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Pourquoi les sceaux ? La sigillographie, nouvel enjeu de l’histoire de l’art

 | 
Jean-Luc Chassel
, 
Marc Gil Chassel

L’image au service des stratégies emblématiques: Corps urbains

Representations of architecture on early city seals in the Holy Roman Empire: references to Aurea Roma on royal and imperial bulls

Emanuel S. Klinkenberg

Texte intégral

  • 1 E.S. Klinkenberg, “Romdartstellungen auf Kaiser- und Königsbullen, 800-1250”, in C. Kratzke and U.(...)
  • 2 H. Horstmann, “Das Trierer Stadtsiegel und die Anfänge der Trierer Selbstverwaltung”, in Trier. Ei (...)

1When town councils started to use seals during the twelfth century, they often decided to have a representation of architecture on their matrix. Although this choice was in keeping with the concentration of buildings within a city, there were hardly any seals that could have functioned as an iconographic source of inspiration for the civic authorities. On the Continent, the only established tradition of architectural representations on seals was the depiction of Rome on the bulls of German emperors and kings, inscribed as Aurea Roma1. Only a few sigillographic studies have noted some formal similarities between the representation of “Golden Rome” and the architecture depicted on a city seal2. Consequently, these parallels have not yet been studied systematically and the historical contexts in which Aurea Roma exerted its influence have been totally neglected. This paper aims to contribute to a better understanding of both aspects of the relationship between royal-imperial and civic iconography.

Genoa

  • 3 H. Drôs and H. Jakobs, “Die Zeichen einer neuen Klasse. Zur Typologie der friihen Stadtsiegel”, in (...)
  • 4 Corpus nummorum italicorum. Primo tentativo di un catalogo generale delle monete medievali e moder (...)

2The first example of an architectonic representation on a city seal influenced by an imperial bull is probably found in Genoa (ill. 1)3. The obverse of this seal – a lead bull – shows Saint Sirus, according to tradition the first bishop of Genoa. He is surrounded by the inscription ianvensis archiepiscopvs. The reverse bears the representation of a city gate with two entrances, identified as civitas ianvensis. The noun archiepiscopus gives a terminus post quem for the seal stamp, because Genoa only became an archbishopric in 1133. Since the city obtained the right of coinage in 1138, Genoese coins showing a simplified copy of the seal’s city gate give the stamps’ terminus ante quem4.

  • 5 T.O. de Negri, Storia…, op. cit., p. 21-22.
  • 6 According to H. Drôs and H. Jakobs, art. tit., p. 130, the Genoese seal was influenced by the arch (...)

3The combination of an archiepiscopal obverse and a civic reverse suggests that the archbishop as city lord influenced the choice of the representations on the seal stamp. From the eleventh century onward Genoa had been called Ianua in Latin5. It is doubtful if the meaning of ianua as “gate” is reflected by the reverse, since the singular ianua does not correspond with the double entrance of the city gate. Besides this, there is no evidence that Civitas Ianuensis depicts one of the city’s fortifications. However, the unusual motif of the double city gate also characterizes the representation of Rome on the bull of Lothair III (d. 1137), crowned emperor of the Holy Roman Empire in 1133 (ill. 2)6. This raises the question whether the historical circumstances at that time allow a supposed influence of the imperial bull on Genoa’s city seal.

  • 7 Historical details derived from: de Negri, Storia…, op. cit., p. 248-253.
  • 8 For details, see: E.S. Klinkenberg, art. cit., p. 235-238, Abb. 13-15.

4In 1130 the Latin Church split up, given the simultaneous election of two different popes: Innocent II (1130-1143) and Anaclet II (1130-1138)7. Genoa supported the former, as did Pisa and King Lothair III. In the same year Innocent II took part in the election of Sirus II as bishop of Genoa, who was consacreted by him. Thereupon the pope brought about peace between Genoa and Pisa. Both cities promised to support Lothair III in his attempt to conquer Rome for Innocent II. This promise caused a clash between Genoa and its metropolitan, the archbishop of Milan, because the latter joined the party of Antipope Anaclet II and Antiking Conrad of Hohenstaufen (d. 1152). Innocent solved this problem by separating Genoa from Milan’s ecclesiastical province, raising Sirus II to the rank of archbishop in March 1133. Hereafter, the Genoese and Pisan navy joined the royal army and conquered Rome, except for the Vatican, which remained under Anaclet's control. For this reason Lothair III was crowned emperor in the Lateran basilica instead of St. Peters. The two arches on his imperial seal seem to refer to the Lateran basilica as the New Temple of Jerusalem, where the Ark of Covenant was kept, since both of them were also represented with two arches. A discussion of this symbolism would go beyond the scope of this paper, but, for instance, the Ark of Covenant in the ninth-century Sacra parallela and the Lateran basilica on a tenth-century Roman coin are very similar8. In conclusion, the reference to the imperial bull on Genoa’s city seal probably reflects the close contacts between Sirus II, Innocent II and Lothair III, expressing the Genoese support to the rightful pope and the rightful emperor.

Ravenna

  • 9 H. Kahler, “Die Porta aurea in Ravenna”, Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts. Röm (...)
  • 10 On Milan and Aquileia, see G.C. Bascapé, Sigillografia. Il sigillo nella diplomatica, nel diritto, (...)
  • 11 E.S. Klinkenberg, Architectuuruitbeelding in de Middeleeuwen. Oorsprong, verbreiding en betekenis (...)
  • 12 Bascapé, Sigillografia…, op. cit., p. 213-214, tav. II.19/21 on p. 198.

5As opposed to Genoa, Ravenna’s seal shows an identifiable city gate, the Porta aurea de Ravenna (por/ta av/rea de r/aven/na) (ill. 3), built by the Roman Emperor Claudius in 43 A.D.9. Rich decoration and the impossibility of closing its entrances characterize the building as a triumphal arch rather than a military structure. Although its demolition was completed in 1538, iconographic sources make clear that the representation on the city seal is fairly realistic. The surrounding inscription praises Ravenna as a classical city: + vrbis antiqve. sigillvm. s(vm)me ravene. Since other metropolitan sees in Northern Italy – such as Genoa (1133), Milan (1155) and Aquileia (1162) – began to use city seals in the middle of the twelfth century, it seems likely that Ravenna did not want to lag behind10. At the same time, a similar development can be seen in Trier, Mainz and Cologne, the metropolitan sees of the Rhineland11. A terminus ante quem for Ravenna’s seal stamp is provided by the thirteenth century seal of Fano, which imitated the Ravennatic example by representing the city’s own triumphal arch on its matrix12.

  • 13 J. Deer, “Die Siegel Kaiser Friedrichs I. Barbarossa und Heinrichs VI. in der Kunst und Politik ih (...)
  • 14 Cf: H. Küthmann and B. Overbeck, “Antike”, in Bauten Roms auf Miinzen und Medaillen, Munich: Becke (...)
  • 15 Deichmann, Ravenna…, op. cit., p. 26, 46.

6Ravenna could have looked at Genoa when deciding to depict the Porta aurea on its seal stamp. However, the realism and the reference to classical Antiquity are new. In this respect the Ravennatic seal has a parallel in the Colosseum depicted on the royal and imperial bulls of Frederick I (1152-1190, ill. 4), who ordered Abbot Wibald of Stavelot (d. 1158) to arrange the production of the stamps13. Three aspects underscore the relationship between Fredericks bulls and Ravenna’s city seal. Firstly, the only known impression of the city’s seal stamp-which was stolen in 1921-was in gold, like the royal and imperial bulls. Secondly, the parallel between the inscriptions Porta aurea and Aurea Roma can hardly be accidental. Thirdly, the Ravennatic seal cutter probably used a Roman coin as source for his architectural representation, just as seems to be the case with Frederick’s Aurea Roma14. Obviously, the Porta aurea represented the glorious Roman past in the same manner as did the Colosseum. The main road from the south to Ravenna and the way to the harbour came together at the triumphal arch and continued as the cardo maximus which almost directly led to the forum15.

  • 16 Historical details derived from Kahler, art. cit., p. 72; L. Mascanzoni, “Edilizia e urbanistica d (...)

7The civic symbolism of this important entrance to the city became clear after the conquest of Ravenna by Emperor Frederick II (1220-1250) in 124016. During the struggle, the Traversaria family, one of Ravenna’s most powerful clans, died. Frederick II appointed an imperial podestà, whose castle was probably built with stones from houses of the Traversaria family and the Porta aurea. Back in Ravenna in 1241, Frederick II not only collected spolia from the churches of S. Vitale and S. Apollinare Nuovo, but also stripped the Porta aurea of its marble and decoration. The coincidence of the conquest of Ravenna, the death of the Traversaria family and the partial demolition of the militarily insignificant triumphal arch suggests that the Porta aurea symbolized civic autonomy.

  • 17 Historical details derived from F. Opll, Stadt und Reich im 12. Jahrhundert (1125-1190), Graz and (...)

8The realistic rendering of this classical monument as pendant to Fredericks Colosseum points to Anselm of Havelberg (d. 1158) as inventor of this symbol17. Anselm became archbishop of Ravenna at Frederick’s request in 1155. As a close friend of Wibald of Stavelot and a confidant of the emperor he must have been familiar with the design of Frederick’s Aurea Roma. Because the Porta aurea was the only undamaged classical monument in Ravenna, his choice for a pendant to the Colosseum was very limited.

Sienna

  • 18 G.B. Cervellini, “I leonini della città italiane”, Studi medievali, NS 6, 1933, p. 239-270, at p. (...)
  • 19 Cioni Liserani, Sigilli… op. cit., p. 3, notes 8-9 on p. 18; Drôs and Jakobs, art. cit., p. 136.
  • 20 Archivio di Stato di Siena, Podestà 1, fol. 11; O. Redon, L’espace d’une cité. Sienne et le pays s (...)

9The consuls of Siena also based the architectural representation of their first seal on the golden bull of Frederick I and exchanged the Colosseum for a local reference (ill. 5). The matrix of this seal was in use until 1244-125118. It might stem from the second half of the twelfth century in light of its size, the paleography of its inscription and the absence of figures within the represented architecture.19 It shows a crenellated city wall with three gates behind which three towers rise, surrounded by many small houses. In the background, the crenellated wall runs upwards to the dominant central tower. This part of the wall seems to be copied from Frederick’s bull, because even the two battlements to the left: and to the right of the central tower are identical. The towers in front of it are typical for medieval townscapes. A miniature from 1224 documents Siena’s high number of towers in a similar way: eight towers flank the dome of the Romanesque cathedral behind the city wall, which has three gates again20.

  • 21 On the terzieri see: F. Schevill, Siena. The History of a Mediaeval Commune, London: C. Scribner, (...)

10The emphasis on the number three corresponds with the three hills on which the medieval town of Siena was built, and with the terzieri – the three quarters Castelvecchio, S. Martino and Camollia21. The terzieri ruled the city together. For instance, each quarter provided an equal number of consuls. The central tower may refer to the Castelvecchio, situated on the highest hill, where the square in front of the cathedral functioned as an important communal meeting place due to the bishop’s office as city lord.

  • 22 On this legend, see Douglas, A History…, op. cit., p. 5-7.

11The reason for combining imperial with local elements on the city seal seems twofold. On the one hand, the “Roman” city wall can hint at Siena’s foundation legend22. Siena would have been founded by the two sons of Remus, who – according to tradition – had been nursed by a she-wolf together with his twin brother, who founded Rome. The legend of Siena as daughter city of Rome is also documented by the thirteenth-century communal coat of arms, showing the she-wolf nursing the twins. Furthermore, the inscription on the city seal refers to Siena as an old city: +.vos. veteris. sene. signvm noscatis amene, comparable to the praise of Ravenna as a classical town and thus referring to its Roman past.

  • 23 Historical details derived from Douglas, A History…, op. cit., p. 19-23; Schevill, Siena…, op. cit (...)
  • 24 On this rift and its consequences, see: Douglas, A History…, op. cit., p.23-24; Schevill, Siena…, (...)

12On the other hand, Siena was predominantly Ghibelline23. The bishop received important privileges from the emperor, which benefited not only its citizens, but also the lower aristocracy, because they needed the bishop s support in their struggle against the higher aristocracy. However, in 1167 the citizens broke with bishop Rainerio (1129-1170), because he openly sided with Pope Alexander III (1159-1181) against the imperial antipope24. Backed by Frederick I, they forced the urban clergy to remain Ghibelline. The bishop excommunicated the consuls, laid Siena under an interdict, but was ultimately expelled from the city. From that moment onwards the consuls were the highest civic rulers. Since there was no bishop anymore to authenticate documents with a seal, the consuls needed a seal stamp of their own. Their Ghibelline position seems to have influenced the choice for an imperial city wall surrounding the terzieri – represented by three towers – without any reference to the cathedral.

Arles

  • 25 B. Bedos, Corpus des sceauxfrançais du Moyen Age. T. 1: Les sceaux des villes, Paris: Archives nat (...)

13The use of city seals spread from Italy to Provence, where the first city seal is mentioned in Arles in 1180 (ill. 6)25. The first example of this seal that has been preserved dates from 1203. Its obverse shows a lion, its reverse a triangular city wall surrounding three towers. This city view clearly bears similarity to the Sienese seal. However, it has only one gate and the central tower is not crenellated, but has a pitched roof. Indeed, Arles was not divided in three equal city quarters as was Siena.

  • 26 Historical details derived from J. Fried, “Friedrich Barbarossas Krönung in Arles (1178)”, Histori (...)
  • 27 K.F. Stumpf, Die Reichskanzler, vornehmlich des X., XI. und XII. Jahrhunderts. Nebst einem Beitrag (...)

14Close trading contacts with Italy, which also had a juridical impact, influenced the development of Arles’town council26. Thus, the architectural representation of the city seal may also have been borrowed from an Italian source. Moreover, like Siena, Arles was an imperial town, where the consuls joined forces with the church – represented by the archbishop – in their struggle against the local nobility. In 1164 Frederick I recognized the archiepiscopal claim of Raymond of Bollène (1163-1182) on the quarter of Trinquetaille and granted him half of the revenues from its seigniorial rights. Arles’relationship with the emperor culminated in 1178, when, as of old, Frederick had himself crowned king of Burgundy by the archbishop of Arles in St-Trophime cathedral. On the same day, he took the archbishopric of Arles as see of the Burgundian kingdom under his special protection and authenticated the relevant document with his golden bull27. A second imperial charter, which is now lost, contained the recognition of Arles’ town council as expression of thanks to its citizens for supporting their archbishop.

  • 28 Fried, art. cit., p. 350, 354.
  • 29 W. de G. Birch, Catalogue of the seals in the British Museum, n° 18176.
  • 30 On the building history in the twelfth century, see J.-M. Rouquette, Provence romane. Vol. 1: La P (...)

15The coronation ceremony underscored Frederick’s efforts to strengthen the ties between the kingdom of Burgundy and the Holy Roman Empire. As emperor he ruled four nations and Arles was one of the four sedes imperii, beside Aachen, Milan and Rome28. The city view on Arles’ seal seems to reflect the renewed imperial presentation of the town. As one of the capitals of the Holy Roman Empire, Arles had reasons enough to link itself with Aurea Roma. Moreover, Fredericks golden bull of 1178 could have functioned as a source of inspiration. The central tower replaces Frederick’s Colosseum. The seal cutter probably depicted the crossing tower of St-Trophime cathedral with its characteristic pitched roof, which is rendered in a similar way on the chapter seal of St-Trophime (1214)29. The crossing tower marked the end of the twelfth-century building campaign, which seems to have been finished in great hurry after the emperor had announced his wish to be crowned king of Burgundy in 117830. Thus, St-Trophime on the city seal refers to the archbishop as city lord and it underscores Arles’ties with the Holy Roman Empire in its function as Burgundian coronation church.

Cambrai

  • 31 Bedos, Corpus… Les sceaux des villes, op. cit., n° 166.
  • 32 ANF, sc/F 5971. Because a member of Cambrais officiality is first mentioned in 1 ISO-1191 (M. Vlee (...)

16An early city seal in the northern part of the Holy Roman Empire influenced by Aurea Roma was used in Cambrai from about 1185 (ill. 7)31. The seal cutter borrowed the city wall with six towers and a central city gate from Frederick’s view of Rome. However, he copied the domed tower type from the bull’s obverse, showing the emperor behind a fortified wall. The Colosseum was replaced by a tower flanked by two wings. This building seems to represent the local cathedral, because the bishop of Cambrai was the city’s lord and the officiality of Cambrai had depicted a similar, but more accurate representation of the cathedral on its seal (1211)32.

  • 33 W. Reinecke, Geschichte der Stadt Cambrai bis zur Erteilung der Lex Godefridi (1227), Marburg, Elw (...)

17The imperial influence on the city seal is related to the struggle between the bishop and the citizens of Cambrai.33 When the latter successfully attacked the ecclesiastical privileges, bishop Roger of Wavrin (1178-1191) called for Frederick’s aid. The emperor restored all the episcopal rights in the diocese of Cambrai in 1182. Thereupon the citizens applied to the emperor and succeeded in achieving a revocation of the charter of 1182 in 1184. Their success was written down in a document sealed with a golden bull, containing the official recognition of Cambrai s town council by the ruler of the Holy Roman Empire.

18It is likely that this victory laid the basis for the imitation of Aurea Roma on Cambrais city seal. The first preserved example authenticates a charter in which the citizens came to an agreement with their bishop. Because the position of the latter as city lord was no matter of debate, it is not surprizing to find a representation of Cambrai cathedral within the ‘imperial’ city walls.

Würzburg

  • 34 C. Heffner, “Würzburgisch-Fränkische Siegel”, Archiv des historischen Vereins von Unterfranken und (...)

19After Frederick I, golden bulls of the rulers of the Holy Roman Empire no longer depict a very specific building like the Colosseum. Consequently, the imitations of Aurea Roma on city seals became more faithful. For instance, the seal cutter working for Wurzburg enlarged the lower part of Henry VI’s Roman view (ill. 8-9). The bull was in use in 1186 at the latest, the city seal is known between 1195 and 121134. Both show a large arch between two smaller ones, respectively surmounted by a building with two windows and two towers. Only the city wall has been depicted horizontally instead of being V-shaped. However, the head of Saint Kilian, the first bishop of Würzburg, appears under the central arch, just as do the heads of various figures looking out of the windows of Aurea Roma.

  • 35 Historical details derived from T. Toeche, Kaiser Heinrich VI., Leipzig: Duncker and Humblot, 1867 (...)

20Wurzburg’s reference to the golden bull is totally in agreement with its position as political centre of the Hohenstaufen35. Wurzburg had a very important imperial palace, which was frequently used during the twelfth century. For example, a Reichstag was held here nine times between 1121 and 1196. Not only did the Hohenstaufen control the appointment of Wurzburg’s bishop, but even Henry VI’s own brother was about to take this office in 1190. Thus, the city seal documents Wurzburg’s close connections with Henry VI.

Koblenz and Boppard

  • 36 On Koblenz, see H. Bellinghausen (ed.), 2000 Jahre Koblenz. Geschichte der Stadt an Rhein und Mose (...)

21In 1198 a war of succession between the Hohenstaufen and the house of Welf broke out. References to the bulls of one of the parties could underscore the political preference of a town council. This very interesting situation can be studied from the oldest seals of Koblenz and Boppard, respectively preserved form 1198 to 1214 and from 1216 to 1228 (ill. 10-11)36. Both show a closed city gate flanked by two towers behind a wall. There are two significant differences. Firstly, the city gate of Koblenz is surmounted by a narrow tower, whereas the seal of the imperial city of Boppard shows the imperial eagle on top of the city gate’s gable. Secondly, the roof of Koblenz’s city gate is crowned by two rectangles.

  • 37 B.U. Hucker, Kaiser Otto IV., Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1990, p. 653; Klinkenberg, “Romdart (...)

22Which bull influenced these architectural representations? Koblenz’s seal in particular bears many similarities with the bull of the Welfic king, Otto IV of Brunswick (d. 1218, ill. 12), whose rival was Philip of Swabia (d. 1208)37. Even the diagonally placed rectangles, which can be identified as opened shutters of the tower windows on Otto’s bull, correspond with the narrow central tower. However, Koblenz’s city wall rises much higher than Otto’s, totally incorporating the city gate.

  • 38 Historical details derived from E. Winkelmann, Philipp von Schwaben und Otto IV von Braundschweig, (...)

23The historical circumstances of Koblenz around 1200 can shed light on this ambiguous iconographic relationship38. Koblenz was situated on the northern border of the Hohenstaufen sphere of influence. It does not seem accidental that archbishop Adolf of Cologne (1193-1205, 1212-1214), the leader of the anti-Hohenstaufen party, called the first meeting of his followers just north of Koblenz, in Andernach, on the southern border of Cologne’s sphere of influence around the turn of the year 1197-1198. Thereupon he planned the first, but unsuccessful choice of an anti-Hohenstaufen king in Andernach. The first armed conflict between both parties took place near Koblenz in October 1198. Otto IV had to retreat, but the next year he managed to bribe the citizens of Koblenz. Their loyalty appeared to be very weak and within the following years Philip of Swabia regained his control over the city. In 1200 both parties agreed to delegate eight members, who together would choose one new king. Although this plan failed, the meeting place was very significant: between Koblenz and Andernach. Finally, archbishop Adolf and his remaining followers formally joined Philip of Swabia in Koblenz in 1204. Thus, Koblenz’s seal probably expressed the city’s political border position.

  • 39 Haussherr, Die Zeit der Staufer… op. cit., cat. 47; vol. 3, Abb. 17; Klinkenberg, art. cit., p. 24 (...)
  • 40 On Philip’s relationship with Boppard, see Wolfschläger, Erzbischof Adolf I., op. cit., p. 53; F.- (...)

24The seal of Boppard throws further light on this political symbolism. Those of its characteristics that differ from Koblenz have parallels in the first bull of King Frederik II of Hohenstaufen (1212-1220), a nephew of Philip of Swabia, in use between 1212 and 1216/18 (fig. 13)39. This holds for the gate incorporated in the city wall, the gable on the gate building instead of the narrow tower and the over-all proportions. Boppard’s loyalty to the Hohenstaufen was undisputed, which is underlined by the imperial eagle on the city seal. Looked at chronologically, the town council could have imitated the royal bull of Frederik II, but historically this is very unlikely, because Boppard only maintained close relations with Philip of Swabia40. In Boppard, archbishop Adolf of Cologne gave the undertaking to Philip to choose Frederick II as new king in 1197. Here, Ottokar I of Bohemia (1198-1230) was crowned king in the presence of Philip one year later. Here, Otto’s campaign of conquest collapsed in 1199 and shortly afterwards the Welfic king refused to come to Boppard for peace negotiations. Here, the Cologne citizens surrendered to Philip in 1206. The city kept the memory of Philip alive by using tithes of the monastery of Marienberg for the commemoration of the Hohenstaufen king, who was murdered in 1208. Moreover, the anniversaries of the local church mention only one royal couple, namely Philip and his wife.

25This leads to the conclusion that both Boppard’s city seal as well as Frederick II’s royal bull were influenced by the lost golden bull of Philip of Swabia. Frederick II legitimated his position as successor of his uncle by imitating Philip’s Aurea Roma. Boppard documented its close relations to the Hohenstaufen during the succession war in the same way.

26Koblenz’s city seal is not so unambiguous: it combines Welfic with Fiohenstaufen elements. This seems to reflect the city’s political opportunism: although the city was situated in Philip’s sphere of influence, it temporally joined the Welfic party.

Oudenburg

  • 41 Birch, Catalogue of the seals in the British Museum, op. cit., n° 22650; Vicomte de Ghellinck Vaer (...)

27Unlike Koblenz, the Flemish city of Oudenburg had depicted a very clear message on its matrix (ill. 14): Here, the seal cutter copied the representation of Rome on the imperial bull of Otto IV (1210-1214, ill. 15)41. Almost identical is the double arch gate flanked by two towers and surmounted by two storeys, of which the arcaded upper one is set back and has a gable. Only the row of arcades immediately above the entrances is lacking on the bull.

  • 42 Historical details derived from E. Feys et D. van de Casteele, Histoire d’Oudenbourg, accompagneé (...)
  • 43 On Walter III of Berthout, see Croenen, Familie en macht…, op. cit., p. 89, note 47, 302-306.

28The history of Oudenburg throws light on this remarkable imitation42. In 1206-1217 Giles I Berthout (d. 1240/41) was Chamberlain of Flanders, one of the four highest offices at the Flemish court. He married Catherine, chatelaine of Oudenburg, daughter of Gerard of Belle/Bailleul (1166-1206). Giles ardently supported King John of England (1199-1216), who together with King Otto IV opposed the alliance between King Philip II Augustus of France (1180-1223) and Philipp of Swabia. He unceasingly tried to persuade Flemish noblemen to join the Anglo-Welfic party, to which his family in law and his brother Walter III (d. 1220) also belonged. In 1212 Walter appeared as a witness to a charter of Otto IV43.

  • 44 Luykx, Een typisch vertegenwoordiger.op. cit., p. 111, 140.

29Clinging to the same political faith, Count Ferrand of Flanders (1212-1233) refused to aid his feudal lord Philip II, who was planning to invade England in 1213. The French king punished his disobedience by conquering nearly all the county of Flanders, taking many hostages, probably also from Oudenburg44. Thereupon Giles participated in a Flemish legation seeking support at the English court and fought in the Battle of Damme, where Ferrand’s troops, after an initial victory, were defeated by the French. In the mean time, Otto IV planned an attack on France. He had Ferrand in view as the future king of the French royal domains when Philip II would have been defeated, and wanted to divide the other conquered territories among his followers. However, the Anglo-Welfic-Flemish army suffered a crushing defeat in the Battle of Bouvines (July 27, 1214). Although there is no written evidence, Giles probably was on the battle-field that day.

30Against this political background Oudenburg’s city seal documents the Anglo-Welfic disposition of the Chamberlain of Flanders, who was also lord and castellan of Oudenburg. The prospect that Otto would make Ferrand king of France and dividing the further booty among his adherents, must have been attractive to Giles. This could have given all the more reason to imitate the imperial bull on the city seal of Oudenburg.

Frankenberg

  • 45 Haussherr, Die Zeit der Staufer… op. cit., cat. 56 and 146; vol. 2, Abb. 74; vol. 3, Abb. 26.

31Frankenberg in Hessen also used a clearly anti-Hohenstaufen city seal (ill. 16): its architectural representation was based on the Aurea Roma on the bull of Antiking Henry Raspe (1246-1247, ill. 17)45. The seal cutter copied the five towers behind a V-shaped wall, but he replaced the heads of the apostles Peter and Paul – which referred to the papal bull – by a city gate. Because Henry Raspe had very little success as antiking, the question arises why Frankenberg imitated his royal bull.

  • 46 E. Keyser (ed.), Hessisches Städtebuch, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1957, p. 119; G.W. Sante (ed.), Han (...)
  • 47 W Spiess, Verfassungsgeschichte der Stadt Frankenberg an der Eder im Mittelalter, Heidelberg: Wint (...)
  • 48 E. Caemmerer, “Konrad, Landgraf von Thüringen, Hochmeister des deutschen Ordens († 1240)”, Zeitsch (...)
  • 49 G.W. Sante, “Siegfried III. von Eppstein. Erzbischof von Mainz 1230 bis 1249”, in R. Vaupel (ed.),(...)

32The city of Frankenberg was founded by the landgrave of Thüringen and/or Hessen shortly before 123646. Who exactly was the founder, is unknown. Almost situated in a Hessic enclave, the city was first and foremost a stronghold against the expansionist policy archbishop Siegfried III of Mainz (1230-1249)47. The landgraves initially supported Emperor Frederick II in his struggle with the pope, but around 1240 they went over to the papal party48. Their territorial rival did the same49. After the deposition of Frederick II in 1245, the archbishop of Mainz became the leading force behind the choice of Henry Raspe as antiking. He revealed his most important motive after Henry’s childless death in 1247: Hessen was now a vacant feud, which opened the possibility for considerable territorial expansion on the part of Mainz.

  • 50 Cf: Spiess, Verfassungsgeschichte…, op. cit., p. 349-350. In 1254 at the latest, Frankenberg had a (...)
  • 51 Sante, art. cit., p. 23-24.

33Looked at in this light the city of Frankenberg probably wanted to ensure the support of the papal party and to raise its status as royal foundation by imitating Henry Raspe’s Aurea Roma. Some historical falsification cannot be excluded, because it is not certain that Henry Raspe was the landgrave who founded Frankenberg. The imitation of the royal bull probably also hints at the powerful position of Siegfried III. The archbishop’s “reconciliation” with his territorial opponent would have increased the possibilities of future development of the border town. For instance, the parish of Frankenberg, that belonged to the ecclesiastical province of Mainz, came into being during this period50. Perhaps the seal expressed the hope to benefit from the new circumstances, just like Mainz, where in 1244 Siegfried III had bought the support of the citizens by granting them important privileges51.

34In conclusion, references on city seals to Aurearoma on royal and imperial bulls can be understood as political self-representation of town councils, who expressed their support to the rulers of the Holy Roman Empire, their gratitude for the recognition of privileges, or their status as an important political centre in this way. In most cases their message was very dated. And so the majority of the city seals discussed here fell into disuse within a few decades after their appearance, replaced by matrices with local characteristics which were less time-bound.

Illustrations

Ill. 1 - First bull of Genoa, reverse. Line drawing of original, ø 38 mm London, British Museum

Ill. 2 - Imperial bull of Lothair III (1137) Line drawing of original, ø 55 mm Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abbazia

Ill. 3 - City seal of Ravenna Cast, original stolen in 1921, ø 68 mm.

Ill. 4 - Royal bull of Frederick I, reverse (1154) Original, ø 59 mm Wolfenbüttel, Stadtarchiv

Ill. 5 - First city seal of Siena. Line drawing of matrix, ø 61,5 mm Florence, Museo Nazionale del Bargello, n° A 350

Ill. 6 - First city bull of Arles, reverse (1203) Cast, ø 43 mm ANF, sc/St4659bis (Bedos, Corpus, n° 44bis)

7. First city seal of Cambrai (1185) Line drawing of original, ø 72 mm Lille, AD59, 3 G 133, no 1207 (Bedos, Corpus, n° 166)

Ill. 8 - First city seal of Würzburg (1195) Line drawing of a cast, 0 76 mm Stuttgart, Hauptstaatarchiv

Ill. 9 - Imperial bull of Henry VI, reverse (1192) Original, ø 55 mm Konstanz, Rosgartenmuseum, inv. n° H I, 1

Ill. 10 - First city seal of Koblenz (1214) Line drawing

Ill. 11 - First city seal of Boppard (1221) Original, 0 76 mm Koblenz, Stadtarchiv, Kloster Marienberg bei Boppard, n° 5

Ill. 12 - Royal bull of Otto IV, reverse (1209) Original, 0 57 mm Roma, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, AA. Arm I – XVIII.22

Ill. 13 - First royal bull of Frederick II, reverse (1215) Original, ø 62 mm Aachen, Stadtarchiv, RAA13

Ill. 14 - City seal of Oudenburg (1226) Original, ø 54 mm London, BM (Birch, n° 22650)

Ill. 15 - Imperial bull of Otto IV, reverse (1210) Original, ø 61 mm Roma, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, AA. Arm I – XVIII.10

Ill. 16 - City seal of Frankenberg (before 1249) Modern impression, ø 80 mm Frankenberg, Stadtverwaltung

Ill. 17 - Royal bull of Antiking Henry Raspe, reverse (1246) Original, ø 50 mm München, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Abt. I, KS < 777

Notes

1 E.S. Klinkenberg, “Romdartstellungen auf Kaiser- und Königsbullen, 800-1250”, in C. Kratzke and U. Albrecht (eds.), Mikroarchitektur im Mittelalter. Ein gattungsübergreifendes Phànomen zwischen Realität und Imagination, Leipzig: Kratzke, 2008, p. 225-249.

2 H. Horstmann, “Das Trierer Stadtsiegel und die Anfänge der Trierer Selbstverwaltung”, in Trier. Ein Zentrum abendlandischer Kultur, Neuss: Ges. für Buckdruckerei, 1952, p. 79-92, at p. 82; H. Horstmann, “Köln, Trier oder Aachen? Zur Frage des ältesten deutschen Stadtsiegels”, NassauischeAnnalen, 81, 1970, p. 237-241, at p. 241; B. Bedos-Rezak, Form and Order in Medieval France. Studies in Social and Quantitative Sigillography, Aldershot and Brookfield: Variorum, 1993, p. XII, 45. See also note 45.

3 H. Drôs and H. Jakobs, “Die Zeichen einer neuen Klasse. Zur Typologie der friihen Stadtsiegel”, in K. Krimm and H. John (eds.), Bild und Geschichte. Studien zurpolitischen Ikonographie. Festschrift fur Hansmartin Schwarzmaier zum funfundsechzigsten Geburtstag, Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1997, p. 125-178, at p. 129-131, Abb. 3-4.

4 Corpus nummorum italicorum. Primo tentativo di un catalogo generale delle monete medievali e moderne coniate in Italia o da Italiani in altri paesi, Rome, 1910-1943, vol. 3, Rome: Tipografia della R. Accademia de Lincei, p. 3-349, tav. I.5-XIII. 15; T.O. de Negri, Storia di Genova, Milan: Martello, 1974, p. 254-256.

5 T.O. de Negri, Storia…, op. cit., p. 21-22.

6 According to H. Drôs and H. Jakobs, art. tit., p. 130, the Genoese seal was influenced by the architecture represented on papal bulls. However, only three popes used an architectonic representation-Victor II (1055-1057), Stephan IX (1057-1058) and Nicholas II (1058-1061)-and none of their bulls clearly bears similarities to the Genoese seal. Cf: 1. Herklotz, “Zur Ikonographie der Papstsiegel im 11. und 12. Jahrhundert”, in H.-R. Meier, C. Jäggi and P. Büttner (eds.), Für irdischen Ruhm und himmlischen Lohn. Stifter und Auftraggeber in der mittelalterlichen Kunst, Berlin: Reimer, 1995, p. 116-130, at p. 117-121, Abb. 42-44.

7 Historical details derived from: de Negri, Storia…, op. cit., p. 248-253.

8 For details, see: E.S. Klinkenberg, art. cit., p. 235-238, Abb. 13-15.

9 H. Kahler, “Die Porta aurea in Ravenna”, Mitteilungen des deutschen archäologischen Instituts. Römische Abteilung, 50, 1935, p. 172-224, at p. 172-173, 175, Abb. 1; F.W. Deichmann, Ravenna. Hauptstadt des spâtantiken Abendlandes, vol. 2.3, Baden-Baden and Wiesbaden: Steiner, 1989, p. 26, 46.

10 On Milan and Aquileia, see G.C. Bascapé, Sigillografia. Il sigillo nella diplomatica, nel diritto, nella storia, nell'arte, vol. 1, Milan: Giuffrè, 1969, p. 208, 210; H. Drôs and H. Jakobs, art. cit., p. 129, 131-133, Abb. 28.

11 E.S. Klinkenberg, Architectuuruitbeelding in de Middeleeuwen. Oorsprong, verbreiding en betekenis van architectonische beeldtradities in de West-Europese kunst tot omstreeks 1300, Utrecht: Clavis Stichting Publicaties Middeleeuwse Kunst, 2009, chapters 4.1 and 9.3.1, with a discussion of the influence of the imperial bull of Henry II (1014) on Triers city seal (c. 1147).

12 Bascapé, Sigillografia…, op. cit., p. 213-214, tav. II.19/21 on p. 198.

13 J. Deer, “Die Siegel Kaiser Friedrichs I. Barbarossa und Heinrichs VI. in der Kunst und Politik ihrer Zeit”, in E.J. Beer, P. Hofer and I.. Mojon (eds.), Festschrift Hans R. Hahnloser zum 60. Geburtstag, Basel and Stuttgart: Birkhäuser, 1961, p. 47-102, at p. 68-70; R. Haussherr (ed.), Die Zeit der Staufer. Geschichte, Kunst, Kultur, vol. 1, Stuttgart: Württembergisches Landesmuseum, 1977, p. 20-21.

14 Cf: H. Küthmann and B. Overbeck, “Antike”, in Bauten Roms auf Miinzen und Medaillen, Munich: Beckenbauer, 1973, p. 7-88, nr. 52-55; Klinkenberg, “Romdartstellungen…”, art. cit., p. 238, Abb. 17.

15 Deichmann, Ravenna…, op. cit., p. 26, 46.

16 Historical details derived from Kahler, art. cit., p. 72; L. Mascanzoni, “Edilizia e urbanistica dopo il mille: alcune linee di sviluppo”, in A. Vasina (ed.), Storia di Ravenna, vol. 3, Venice: Marsilio, 1993, p. 395-445, at p. 399, 423-424; A.I. ρινI, “Il comune di Ravenna fra episcopio e arstocrazia cittadine”, in ibid., p. 201-257, at p.235. For the Traversaria family, see C. Ludwig, Untersuchungen über die frühesten ‘Podestaten italienischer Städte, Vienna: Verband der wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaften Österreichs, 1973, p. 219-223.

17 Historical details derived from F. Opll, Stadt und Reich im 12. Jahrhundert (1125-1190), Graz and Vienna: Böhlau, 1986, p. 407; A.I. Pini, art. cit., p. 219-220; J.T. Lees, Anselm of Havelberg. Deeds into Words in the Twelfth Century, Leiden and New York: Brill, 1998, especially p. 15, 18-21, 98-116.

18 G.B. Cervellini, “I leonini della città italiane”, Studi medievali, NS 6, 1933, p. 239-270, at p. 259-260, fig. 26; Bascapé, Sigillografia…, op. cit., p. 186, 211; A. Middeldorf-Kosegarten, “Zur Bedeutung der Sieneser Domkuppel”, Münchner Jahrbuch der bildenden Kunst, 3, Folge 2,1970, p. 73-98, at p. 80,82-83, Abb. 8; E. Cioni Liserani, Sigilli medioevali senesi, Florence: Museo Nazionale del Bargello, 1981, p. 3-4,24, tav. I. 1.

19 Cioni Liserani, Sigilli… op. cit., p. 3, notes 8-9 on p. 18; Drôs and Jakobs, art. cit., p. 136.

20 Archivio di Stato di Siena, Podestà 1, fol. 11; O. Redon, L’espace d’une cité. Sienne et le pays siennois (XIIIe-XIVe siècle), Rome: Ecole française de Rome, 1994, p. 284, fig. 7; Cf: R.L. Douglas, A History of Siena, London: J. Murray, 1902, p. 18; Middeldorf-Kosegarten, art. cit., p. 79-80, 95, note 55, Abb. 1.

21 On the terzieri see: F. Schevill, Siena. The History of a Mediaeval Commune, London: C. Scribner, 1909, p. 276-277; L. Fusai, La storia di Siena dalle origini al 1559, Siena: Il Lectio, 1987, p. 56, 60; Redon, L’espace…, op. cit., p. 66-67.

22 On this legend, see Douglas, A History…, op. cit., p. 5-7.

23 Historical details derived from Douglas, A History…, op. cit., p. 19-23; Schevill, Siena…, op. cit., p. 42-44, 61-62, 72; Opll, Stadt undReich…, op. cit., p. 428-432.

24 On this rift and its consequences, see: Douglas, A History…, op. cit., p.23-24; Schevill, Siena…, op. cit., p. 63; Opll, Stadt und Reich…, op. cit., p. 429-432; Fusai, La storia…, op. cit., p. 65-66.

25 B. Bedos, Corpus des sceauxfrançais du Moyen Age. T. 1: Les sceaux des villes, Paris: Archives nationales, 1980, n° 44 and p. 14.

26 Historical details derived from J. Fried, “Friedrich Barbarossas Krönung in Arles (1178)”, Historisches Jahrbuch, 103, 1983, p. 347-371, especially p. 347-355, 363-370; Opll, Stadt und Reich…, op. cit., p. 491-498; R. Locatelli, “Frédéric Ier et le royaume de Bourgogne”, in A. Haverkamp (ed.), Friedrich Barbarossa. Handlungsräume und Wirkungsweisen des staufischen Kaisers, Sigmaringen: Thorbecke, 1992, p. 169-197, especially p. 168, 175-176, 181, 184-185, 189.

27 K.F. Stumpf, Die Reichskanzler, vornehmlich des X., XI. und XII. Jahrhunderts. Nebst einem Beitrag zu den Regesten und zur Kritik der Kaiserurkunden dieser Zeit. Vol. 2. Verzeichnis der Kaiserurkunden, Innsbruck: Wagner, 1883, nr. 4256; H. Appelt (ed.), Die Urkunden Friedrichs I. 1168-1180, Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1985, nr. 742.

28 Fried, art. cit., p. 350, 354.

29 W. de G. Birch, Catalogue of the seals in the British Museum, n° 18176.

30 On the building history in the twelfth century, see J.-M. Rouquette, Provence romane. Vol. 1: La Provence rhodanienne, La Pierre-qui-Vire, Zodiaque, 1974, p. 271-273, fig. on p. 353.

31 Bedos, Corpus… Les sceaux des villes, op. cit., n° 166.

32 ANF, sc/F 5971. Because a member of Cambrais officiality is first mentioned in 1 ISO-1191 (M. Vleeschouwers-Van Melkebeek, “De officialiteit in het bisdom Doornik tijdens de XIIIe eeuw”, in Sources de l’histoire religieuse de la Belgique. Moyen Âge et Temps modernes. Actes du Colloque de Bruxelles 30 nov.-2 déc. 1967, Leuven, Publications Universitaires, 1968, p. 181-186, at p. 182), the matrices of both seals seem to be contemporary.

33 W. Reinecke, Geschichte der Stadt Cambrai bis zur Erteilung der Lex Godefridi (1227), Marburg, Elwert, 1896, p. 145-152; H. Platelle, “Les luttes communales et l’organisation municipale (1075-1313)”, in L.trenard (ed.), Histoire de Cambrai, Lille, Presses universitaires de Lille, 1982, p. 43-59, especially p. 45-55; OPLL, Stadt und Reich…, op. cit., p. 55-62.

34 C. Heffner, “Würzburgisch-Fränkische Siegel”, Archiv des historischen Vereins von Unterfranken und Aschaffenburg, 21.3, 1872, p. 73-232, at p. 219-220, Taf. XVII.3; W. Füsslein, “Das Ringen um die bürgerliche Freiheit im mittelalterlichen Würzburg des 13. Jahrhunderts”, Historische Zeitschrift, 134, 1926, p. 267-318, at p. 271, note 1; Haussherr, Die Zeit der Staffer..op. cit., cat. 34; vol. 3, Abb. 8; Klinkenberg, “Romdartstellungen “, art. cit., p. 241, Abb. 18.

35 Historical details derived from T. Toeche, Kaiser Heinrich VI., Leipzig: Duncker and Humblot, 1867, p. 111, 117, 261-262, 414-415; A. Wendehorst, Das Bistum Würzburg. Vol. 1: Die Bischofsreihe bis 1254, Berlin: De Gruyter, 1962, p. 179-181; K. Bosl, Die bayerische Stadt im Mittelalter und Neuzeit. Altbayern-Franken-Schwaben, Regensburg: Pustet, 1988, p. 140-141, 316-319; P. Herde, “Das Staufische Zeitalter”, in P. Kolb and E.-G. Krenig (eds.), Unterfränkische Geschichte, Vol. 1: Von der germanischen Landnahme bis zum hohen Mittelalter, Wurzburg: Editer, 1989, p. 333-366, at p. 334, 349-351.

36 On Koblenz, see H. Bellinghausen (ed.), 2000 Jahre Koblenz. Geschichte der Stadt an Rhein und Mosel, Boppard am Rhein: Harald Boldt, 1973, p. 141, Abb. 13; T. Diederich, Rheinische Städtesiegel, Neuss: Neusser Druckerei und Verlag, 1984, p. 259; S. Happ, Stadtwerdung am Mittelrhein. Die Führungsgruppen von Speyer, Worms und Koblenz bis zum Ende des 13. Jahrhunderts, Cologne and Weimar: Böhlau, 2002, p. 111-116. On Boppard, see W. Ewald, Rheinische Siegel, vol. 3, Bonn: Peter Hahnstein, 1931, p. 98, Taf. 41.1-2; Diederich, Rheinische Stàdtesiegel, op. cit., p. 199-200.

37 B.U. Hucker, Kaiser Otto IV., Hannover: Hahnsche Buchhandlung, 1990, p. 653; Klinkenberg, “Romdartstellungen”, art. cit., p. 241-424, Abb. 19.

38 Historical details derived from E. Winkelmann, Philipp von Schwaben und Otto IV von Braundschweig, vol. 1. König Philipp von Schwaben 1197-1208, Leipzig: Duncker and Humblot, 1873, p. 173, 191, 335-336; C. Wolfschläger, Erzbischof Adolf I. von Köln als Fürst undPolitiker (1193-1205), Münster in Westfalen: Coppenrath, 1905, p. 30-31, 34, 49, 53-54, 82-84; H. Stehkamper, “Der Kölner Erzbischof Adolf von Altena und die deutsche Kônigswahl (1195-1205)”, in T. Schieder (ed.), Beitrdge zur Geschichte des mittelalterlichen deutschen Königtums, Munich: Ouldenburg, 1973, p. 5-83, at p. 42, 55-56; Bellinghausen, 2000 Jahre Koblenz… op. cit., p. 95; P. Csendes, Philipp von Schwaben. Ein Staufer im Kampf um die Macht, Darmstadt: Primus, 2003, p. 66-67, 74-75, 87, 93, 101.

39 Haussherr, Die Zeit der Staufer… op. cit., cat. 47; vol. 3, Abb. 17; Klinkenberg, art. cit., p. 242-243, Abb. 22.

40 On Philip’s relationship with Boppard, see Wolfschläger, Erzbischof Adolf I., op. cit., p. 53; F.-J. Heyen, Reichsgut im Rheinland. Die Geschichte des königlichen Fiskus Boppard, Bonn: Röhrscheid, 1956, p. 42-43; F.-R. Erkens, Der Erzbischof von Köln und die deutsche Königswahl. Studien zur Kolner Kirchengeschichte, zum Kronungsrecht und zur Verfassung des Reiches (Mitte 12. Jahrhundert bis 1806), Siegburg: Schmitt, 1987, p. 26; P. Csendes, Philipp von Schwaben…, op. cit., p. 36, 164.

41 Birch, Catalogue of the seals in the British Museum, op. cit., n° 22650; Vicomte de Ghellinck Vaernewyck, Sceaux et armoiries des villes, communes, échevinages, châtellenies, métiers et seigneuries de la Flandre ancienne et moderne, Paris: Desclée de Brouwer, 1935, p. 291.

42 Historical details derived from E. Feys et D. van de Casteele, Histoire d’Oudenbourg, accompagneé de pièces justificatives comprenant le cartulaire de la ville et de nombreux extraits des comptes communaux. Vol. 1: Histoire d'Oudenbourg, Brugge: Société d’émulation de Bruges, 1873, p. 20-28; L. Pabst, “Die aussere Politik der Grafschaft Flandern unter Ferrand von Portugal (1212-1233)”, Bulletin de la Commission Royale d’Histoire, 80, 1911, p. 51-214, at p. 108-169; T. Luykx, “Een typisch vertegenwoordiger van den XIIIe eeuwschen adel in onze gewesten, Gilles Berthout I met den Baard, kamerheer van Vlaanderen en broeder van de Duitsche orde in Pitsemburg te Mechelen”, Mededeelingen van de koninklijke Vlaamsche Academie voor wetenschappen, letteren en schoone kunsten van België. Klasse der Letteren, 6-3, 1944, p. 5-20, 109, 480-481; E. Warlop, “De adel te Oudenburg voor 1330”, Vlaamse stam, 1, 1965, p. 155-170, 235-247, at p. 163, 235-238; J.W. Baldwin, The Government of Philip Augustus. Foundations of French Royal Power in the Middle Ages, Berkeley-Los Angeles: University of California Press, 1986, p. 207, 209-213, 215-219; Hucker, Kaiser Otto TV, op. cit., p. 211-220, 307-308; G. Croenen, “Berthout, Gillis (I)”, in J. Marton (ed.), Nationaal biografisch woordenboek, vol. 14, Brussels: Paleis der Academiën, 1992, c. 44-48; G. Sivéry, Philippe Auguste, Paris: Plon, 1993, p. 265-271, 278, 283, 286-287; G. Croenen, Familie en macht. De familie Berthout en de Brabantse adel, Leuven: Universitaire Pers Leuven, 2003, p. 136-137, 306-310.

43 On Walter III of Berthout, see Croenen, Familie en macht…, op. cit., p. 89, note 47, 302-306.

44 Luykx, Een typisch vertegenwoordiger.op. cit., p. 111, 140.

45 Haussherr, Die Zeit der Staufer… op. cit., cat. 56 and 146; vol. 2, Abb. 74; vol. 3, Abb. 26.

46 E. Keyser (ed.), Hessisches Städtebuch, Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1957, p. 119; G.W. Sante (ed.), Handbuch der historischen Stätten Deutschlands Vol. 4: Hessen, Stuttgart: Kroner, 1960, p. 116.

47 W Spiess, Verfassungsgeschichte der Stadt Frankenberg an der Eder im Mittelalter, Heidelberg: Winter, 1930, p. 346-347.

48 E. Caemmerer, “Konrad, Landgraf von Thüringen, Hochmeister des deutschen Ordens († 1240)”, Zeitschrift des Vereins fur thüringische Geschichte undAltertumskunde, NF 19, 1909, p. 340-394; E. Caemmerer, “Zur Charakteristik Heinrich Raspes, Landgrafen von Thiiringen und deutschen Königs”, Blatter fur deutsche Landesgeschichte, 89, 1952, p. 56-83; H. Patze and W. Schlesinger (ed.), Geschichte Thüringens. Vol. II. 1: Hohes und spates Mittelalter, Cologne and Vienna: Böhlau, 1974, p. 35-41; K.E. Demandt, Geschichte des Landes Hessen (Rev. Nachdr. der 2. neubearb. und erw. Aufl. 1972), Kassel: Stauda, 1980, p. 176, 178-179.

49 G.W. Sante, “Siegfried III. von Eppstein. Erzbischof von Mainz 1230 bis 1249”, in R. Vaupel (ed.), Nassauische Lebensbilder, vol. 1, Wiesbaden: Ritter, 1940, p. 17-32; O. Engels, “Die Stauferzeit”, in F. Petri and G. Droege (ed.), Rheinische Geschichte 1. Altertum und Mittelalter. Vol. 3: Hohes Mittelalter, Düsseldorf: Schwann, 1983, p. 199-296, at p.262; F. Jürgensmeier, Das Bistum Mainz. Von der Römerzeit bis zum II. Vatikanischen Konzil, Frankfurt am Main: Knecht, 1988, p. 101-104.

50 Cf: Spiess, Verfassungsgeschichte…, op. cit., p. 349-350. In 1254 at the latest, Frankenberg had a parish of its own.

51 Sante, art. cit., p. 23-24.

Table des illustrations

Légende Ill. 1 - First bull of Genoa, reverse. Line drawing of original, ø 38 mm London, British Museum
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-1.jpg
Fichier image/, 13k
Légende Ill. 2 - Imperial bull of Lothair III (1137) Line drawing of original, ø 55 mm Montecassino, Archivio dell’Abbazia
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-2.jpg
Fichier image/, 92k
Légende Ill. 3 - City seal of Ravenna Cast, original stolen in 1921, ø 68 mm.
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-3.jpg
Fichier image/, 15k
Légende Ill. 4 - Royal bull of Frederick I, reverse (1154) Original, ø 59 mm Wolfenbüttel, Stadtarchiv
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-4.jpg
Fichier image/, 14k
Légende Ill. 5 - First city seal of Siena. Line drawing of matrix, ø 61,5 mm Florence, Museo Nazionale del Bargello, n° A 350
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-5.jpg
Fichier image/, 15k
Légende Ill. 6 - First city bull of Arles, reverse (1203) Cast, ø 43 mm ANF, sc/St4659bis (Bedos, Corpus, n° 44bis)
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-6.jpg
Fichier image/, 14k
Légende 7. First city seal of Cambrai (1185) Line drawing of original, ø 72 mm Lille, AD59, 3 G 133, no 1207 (Bedos, Corpus, n° 166)
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-7.jpg
Fichier image/, 15k
Légende Ill. 8 - First city seal of Würzburg (1195) Line drawing of a cast, 0 76 mm Stuttgart, Hauptstaatarchiv
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-8.jpg
Fichier image/, 72k
Légende Ill. 9 - Imperial bull of Henry VI, reverse (1192) Original, ø 55 mm Konstanz, Rosgartenmuseum, inv. n° H I, 1
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-9.jpg
Fichier image/, 16k
Légende Ill. 10 - First city seal of Koblenz (1214) Line drawing
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-10.jpg
Fichier image/, 56k
Légende Ill. 11 - First city seal of Boppard (1221) Original, 0 76 mm Koblenz, Stadtarchiv, Kloster Marienberg bei Boppard, n° 5
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-11.jpg
Fichier image/, 56k
Légende Ill. 12 - Royal bull of Otto IV, reverse (1209) Original, 0 57 mm Roma, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, AA. Arm I – XVIII.22
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-12.jpg
Fichier image/, 55k
Légende Ill. 13 - First royal bull of Frederick II, reverse (1215) Original, ø 62 mm Aachen, Stadtarchiv, RAA13
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-13.jpg
Fichier image/, 73k
Légende Ill. 14 - City seal of Oudenburg (1226) Original, ø 54 mm London, BM (Birch, n° 22650)
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-14.jpg
Fichier image/, 12k
Légende Ill. 15 - Imperial bull of Otto IV, reverse (1210) Original, ø 61 mm Roma, Archivio Segreto Vaticano, AA. Arm I – XVIII.10
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-15.jpg
Fichier image/, 60k
Légende Ill. 16 - City seal of Frankenberg (before 1249) Modern impression, ø 80 mm Frankenberg, Stadtverwaltung
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-16.jpg
Fichier image/, 77k
Légende Ill. 17 - Royal bull of Antiking Henry Raspe, reverse (1246) Original, ø 50 mm München, Bayerisches Hauptstaatsarchiv, Abt. I, KS < 777
URL http://books.openedition.org/irhis/docannexe/image/2907/img-17.jpg
Fichier image/, 16k

Auteur

Docteur en histoire de l’art (2006), étudie les représentations de la généalogie, la royauté et la prêtrise du Christ et leurs traditions iconographiques à propos des portails ouest de la cathédrale de Chartres. Parmi les publications : « Die Identität der Säulenstatuen in Étampes und Chartres », Zeitschrift für Kunstgeschichte 71 (2008, 145-187) ; « Romdarstellungen auf Kaiser- und Königsbullen, 800-1250 », Mikroarchitektur im Mittelalter. Ein gattungsübergreifendes Phänomen zwischen Realität und Imagination. U. Albrecht & C. Kratzke (éd.) (Leipzig, 2008, 225-249) ; Compressed meanings. The donor’s model in medieval art to around 1300 : origin, spread and significance of an architectural image in the realm of tension between tradition and likeness (Turnhout, 2009) ; Architectuuruitbeelding in de Middeleeuwen. Oorsprong, verbreiding en betekenis van architectonische beeldtradities in de West-Europese kunst tot omstreeks 1300 (Utrecht, 2010).

© Publications de l’Institut de recherches historiques du Septentrion, 2011

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