson, Guardians of the Nation: Activists on the Language Frontiers of Imperial Austria (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2006).