URL originale : https://books.openedition.org/irhis/2915

The architecture of cardinals’ seals. c. 1244-1304
p. 437-450
Texte intégral
1I shall discuss the important compositional changes that characterize the development of cardinals seals in Rome during the later 13th. century, and their possible signification. They are, I believe, illuminating in a number of ways-they clarify the manner in which contemporaries thought about and described their seals, the design changes that actually took place during the period, and the profound effects which these changes had across a wide spectrum of artistic media.
2It is initially instructive to examine a description written in 1278 of the seal of Cardinal Matteo Rosso Orsini – of which I illustrate a later impression (ill. 1), that attached to the Sacred College’s celebrated letter to Pietro da Morrone informing him of his election as pope in 1294.1 The description, which can be dated sixteen years earlier, is of the same seal – Matteo never changed either his titulus or his seal-matrix – and can be found in the Capitular Archive of the cathedral at Toledo.2 As Guillaume Durand wrote in his Speculum Iuris (1271/1276), it was essential to be absolutely certain that a seal was genuine, and this stringent requirement produced some remarkably exact descriptions of seal-impressions in thirteenth-century documents.3 The Toledo text reads:
Quod quidem instrumentum seu littera munitum erat sigillo pendenti de cera rubea, in quo sigillo sculpte erant ymagines ad formam Beate Virginis cum Filio in brachio. In pede quorum ymaginarum erat sculta quedam ymago ad modum cardinalis cum manibus junctis, brachiis flectis, genibus existentis; et ad sinistramymago angeli seu evangeliste cum turibulis in manibus, cum luna et Stella et aliis signis ibidem scultis, et in circule dicti sigilli erant sculte littere infrascripte. +. s. mathi sce marie in porticu diacon card.4
3The description of an impression of the same seal in the still standard catalogue of the Vatican seals by Pietro Sella (1937) reads:
“Architettura gotica: in alto la Madonna a mezza figura con il bambino, tra due angeli genuflessi; in basso il cardinale inginocchiato ed orante con la mitra dinanzi a sè, dietro al cardinale la rosa stilizzata degli Orsini.”
4It is scarcely fuller, and only marginally more accurate, in that Sella mentions the gothic architectural frame.5 In the celebrated accounts of seal imagery by Hugh of St. Victor and Peter Abelard there is no mention of any architectural surround:
Aliam nobis adhuc non contemnendam considerationem adpraesens negotium forma sigilli exhibet. Figura namque quae in sigillo foris eminet, impressione cerae introrsum signata apparet, et quae in sigillo intrinsecus sculpta ostenditur, in cera exteriusfiguratur demonstratur. Quidergo aliud in isto nobis innuitur, nisi quia nos qui per exemplum bonorum, quasi per quoddam sigillum optime exsculptum reformari cupimus, quaedam in eis sublimia et quasi eminentia, quaedam vero abjecta et quasi depressa operum vestigia invenimus. 6
5Similarly, neither the jurist Guillaume Durand nor the Zurich scholasticus Konrad von Muri list the framing architecture of seals as an identificatory signifier, although by the later 13 th. century when both wrote, gothic architecture had become a design constant of gothic seal matrices.7 For both these authors the description of the figurai content suffices.
6In the earlier 13th. century only the architects and craftsmen themselves possessed the technical vocabulary adequate for precise architectural description. The exceptional contract dated 1284 for the rebuilding of the Franciscan church at Provins not only reveals the extent to which the professional architectural vocabulary had extended its range since Villard de Honnecourt in the 1230s, but also attests substantial changes in architectural style.8 It should perhaps be added here that a mendicant church will hardly provide a foyer of the most intricate tracery designs. Yet our ubiquitous term “niche” is a later coinage, of uncertain origin, and certainly unknown to the writers of the 13th. century. In English 15th. and 16th.-century contracts a term such as howsynge is employed.9 The gothic niche predated its denomination.10 But, by the end of the 13th. century however, both the inventory-compilers of the papal treasure (1295) and Archbishop Winchelsea (1302) have the vocabulary to succinctly describe complex structures bristling with niches and finials: in his fiat that Godfrey Giffard, bishop of Worcester, remove his ostentatious new tomb the archbishop speaks of:
[...] monumentum pro sepultura sua [...] cum quibusdam pinnaculis ad modum tabernaculi superius fabricatis alta et sumptuosa structura lapidum excisorum.11
7The architectural type of Giffard’s tomb is exemplified in the earlier surviving tomb of Bishop Peter of Aquablanca († 27th. November, 1268) in Hereford cathedral.12
8Matteo Rosso Orsini became cardinal-deacon of Santa Maria in Portico in Pope Urban IV’s second promotion of December, 1262. There are very strong arguments in support of the contention – which underpins much of my argument – that every cardinal had a personal seal-matrix engraved very soon after election, changing it only exceptionally, or as a consequence of translation to another titular church.13 With rare, but explicable exceptions, such as Cardinal Enrico Bartolomei da Susa or Ottobuono Fieschi, I believe that cardinals’seal matrices were produced by die-cutters working in Rome.14 The papal goldsmith Guccio di Mannaia is explicitly documented producing seal-dies throughout his long career, and other documented goldsmiths, like the Sienese Toro resided permanently at the curia.15 Purchases of quantities of red wax occur regularly in the papal account books.16
9Thus the matrix design of Matteo Rosso’s seal is a Roman creation, which should be dated to the first half of the 1260s. It is not the first “architectural” seal of a cardinal to survive, although here more precise definition is necessary. The seal impressions and rare surviving bronze matrix of cardinal Raniero of Viterbo († 1250) show the Virgin enthroned beneath a baldachin (ill. 2).17 Its arch is lightly cusped and the canopy wittily takes over as its own culmination the cross which here, as was commonly the case, begins the seal legend. Raniero’s seal-type reflects the Marian dedication of his titulus Santa Maria in Cosmedin, and may perhaps also attest the Cistercian cardinal’s particular devotion to the Virgin.18 His seal can be seen as a precocious example of the niche which was to become the dominant formal syntax of later thirteenth-century seals, although here it is embryonic in form, still closely related to earlier crowning motifs found particularly in book illumination. The baldachin motif is still be traceable in later cardinal’s seals such as that of Ottaviano Ubaldini, who was created cardinal deacon of Santa Maria in Via Lata in May 1244 by Innocent IV.19
10It was however the seal matrix of another of Innocent IV’s cardinal deacons, Giovanni Gaetano Orsini which attested major change, by adopting a genuine architectural niche as the articulating dynamic of its composition (ill. 3). Again the impression which has survived is later than that of Ottaviano Ubaldini, but the matrix must have been cut at the same date, 1244, or closely thereafter.20 The composition of Cardinal Orsini’s seal is boldly divided by two superimposed niches containing the figures. The arches remain round, and the upper one retains a vestige of the baldachin composition of the seal of Cardinal Raniero. In the lower niche, which occupies virtually half the field, Giangaetano kneels before his titular saint Nicholas of Myra, while a half-length Virgin and Child occupy the upper field. The niches are still discrete, and there is no hint of the interpenetration which occurs in later seal matrices. But Giangaetano Orsini’s seal was an innovatory design which was widely imitated, both in its figure composition and in general layout. The Sacred College, even more perhaps than royal chancelleries, was a milieu where seal designs circulated influentially.21 The spandrels of the lower niche themselves have tracery panels on either side, a motif also known in contemporary Parisian architecture and book-painting like the Saint-Louis Psalter.22
11The invention and rapid spread of the niche form in gothic architecture was a formal development of profound importance. Niched designs clearly developed within the ambit of the great cathedral workshops of the Ile-de-France, notably in the south transept façade of Notre-Dame in Paris, built by Jean de Chelles, which was certainly completed by 1259: there it achieved its intended effect of binding relief sculpture into an overall architectonic composition (ill. 4).23 Niches, to quote Robert Branner’s penetrating phrase “carried the sculpture into the wall”: there could no longer be statue-columns, only statues.24 This formal imperative can also be observed in metal-work, to which Branner explicitly compared the Parisian transept façade, and in book-illumination, where it also emerges between 1255 and 1260.25 It is soon observable in stained-glass, and in tomb sculpture, particularly engraved floor-slabs.26 It was thus an up-to-date development, prevalent in a city where many cardinals had been students at the university.
12The impact of the niche motif on a miniature scale was to become very marked in cardinals’seals, and it appears there perhaps earlier than in any other artistic medium in central Italy. The adoption of the niche as the main articulating device of seal design becomes fully apparent first in the seal compositions of the cardinals of Urban IV (1261 – 1264), among others Simon de Brie, Matteo Rosso Orsini, Giordano Pironto, the Dominican Annibaldi Annibaldeschi, and Uberto di Cocconato (ill. 5-6).27 This phenomenon in itself demonstrates unequivocally that important innovations in the patronage of gothic metalwork were by no means the prerogative of ultramontane cardinals in Italy.
13Further formal developments of the niched seal design can be traced with some certainty. In the seal matrix of one of Urban IV’s cardinals, the Latian Giordano Pironto, cardinal priest of SS. Cosma e Damiano, the superimposed registers of niches begin to interpenetrate.28 Here too, given the double dedication of Giordano’s titulus SS. Cosma e Damiano, a bifore occupies the main register. The gables are now crocketed and their spandrels filled with blind tracery patterns. Benedetto Caetani’s first seal (1281) develops and refines the gothic niched design of Giordano Pironto’s seal matrix.29 In the central paired niches stand the cardinal’s name-saint Benedict and his titular Nicholas, both reverenced by the kneeling cardinal at the base of the vesica. An angel now occupies the spandrel between the niches, a compositional device widespread in contemporary architecture, painting and metalwork. Benedetto Caetani, the future Boniface VIII, was initially promoted to the cardinal deaconry of San Nicola in Carcere, and thus the choice of a biforate design must be his - for its right lancet is occupied by his name-saint (ill. 7). The incorporation of an onomastic saint or other indication of the family name is early attested in the seals of aristocratic Roman prelates such as Pietro da Collemezzo and Pietro Capocci and, and quickly enters the symbolic repertoire.30 Architectural detail becomes increasingly accurate, another aspect we shall comment on in a moment. The inherent compactness of seal design, even in the case of large vesica seals made clarity important, and compositions worked out in nuce for seal matrices may well have had a subsequent impact on largerscale works such as tomb-slabs and panel-paintings.31
14In cathedral sculpture at Paris and Auxerre the niche was quickly adapted to frame narrative reliefs, a device promptly adopted in matrix designs.32 An impression of Cardinal Ordono’s seal shows the Crucifixion with attendant saints located within a broad upper niche with the cardinal kneeling before an unidentified crowned martyr in the lower bifore (ill. 8). This Crucifixion, made for a Spanish cardinal, is among the earliest Roman examples of the three-nail Crucifixion to have survived.33 Ordoño Alvarez was created Cardinal Bishop of Tusculum by Nicholas III in December, 1277 and his seal is perhaps the first hagiographic design made for a cardinal bishop, its composition prefiguring that of Matteo d’Acquasparta near the end of the century.34 Matteo d’Acquasparta resigned the generalcy of the Franciscan Order on becoming a cardinal-priest of S. Lorenzo in Damaso in 1288. In 1291 he was translated to the cardinal bishopric of Porto. His episcopal matrix shows a Crucifixion above a buttressed and niched double lancet which frames the Magdalen and Francis (ill. 9) The pathetically slumped body of Christ, the grieving Virgin and the architectural frame now fully exploit the expressive potentialities of the gothic figurai niche. The standing saints below act as a predella to the Passion scene. It is striking that in one of his sermons Matteo makes extended use of the imagery of sealing and speaks of Christ himself impressing upon Francis’body [...] ut imago crucifixi tibi efficaciter imprimatur, several times reiterating the Order’s identification of Francis as Angel of the sixth seal from the Book of Revelation.35
15The employment of the niche could radically change the meaning of the design.36 A horizontal division implies a substantial difference of status between the sacred figures in the upper zone and the kneeling seal-owner below. The niche motif more sharply articulates this structural division, and by further sub-dividing the upper registers could also emphasize differences of sacred status – between say a central Virgin and Child and attendant saints or angels.
16Seal architecture could also encapsulate important symbolic meanings. Spiral columns occur widely in the church-furniture of the Cosmati workshops of thirteenth-century Rome, particularly in choir enclosures and Paschal candelabra, but the clearest indication of their symbolic significance is deducible from the seal-matrix of Jacopo Colonna, created cardinal-deacon of S. Maria in Via Lata by Nicholas III in 1278 (ill. 10).37 (There a fully-developed niched structure frames a design in whose upper register a crowned, half-length Virgin is flanked by two taper-bearing angels. Below Jacopo Colonna kneels before Saint Peter. The architrave carries a canting rebus: Ego confirmant columnas ejus (Ps. 74, 4). The implicit identification of Jacopo Colonna as a column of the church replayed a favourite apostolic topos, but here with an additional emphasis on Jacopo’s family name.38 More pertinently still the gothic architrave is borne on spiral columns, clearly alluding to the celebrated ancient series, which from at least the 8th century formed a screen across the nave of Old Saint Peter’s, and which are documented on the front face of the fifth-century Pola Casket.39
17A comparable conclusion can be reached by examining three mendicant seals. The Dominican Annibaldo Annibaldi became cardinal priest of SS. Apostoli in 1261.40 His seal uses the scene of Pentecost to express his titulus, and the superimposed niches imply its setting in an upper room Two Franciscans, Bonaventura and Girolamo d’Ascoli, who subsequently became cardinals used their seals as Ministers General of their Order to emphasize the pentecostal symbolism of the General Chapter, normatively held at Whitsun, although significantly both – unlike the Dominican Annibaldo – place the Virgin at the core of the composition, although her presence was not recorded there in the New Testament.41
18The seals of the late Duecento cardinals mark the culmination of the niche design in 13th. century Rome. Seals such as those of Matteo d’Acquasparta Giacomo Stefaneschi, Napoleone Orsini, Gentile da Montefiore and Theodoric of Orvieto show a refinement in matrix design which cannot, to my knowledge, be consistently matched elsewhere in Europe at this date (ill. 10-12). For Franciscan cardinals and theologians like Matteo and Gentile the Stigmatization of St. Francis informed the whole process of sealing with an apocalyptic dynamic.42 Cardinals’ seal-matrices of the late 13 th century deploy a sophisticated architectural idiom of unusual formal complexity, informed with novel layers of symbolic meaning, allusion to lineage, territorial possessions and the ontological basis of the sealing process itself. With the transference of the papal curia to Avignon this formal tradition, already rich and nuanced, acquires a yet wider stylistic influence.43
Illustrations

Ill. 1 - Seal of Cardinal Matteo Rosso Orsini (1261-1305), 1294, 45 x 30 mm. Vaticano, Archivio Segreto, n° 101.

Ill. 2 - Seal matrix of Cardinal Raniero da Viterbo (1216-1250). 1216, 48 x 32 mm. Rome, Palazzo Venezia, Collezione Pasqui.

Ill. 4 - Seal of Cardinal Giovanni Gaetano Orsini (1244-1280). 1270, 51 x 28mm. London, British Library, n° 22107.

Ill. 4 - Paris, Notre Dame, South Transept Façade, detail of niches, 1262-1267.

Ill. 5 - Seal of Cardinal Uberto di Cocconato (1261-1276). 1270, 53 x 35 mm., London, British Library, n° 22116.

Ill. 6 - Seal of Cardinal Annibaldo Annibaldeschi OP (1261-1272). 1270, 47 x 28 mm. London, British Library n° 22112.

Ill. 7 - Seal of Cardinal Benedetto Caetani (1281-1294). 1289, 60 x 43 mm. Vaticano, Archivio Segreto, n° 99.

Ill. 8 - Seal of Cardinal Ordoño (1277-1285). c. 1278, c. 65 mm. high. Rome, Musei Vaticani, Sancta Sanctorum.

Ill. 9 - Seal of Cardinal Matteo d’Aquasparta OFM (1288-1302). 1294, 55 x 40 mm. Vaticano, Archivio Segreto, n° 108.

Ill. 10 - Seal of Cardinal Giacomo Colonna (1278-1318). 1294, 60 x 35 mm. Vaticano, Archivio Segreto, n° 104.

Ill. 11 - Seal of Cardinal Napoleone Orsini (1288-1342). 1294, 60 x 40 mm. Vaticano, Archivio Segreto, n°109.

Ill. 12 - Seal of Cardinal Theodoric of Orvieto. (14th. December 1298), 70 x 39 mm. Florence, Archivio di Stato, Sigilli Staccati, n° 43.
Notes de bas de page
1 A. Mercati, “Il decreto e la lettera dei cardinali per l’elezione di Celestino V”, Bullettino del Istituto Storico Italiano e Archivio Muratoriano, 48, 1932, p. 1-16.
2 I am very grateful to Peter Linehan for giving me much help with the Toledan material. For Matteo Rosso Orsini the standard discussion remains R.Morghen, “Il cardinale Matteo Rosso Orsini”, Arcbivio della R Società Romand di Storia Patria, 46, 1923, p. 271-372; S. Carocci, Banni di Roma Dominazioni signorili e lignaggi aristocratici nel duecento e primo trecento, Rome 1993 (Collection de l’École Française de Rome, 181), p. 394-395; A Rehberg, Die Kanoniker von S. Giovanni in Laterano und S.Maria Maggiore im 14. Jahrhundert, Eine Prosopographie, Tübingen, 1999 (Bibliothek der Deutschen Historischen Instituts in Rom 89).
3 D. G. Durandi Episc. Mimatensis Speculum Iuris, Lib. II, partic. 1, Frankfurt, 1688, p. 55; J. Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals of the thirteenth century”, Journal of the Warburg and CourtauldInstitutes, 38, 1975, p. 72-96 (hereafter Gardner 1975), p. 73 n. 7.
4 Toledo, Capitular Archive Cathedral, 1278: “[...] a pendant seal in red wax on which seal there are the figures of the blessed Virgin with her Son on her arm, beneath which images appears a carved figure of a kneeling cardinal and on either side of the Virgin is the figure of an angel or an evangelist with a thurible and also the sun and moon are carved there; around the seal appears the following inscription + s. mathi sancte marie in porticu diacon card,” see Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 85 and Fig. 12 a.
5 M.-H. Laurent and R Sella, I Sigilli dell’Archivio Vaticano Inventari dellArchivio Segreto Vaticano, Città del Vaticano, 1937,I, p. 26 no. 101.
6 Hugh of St. Victor, De Institutione Novitiorum Liber, PL 176, col. 953: “For, [when a seal is stamped] a figure that is raised up in the seal appears depressed in the impression in the wax, and that which appears cut out in the seal is raised up in the wax. What else is shown by this, than that we who desire to be shaped up through the examples of goodness as if by a seal that is very well sculpted, discover in them certain lofty traces of deeds by projection and certain humble ones like depressions”, see Mary Carruthers, The Book of Memory, Cambridge, 1990, p. 71, Transi. C.W. Bynum. For the description in Peter Abelard, Theologiae Christianae Lib. IV, PL, vol. 178, cols. 1288-1289.
7 D. G. Durandi Episc. Mimatensis Speculum Iuris cum Ioanni Andreae Baldi reliquorumque I. V. clarissimi doctorum visionibus hactenus addi solitis, Venice, 1592, p. 404, Speculum lib. II, panic. I; W. Kronbichler, Die Summa de Arte Prosandi des Konrad von Mure, Zürich, 1968 (Geist und Werk der Zeiten 17). The Summa de Arte Prosandi was written ca. 1275/1276.
8 J. Gardner, A thirteenth-century Franciscan building contract, A.C. Quintavalle (ed.), Medioevo: le officine Atti del Convegno internazionale di studi Parma, 22-27 settembre 2009, Milan, 2010, p. 457-467, 462-463. V. Mortet and J. Bellanger, “Un très ancien devis français de marché pour la reconstruction de l’église des Cordeliers de Provins (1284)”, Bulletin Monumental, 7e. ser. 2, 1897, p. 232-243, 397-420. Some of the technical terminology had earlier occurred in the 1272 contract for the Shrine of St. Gertrude at Nivelles. H. D. Bock, “Le contrat de la châsse: texte et traduction”, in V. Huchard and H. Westermann-Angerhausen (eds.) Un trésor gothique. La Châsse de Nivelle, catalogue d’exposition, (Köln, Schnütgen-Museum, Paris, Musée de Cluny), Paris-Köln, 1995, p. 79-81, p. 79-81
9 Contract of June 13 th. 1453 with William Austen for the tomb of Richard Beauchamp, Earl of Warwick († 1439) published in F. H. Crossley, English Church Monuments A.D. 1150-1550, London, 1921 p. 30-31. Contract of 1516 for the rood-loft of St. John’s College, Cambridge, L.E. Salzman, Building in England down to 1540 A Documentary History, London, 1952 p. 571. E. Frodl-Kraft, “Architektur im Abbild, ihre Spiegelung in der Glasmalerei”, Wiener Jahrbuch für Kunstgeschichte, 17, 1956, p. 7-13 remains an important general discussion. G.Meissner”, Bedeutung und Genesis des architektonischen Baldachins,” Forschungen und Fortschritte, 33, 1959, p. 178-183; H. Bock, Zum Tabernakelmotiv des 14. Jahrhunderts in England”, in Der Mensch und die Kiinste, Festschrift für Heinrich Lützeler zum 60.Geburtstage, Düsseldorf, 1962, p. 412-417, 414; F. H. Crossley, English Church Monuments A.D. 1150-1550, London, 1921.
10 The first recorded usage in English is seventeenth century. The origin is stated to be uncertain perhaps French, see P. Robert, Dictionnaire alphabétique et analogique de la Langue Française, Paris, 1996, IV, p. 619, notes no occurrence before the 16th century.
11 J. Gardner, “The Treasure of Pope Boniface VIII: the Perugian Inventory of 1311”, Römisches Jahrbuch fur Kunstgeschichte, 34, 2004, p. 69-86. For Winchelsea's letter of Jan. 10th. 1302 see R. Graham (ed.), Registrum Roberti Winchelsey Cantuariensis Archiepiscopi, Oxford, 1956 (Canterbury and York Society 52), 2, p. 761-762.
12 J. Gardner, “The Tomb of Bishop Peter of Aquablanca at Hereford Cathedral”, Medieval Art, Architecture & Archaeology at Hereford, Leeds, 1995 (British Archaeological Association, Conference Transactions XXV), p. 105-110.
13 See p. 9 below.
14 Both Enrico and Ottobuono seem to have had matrices cut in England. N. Didier, “Henri de Suse en Angleterre (1236?-1244)”, Studi in onore di Vincenzo Arangio-Ruiz nel XLV anno del suo insegnamento, Naples, 1953, 2, p. 333-351 K.Pennington, Enrico da Susa, Dizionario Biografico degli Italians, 42, Rome 1993, p. 758-763. A splendid impression of Enricos seal as Bishop of Sisteron is illustrated in L. Blancard, Iconographie des Sceaux et Bulles conservés dans la partie antérieure à 1790 des Archives départementales des Bouches-du-Rhône, Paris, 1860 1, p. 178, n° 1, Frontal, standing, blessing bishop on a foliate corbel against diapered ground. Busts in undulating octagons either side. The Legend reads: + sigill(um): henrici: dei: gratia: sistaricensis: Epi(scopi), on will Raymond Berenger Count of Provence. 2, pl. 79, n° 1. Ottobuono’s seal matrix may be compared to the seals of Robert Stichil, Bishop of Durham (1261) and Walter de Merton, Bishop of Rochester (1274-77), see J. Alexander and P. Binski (eds.), The Age of Chivalry. Art in Planagenet England 1200-1400, exhibition catalogue (London, Royal Academy of Arts), London, 1987, p. 317-18, nos. 278, 281. For comparable seals belonging to Walter de Suthfield, Bishop of Norwich (1245-1257) and Lawrence de St. Martin, Bishop of Rochester (1251-1274), see W. de Gray Birch, Catalogue of Seals in the department of manuscripts in the British Museum, London 1898 nos. 2255, 2151.
15 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 90; Idem, “Curial Narratives: the seals of Cardinal deacons 1280-1305,” in N. Adams, J. Cherry, J. Robinson (éd.), Good Impressions Image and authority in Medieval Seals, Exhibition Catalogue and Papers of International Conference (London, British Museum, 2007), London, 2008, p. 85-90 p. 88; I. Hueck, “Una crocefissione su marmo del primo Trecento e alcuni smalti senesi”, Antichità Viva, 8,1, 1969, p. 22-34; E. Cioni, Scultura e Smalto nell’Oreficeria Senese dei secoli XIII e XIV, Florence, 1998.
16 T. Schmidt, Libri Rationum Camerae Bonifatii Papae VIII, Città del Vaticano 1984 (Littera Antiqua 2), 30 Jan. 1299/1300, n° 156: Item eidem pro 8lbr. Cere rubee pro sigillo domini camerarii ad rationem 6sol. et dimidii pro libra 52 solprov; 26 June 1299, n° 844: Item pro 4 quaternis de carta bombacinis et 1 libre cere rubee pro sigill 14. sol. Prov, 29 June 1299, n° 879: Item eidem pro 4 lbr. cere rubee pro sigillo cardinalis 24 sol. prov.
17 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 82. A matrix is in the Collezione Pasqui, Palazzo Venezia; W. Maleczek, “Die Siegel der Kardinale Von den Anfängen bis zum Beginn des 13. Jahrhunderts”, Mitteilungen des Instituts für Osterreichische Geschichtsforschung, 112, 1-4, 2004, p. 177-203. Of the seals illustrated by Maleczek only that of Raniero has a vestigial baldachin over throne: Abb. 22, 23, p. 202.
18 P. Bony, “An introduction to the study of Cistercian Seals The Virgin as Mediatrix, then Protector on the seals of Cistercian Abbeys,” in M. Lilich (ed.), Studies in Cistercian Art and architecture, 3, Kalamazoo, 1987 (Cistercian Studies 89), p. 201-240. T. A. Heslop, “Cistercian Seals in England and Wales,” in C. Norton and D. Park (eds.), Cistercian Art and Architecture in the British Isles, Cambridge, 1986 p. 266-283.
19 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 82; A. N. Scagliose, “Di alcuni notevoli sigilli contenuti nella collezione sfragistica della Biblioteca Vaticana”, Al Sommo Pontefice Leone XIII Omaggio Giubilare del Biblioteca Vaticana, Rome, 1886. A sulphur cast is in the British Museum, Vesica, 51 x 28 mm., BL 22103: + ottaviani s(an)c(t) e.marie. I(n).via.Lata.diacon(i).ca(r)d(inalis). G. Bascapè, “Lineamenti di Sigillografia Ecclesiastica”, Scritti Storici e Giuridici in Memoria di Alessandro Visconti, Milan, 1955, p. 53-144, Tav. III, 2.
20 Gardner, “Some cardinals’ seals...”, art. cit., p. 82, 92 n. 120 and Fig. 10-i. A sulphur cast is in the British Museum Birch n° 2210: Vesica, 51 x 28 mm. The legend reads: s. ioh(ann)is.s(an)c(t)i.nicol(ai).in.carcere.tull(iano).diaconi.cardinal(is).
21 R. H. Bautier, “Échanges d’influences dans les chancelleries souveraines du Moyen Âge, d’après les types des sceaux de majesté”, Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des inscriptions et belles-lettres, 1968, p. 192-220.
22 R. Branner, St. Louis and the Court Style, London, 1965, p 59; Gardner, “Some cardinals’ seals...”, art. cit., p. 83, 91.
23 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 76 ff.
24 Idem, p. 78.
25 R. Branner, Manuscript Painting in Paris during the reign of Saint Louis, Berkeley, 1977 p. 133 ff.
26 R. Becksmann, Die architektonishe Rahmung des hochgotische Bildfensters Untersuchungen zur oberrheinischen Glasmalerei von 1250 bis 1350, Berlin, 1967; J. Adhémar and G. Dordor, “Les tombeaux de la Collection Gaignères”, Gazette des BeauxArts, 84, 1974, p. 1-92; 88, 1976, p. 1-128; 90, 1977, p. 1-76; N. Rogers, “English Episcopal Monuments 1270-1350”, J. Coales (ed.), The Earliest English Brasses Patronage, Style and Workshops 1270-1350, London, 1987 p. 8-67.
27 Gardner, “Some cardinals’ seals...”, art. cit., p. 75,82, 84, 86, Figs. 10k, 11 f. Gardner, “Curial Narratives: the seals...”, art. cit., p. 86.
28 J. Gardner, The Tomb and the Tiara, Oxford 1992, p. 71 and Fig. 33.
29 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 83, 87 and Fig. 10 j.
30 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 80 and Fig. 11 a. The earliest of Pietro da Collemezzo’s numerous seals is as Provost of St.-Omer (1232): Round seal, 31 mm, the legend reads: + notam fac via(m) i(n) qva a(m)bvle(m) d(omi)ne d(eu)s + s’petride collemedio, see G. Demay, Inventaire des Sceaux de la Flandre recueillis dans les dépôts d’archives, musées et collections particulières du département du Nord, 2 vol., Paris, 1873, 2, p. 174, n° 6298.
31 J. Garms et al., Die mittelalterlichen Grabmäler in Rom und Latium von 13. bis 15.Jahrhundert. I. Die Grabplatten und Tafeln, (Publikationen de Österreichischen Kulturinstituts in Rom, II, Abteilung, Quellen 5. Reihe I, Rome/Vienna, 1981 Nos. XI.III,1, XLIII2, XXVIII,2, XLI, 1, LVII,3 Abb. 14–18.
32 M. Kalusok, Tabernakel und Statue. Die Figurennische in der italienischen Kunst des Mittelalters und Renaissance, Münster, 1996 Exkurs: Ursprung und Genese der gotischen Nische in Frankreich p. 207 ff. First occurence on transept façades Notre-Dame, p. 208
33 J. Gardner “L’architettura del Sancta Sanctorum”, in C. Pietrangeli (ed.), Sancta Sanctorum, Milan, 1995, p. 19-38, 29, Fig. 19. On Ordoño see now P. Linehan and M. Torres Sevilla, “A misattributed tomb and its implications: Cardinal Ordoño Alvarez and his friends and relations,” Rivista della Storia della Chiesa in Italia, 57, 2003, p. 53-63; F. J. Hernandez and P. Linehan, The Mozarabic Cardinal The Life and Times of Gonzalo Pérez Gudiel, Florence, 2004 p. 194-196.
34 Gardner, “Some cardinals’ seals...”, art. cit., p. 89 and Fig. 13 a; Idem, “Curial Narratives: the seals..art. cit., p. 88-89. V. Pace, “La committenza artistica del cardinale Matteo d’Acquasparta nel quadro della cultura figurativa del suo tempo,” in Matteo d’Acquasparta Francescano, Filosofo, Politico Atti del XIX Convegno storico internazionale (Todi, 1992), Spoleto, 1993, p. 311-330; E. Cioni, Scultura e Smalto nell’Oreficeria Senese dei secoli XIII e XIV, Florence, 1998.
35 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 90, (Apocalypse VI, 2) In aperitione sexti sigilli vidit Ioannes alterum angelum ascendentem ah ortu solis per quem intellegitur beatusFranciscus (Serm. De Sancto Francisco 22), see G. Gâl (ed.), Matthaei ab Aquasparta O.F.M. Sermones de S. Francesco de S. Antonio et de S. Clara (Bibliotheca Franciscana Ascetica Medii Aevi, X), Quaracchi, 1961 p. 22-46; Gardner, “Curial Narratives: the seals...”, art. cit., p. 89; R. Wolff, “The Sealed saint: Representations of Saint Francis of Assisi on Medieval Italian Seals”, in Cherry and Robinson (eds.), Good Impressions... op. cit., p. 91-99.
36 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 85 T. A. Heslop, “The Episcopal Seals of Richard of Bury,” in N. Coldstream, P. Draper (éd.), Medieval art and architecture at Durham Cathedral, Leeds, 1980 (British Archaeological Association Conference Transactions 3, 1977), p. 154-162.
37 Laurent and Sella, I Sigilli dell’Archivio Vaticano..., op. cit., n° 104, 5th. July 1294, 60 x 35 mm. The Legend reads: s’iacobi.di.gra(cia).s(an)c(t)e.marie i(n) via lata diaconi card(inalis), see GARDNER, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 88 and Fig. 12e; Idem, “Curial Narratives: the seals...”, art. cit., p. 87.
38 Cf. G. Durand, Gvillelmi Dvranti Rationale Divinorum Officiorum, (Corpus Christianorum Continuatio Mediaevalis CCCXL), A. Davril, T.J. Thibodeau (eds), Turnhout, 1995 (Lib. I, I, 27): Columpne ecclesie episcopi et doctores sunt, qui templum Dei per doctrinam sicut et euangeliste tronum Dei, spiritualiter sustinen. See also the letter of condolence on the death of Cardinal Jean d’Abbeville written by Cardinal Giovanni Colonna cited in Gardner, “Curial Narratives: the seals...”, art. cit., n. 34
39 T. Buddensieg, “Le coffret en ivoire de Pola, Saint-Pierre et le Latran”, Cahiers Archéologiques, 10, 1959, p. 157-200; J. Toynbee and J. Ward Perkins, The Shrine of Saint Peter, London, 1956, 201 ff; A. Arbeiter, Alt-St. Peter in Geschichte und Wissenschaft, Berlin, 1988 160 ff; S. de Blaauw, Cultus et Décor: Liturgia e Architettura nella Roma tardoantica e medievale Basilica Salvatoris Sanctae Mariae Sancti Petri, Città del Vaticano, 1994 (Studi eTesti 355, 356), II, p. 474 ff, p. 656-61.
40 Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”, art. cit., p. 83 and n. 65. For Italian Pentecost iconography see C. Gardner von Teuffel, “Ikonographie und Archäologie: das Pfingsttriptychon in der Florentiner Akademie an seinem urpsprunlichen Aufstellunsort”, Zeitschrift fur Kunstgeschichte, 41, 1978, p. 16-40, reprinted with an afterword in From Duccio’s Maestà to Raphael’s Transfiguration Italian Altarpieces and their settings, London, 2005 p. 73-118, 619-621, p. 80 and Fig.3.
41 M. Bihl, “De Capitulo Generali O.M.Metensi anno adsignando deque antiquo sigillo Ministri Glis”, Archivum Franciscanum Historicum, 4, 1911, p. 425-435; Wolff, “The Sealed saint...”, art. cit. p. 92 and Fig. 1.
42 See Note 35 above. D. Burr, Olivi’s Peacable Kingdom, Philadelphia, 1993 p. 28ff.
43 Blancard, Iconographie des Sceaux et Bulles..., op. cit.; Gardner, “Some cardinals’seals...”. art. cit., p. 95-96; J. deFont-Reaulx, “Les cardinaux d’Avignon leurs armoires et leurs sceaux,” Annuaire de la Société des Amis du Palais des Papes et des Monuments d’Avignon, 48, 1971, p. 15-27; 49, 1972, p. 17-52; 50, 1973, p. 21-46; 51/52, 1974/1975, p. 31-43.
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Pourquoi les sceaux ? La sigillographie, nouvel enjeu de l’histoire de l’art
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