A Vegetation Threatened or Shaped by People?
p. 141-154
Texte intégral
1When we think of the vegetation of West Africa, various images come to mind, in particular those of the savannas with a more or less continuous carpet of high grasses dotted with trees and bushes, the various covers of which define many different aspects, sometimes quite closed, in contrast to the more open environments of other regions of Africa (photo. 1). With these savannas we associate the regular passage of bushfires, which maintain a flora of “pyrophytes” and give to trees their distinctive tortured shapes (photo. 2). Images of forests also come to mind, narrow fringes on the banks of the water courses in the savanna, and also blocks of dry forests, semi-deciduous or evergreen, of numerous types according to the altitude, climate and soils.
2What can be said of the status of the vegetal environments of West Africa? The literature on Africa and Madagascar provides us with some answers (Burgess et al., 2004). In West Africa more than 60% — and even in places more than 80% — of habitats are reported to have disappeared. This region is also reported to be among those where the habitats are the most degraded and the most fragmented. In total only less than 6% of its territory benefits from official protection, which places it among the lowest scores. By combining the preceding criteria (loss of habitats, maintenance of forest blocks, fragmentation of habitats and implementation of protection measures) a combined index for the conservation status of these diverse regions has been proposed. There, too, West Africa is placed in the two lowest classifications (out of five) on the continent. Finally, to identify the regions most threatened, estimations of the risk of the loss of habitat and the extinction of species in the near future have been combined; it is again in the two most threatened classifications (out of five) that this region is placed. West Africa globally therefore is among the most threatened zones of the continent. Yet, owing to its endemic flora, it is also of exceptional interest, both globally and regionally.
3On the whole, hence, there is little cause for optimism since the vegetation and the flora of this region appear to be precious as they are particularly unusual, but in great danger. Such an assessment doubtless deserves to be discussed and debated as the adoption of other criteria could lead to a more moderate position. However, what is important to us here is that this type of alarmist observation feeds the recurrent questioning of the utility of protected areas, generally accompanied by wishes for a reinforcement of control, or in contrast, by proposals for the abandonment, pure and simple, of protection and a “declassification” of the spaces concerned. It can thus be asked if the protected areas are playing their role of preserving biological diversity correctly and, with regards to what concerns us here, of the vegetation and the flora. This question, which is often asked, is important because ecosystems are largely structured by vegetal environments, such that their condition greatly influences and even determines to a large extent that of the fauna that they shelter and, directly or indirectly, their food.
4Before examining the various arguments presented to call into question the efficiency of protected areas, we must define our vocabulary. Whether we adopt a definition that is strictly administrative (according to the law) or one that is founded more on the conservation practices that are really implemented in the field, no matter what their origin, we will also include in the analysis spaces that are quite different: parks and animal reserves, “forests1 ” reserved by government decree or decision and also sacred forests, game ranches and village hunting areas. All these spaces could potentially contribute in different degrees, depending on their size and the type of protection of vegetation, to maintaining vegetal ecosystems in relatively good condition. According to the environments considered, the assessments will be different. Let us now examine the reasons raised for doubting the efficiency of protected areas. There are several. The inadequacy of the system of protected areas currently in place could be raised, as the protection extended to these spaces is in any case very insufficient, and it could be feared that this system, such as it is, is incapable of confronting the global changes underway and finally that environmental protection, still too often implemented “against” the local residents is bound to fail.

Photograph 1: Nazinga game ranch, Burkina Faso (photo A. Fournier, October 2002)

Photograph 2: Fire in the savanna, classified forest of la Mou, Burkina Faso (photo A. Fournier, November, 2005)
A system of protected areas that is insufficient and poorly structured?
5All the ecologists admit that there exists a strong relationship among the climate, the soil and the vegetation. The substrata in particular determines to a large extent the vegetation and land use; this is emphasized notably in the paper of Nontanovanh et al. (in these proceedings) which shows a close relationship between the occupation of the soil and the nature and structure of the substratum. But it can be observed that the protected areas, as a result of government decisions, are frequently located on land that is only marginal for agriculture, which limits the representation of examples of “good” land – and thus the corresponding vegetal environments -and it is to be feared that certain types of environments and species are absent from protected areas. Thus the criteria for the choice of those territories currently under protection could be questioned and the creation of new protected areas to complete the existing system could be recommended. The paper presented by Adomou et al. (these proceedings) has carried out this kind of analysis for Benin and concludes that vegetation of interest, such as certain unusual types present in the South of the country, do not benefit currently from any kind of protection (phot. 3). However, to interpret in a just manner the current panorama of conservation, we must not forget that most of the protected areas of West and Central Africa were set up in the thirties during the colonial era (see, for example, the paper presented by Houndagba et al., in these proceedings), and even if it could often be affirmed without much proof that the justifications for their delimitation were mainly conservationist, the issue merits closer examination. Even if the reasoning at the time really was conservationist, it remains necessary, from a historical perspective, to place the idea of conservation in the context of the important evolution of ideas of these last few decades. The advent and development of ecology, a science that is relatively recent and the even more recent introduction of ideas on biodiversity and durable development have considerably modified among scientists the way the natural environment and approaches to conservation are presented (Blandin, 2004). At the same time, the big NGOs have increasingly acquired weight to the point where today they constitute a real “global conservation sector”; they have permanently monitored government decisions (colonial and post-colonial) even if their scientific legitimacy and their real motivations could be called into question (Dumoulin and Rodary, 2005). All these dynamics must be taken into account.
6As for those spaces, often of small size, that have been spontaneously preserved “traditionally” by the local residents, the justifications are always primarily social and do not target the conservation of nature as such. The natural characteristics of these environments however, sometimes play a central role in their choice as zones for protection or, on the contrary, for ritual prescriptions that can be described as disturbances, such as fire (Dugast, 1998 2006). Since their main interest is not the conservation of nature, it is hardly surprising that the areas protected by local residents do not represent the complete range of types of vegetation present in a natural region. In addition, in spite of the common cultural foundation of the populations of West Africa, the place occupied by nature in the systems of representation is subject to important variations among groups, even those who are very close, such that practices can vary greatly between neighbouring sites. These systems are in addition likely to be reconfigured “in order to absorb events” (Dugast, 2002), such that certain practices affecting the vegetation can be rapidly transformed (Luning, 2005). On the whole, if it is important to know and to understand the profound feeling local residents may have towards nature, we should not of course expect “traditions” to build complete and efficient conservation arrangements for all types of vegetation.

Photograph 3: Scaevola plumieri (Goodeniaceae) is in the process of disappearance in the littoral vegetations due to the replanting of the coconut groves and the development of infrastructures such as vacation villages (photo, Adomou, July, 2006)

Photograph 4: A ritual offering of the first fruits of the harvest on the edge of a sacred forest, Togo (photo, St. Dugast, 2004)
Not enough protection?
7It could also be thought that, for many reasons, the protection of these diverse spaces is not effective, that the pressures they are under are too heavy for the aim of conservation to be attained. It is evident that heavy pressures are placed on spaces protected by government decisions, forest reserves, natural parks, animal reserves, etc. The pastoral use of these protected areas is also quite general and it is broadly dealt with and discussed in the present collection. Several papers make clear the destructive effect of domestic animals on vegetation, especially the large herds of nomadic herders (Usengumuremyi et al., Houndagba et al., Saliou et al., Wala et al., Diouck and Akpo, Djodjouhin and Sinsin, in these proceedings). In certain regions, the survival of the nomads’ large herds depends on the illegal, but programmed use of spaces classified as rangelands (Kiéma and Fournier, in these proceedings). The consequences of this pressure are that tree and grass forage species are increasingly depleted and have already disappeared in some places in the peripheral areas (Fournier et al., 2001). Papers discuss serious pastoral pressure on, for example, Afzelia africana, Khaya senegalensis and Pterocarpus erinaceus (Wala et al., Pterocarpus Houndagba et al.), but also on Ficus gnaphalocarpa and Stereospermum kunthianum, (Arouna et al., in these proceedings).
8The utilization of vegetation for purposes other than pastoral can also represent a threat for species and environments. Thus, the utilization of wood for building, for tools or for firewood also affects Afzelia africana, Khaya senegalensis, Prosopis africana, Anogeissus leiocarpus, Pterocarpus erinaceus and more recently, Isoberlinia doka (Houndagba et al., Sounon Bouko et al., in these proceedings). We should add utilization for food, for crafts and medecines (Houndagba et al., Niamaly in these proceedings; Millogo-Rasolodimby 2001).
9Some papers (Sokpon et al., Agbani et al., in these proceedings) mention the negative role of fire on vegetation, even though the most recent scientific approaches consider these more as “normal” disturbances which are part of the habitual functioning of environments, especially in the savannas, where they determine the maintenance of typical species (Beerling et Osborne, 2006). This is the position that two papers have taken and, for the difficult task of managing protected areas, they propose to rely on ecological engineering with the assistance of fire; the first paper presents experiments designed to define the effects of fire on vegetation according to the characteristics of environments and dates for the application of fire (Sinsin et al., in these proceedings), while the second explains how the techniques of remote sensing can make the management and the control of fire easier, still poorly understood up to now in protected areas (Mayaux et al., in these proceedings).
10On the other hand, it can be observed that the measures of protection for vegetation implemented spontaneously by the local residents notably through the “sacred forests” are often efficient, even though the taboos set up can be more or less strict. However, the sometimes very small size of these spaces makes it possible to preserve only a part of the specific vegetal diversity. The approach that could make possible an evaluation of the ecological impact of sacred forests should be carried out on a regional scale indeed over several countries – and should take into account the possibility that these fragments function as a system. However, studies of this type still remain insufficiently developed.
11Even if the level of protection of the various types of space placed under protection leaves much to be desired, it is undeniable that on the whole the essential biological diversity is currently being sheltered, as shown by Wala et al., Natta et al. and Djego et al. (in these proceedings).
Vegetation and global changes
12The “loss of habitats”, the expression employed by Burgess et al. (2004) to designate changes in land use that lead to the disappearance of natural species, should be placed in the context of the series of social upheavals underway in these regions for several decades. These changes are related at the same time to high demographic growth, to the rapid development of agriculture and herding, to the improvement in health conditions and to migratory movements for economic reasons or for flight from strife. This loss is principally due to agricultural clearing that has greatly reduced the spaces occupied by natural vegetation (Djego et al., Houndagba et al., Diouck and Akpo, in these proceedings). These spaces continue to regress or degrade, and the shortening of the length of fallows – or even the disappearance of this period of fallows – causes a decline and a fragilization of the soils (Serpantié and Ouattara, 2001). Protected areas are themselves threatened with “nibbling” by farmers faced with a shortage of land.
13Direct human pressure through the destruction of habitat is not the only motor of change in the vegetation. Climate dynamics also play a part. Certain authors attribute the appearance of the savannas in the Miocene age to a system of retroactions among climate, fire and herbivores (Beerling et al., 2006). Many works on the vegetation in West Africa (for example Sinsin, 1993; Thiombiano, 1996; Hahn- Hadjali, 1998; Fournier et al., 2001) have shown that climatic factors and the soil play a paramount role in determining the location of vegetal formations. At the country level, rainfall is by far the most important determinant (Thiombiano and Kere, 1999), whereas at a more local scale, soils are the most important determinant (Fournier et al., 2000). In West Africa, the shifting of isohyets towards the South has been observed for around thirty years by several authors, including Grouzis and Albergel (1989) and Sasson (1990). It could be thought that this climatic modification has also led to the modification of the natural vegetation that we observe throughout the region. An example is the decline of certain vegetal species in Burkina Faso, such as Anogeissus leiocarpus (Diallo, 1990), Pterocarpus lucens (Ganaba, 1994), Burkea africana (Hien 1998), Prosopis africana (Popov, 1996). Such dynamics are always however, the result of the interactions of the effects of several factors, of which anthropic pressure is one of the more important (Wittig et al. 2007). The aridity of the climate leads first of all to a lowering of the water table and afterwards, to the disappearance of the most sensitive species sometimes accelerated by large-scale utilization; this is what was observed in Burkina Faso during the droughts of the 70’s and 80’s. The changes are not always irreversible; in effect, the relative humidity of the 90’s has checked the mortality of certain species in this country and has even led to their regeneration to a certain extent. It is as a result of such modifications in environmental conditions and the fragilization of ecosystems that accompanies them that invasive phenomena can occur. Exotic plants must then deal with the conditions of a massive and rapid progression that can greatly modify the entire dynamics of the vegetation. It is thus that the dense colonies of the plant Chromolaena odorata interfere with the process of the reconstitution of the vegetation in the Lama forest in Benin (Agbani et al., in these proceedings). These changes in environmental conditions can also increase the vulnerability of soils to erosion and thus normal erosive processes, such as those presented by Toko et al. and Tente (in these proceedings), can in the long run, become much more important than ever before, thus modifying again the future of ecosystems. Such phenomena of natural collapse or “lavaka”, aggravated by massive clearing which exposes vast expanses of soil, have been observed for long in Madagascar, where they define the aspects of very characteristic landscapes.
14To adapt to climate change, species must be able to move in order to find the conditions that are compatible with their survival. In a natural environment now greatly fragmented, survival is possible only if the natural areas still present are organized according to a systematic structure with sufficiently numerous interconnections among them. A very important stake for protected areas is thus to anticipate foreseeable developments so that isolated protected areas do not become mortal traps for species, including vegetal species, which would not have the opportunity to move without corridors connecting natural spaces (Bennett, 20003).
15The spatial organization of protected areas, mapped out on the scale of great regions or even of a whole continent, is one response to this threat; it would help ecosystems to be resilient to disturbances.
Is the participation of local residents in conservation a panacea?
16Strong resistance, or even frankly hostile attitudes have often developed among local residents with regards to areas protected by government measures as the restrictions on their use appear to be unjust. A historical and political assessment reveals how the ways of setting up the rules regarding protected areas can weigh heavily on the reactions of the residents (see for example, Hounkpè, in these proceedings). These themes are broadly presented and discussed in the following sections of this collection. Yet, as we have seen above, local societies generally have a very detailed knowledge of the natural environments in which they live and how they function; they can thus be efficient and direct allies of conservation. The dependence of villagers on their natural environment in effect remains very strong and a large part of their resources is drawn from the natural environment in particular for their daily use and for their economic activities. In most regions, a long list of the uses of various plants could be dran up, as Nignan has done for example (2002), in two provinces of western Burkina Faso.
17Turning to a field that is a bit different from that which we are concerned with here, it has been observed that local societies are sometimes capable of drawing on their heritage to find appropriate technical solutions for dealing with modifications to their environment. For example, in Burkina Faso, the “zai” (Mando et al. 2001) makes it possible to rehabilitate degraded agricultural land while in Niger “improved clearing” helps to reconstitute ligneous species in cultivated environments that are rapidly degrading (Joet et al. 1998). Several papers show here how in certain cases, these societies also know how to re-mobilize “traditional” institutions in a modern context in order to preserve certain natural resources (Kpera et al., Tohinlo et al., in these proceedings). Would they not also have some solutions to offer for the conservation of natural vegetal environments? In the end, the main problem for conservation is it not to obtain their active support?
18However, we risk getting off track if we forget that the dependence of local societies on nature is not only material and economic: symbolic representations and religious beliefs also play very important roles, these traditional institutions often maintaining all their authority (Kuba, 2004). The studies of Bourgeot among the Tuareg (2005 and in these proceedings) show how complex are the forms of appropriation of renewable resources in these societies, where economic and other rationalities (notably religious) are mingled. Analyses of systems of representation among sudan-type societies carried out by Liberski-Bagnoud (2002), Dugast (2002, 2006), Jacob (2004), Alfieri (2005) and Luning (2005) also shed light on the complexity of these systems that cannot be reduced to a collection of methods of sustainable management of resources, founded simply on the direct perception of the effects of the actions of people on the environment. All this research shows that the ways of understanding nature are not direct, they are social and religious and that they take on a great diversity of forms. They also show that these systems can, without abandoning the principles that structure them, evolve as responses to social or environmental changes. This is why it would be illusory, in relying on a few immediately obvious aspects of their practices or of their systems of representation, to hastily conclude that these non-Western societies are adepts of sustainable development or ecologists who protect nature, or in contrast, that they are fundamentally destructive. Although local societies have much knowledge and know-how regarding the natural environments where they live, it should not be imagined that their active participation will resolve all the problems. Besides, it is important to note with Wardell and Lund (2004) that in protected areas, access to and use of resources in general differ considerably from rules and policies (photo. 5). These latter serve in reality as the basis for subtle negotiations of rights among local actors (various traditional authorities, forestry and environment agents, other civil servants and politicians) that are either borderline or even illegal.
19In the end, the real justification for taking into account the opinions of local residents when conservation plans are set up is ethical. In this field as in others, the decisions of public authorities that impinge on the rights of local residents and could thus affect them should be accompanied by a consultation with the communities concerned, along with a search together for solutions that are more acceptable and for the means to compensate them in a just manner. It is also clear that their commitment is essential and that logically they should be able to draw some benefit from the presence of protected areas.
20To wind up on the subject of the status of human populations in African natural environments, it should be emphasized that evidence is needed, especially for the savannas. The presence of human groups from ancient times who interact with the environment and shape it by their actions (fire, clearing, pasturage, hunting, gathering and many other utilizations) is obvious everywhere even if the current high population densities are recent. This leads us to considering the presence of humans as an integral element of the environment rather than as a disturbance. Thus, the strict exclusion of human populations – which has for long been the conventional approach taken towards protected areas in occidental countries – appears here, perhaps more than elsewhere, as illegitimate and unrealistic, both biologically as well as ethically.

Photograph 5: In spite of attempts of preventing the bush fires, almost the whole savannah vegetation is burning every year (photo A. Fournier, November 2005)
21Acknowledgements
22We express our gratitude to J.L. Devineau, St. Dugast and J.C. Gautun for re-reading and for their comments and criticisms.
Bibliographie
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Nyamali N., ce volume – «Inventaire floristique dans la réserve de faune du Bafing au Mali», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Popov G. B., 1996 – Quelques effets de la sécheresse sahélienne sur la dynamique des populations acridiennes. Sécheresse, vol. 7 (2): 91-97
Saliou A. R., Sinsin B., ce volume – «Utilisation des ressources naturelles par les populations riveraines et dégradation dans la zone cynégétique de la Djona», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Sasson A., 1990 – Feeding Tomorrow’s World. Sextant Series no3. Unesco/CTA (Technical Center for Agricultural and Rural Cooperation), Paris, 539 p.
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Sinsin B., Teka O., Houngue G., Mama A., ce volume – «Le feu, outil de gestion des parcours naturels: expérimentations sur sites permanents en zone soudano-guinéenne au Bénin», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Sokpon N., Biaoui S. H., Ouinsavi C., Hunhyet O. K., Gaoue O. G., ce volume – «Composition spécifique et structure de la végétation ligneuse du parc national de la Pendjari et de sa zone tampon dans le nord-ouest du Bénin», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Sounon Bouko B., Sinsin B., ce volume – «Impact de l’immigration agricole autour des aires protégées. Cas des villages riverains de la forêt classée de Wari-Maro», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Tente A. B. H., ce volume – «Dégradation et érosion des versants de la chaîne de l’Atacora en périphérie de la Réserve de Biosphère de la Pendjari», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Thiombiano A., Kere U., 1999 – Distribution et utilisation agroforestière des Combretaceae au Burkina Faso. Rapport final du Projet TÖB/GTZ, 91 p.
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Toko Imorou I., Sinsin B., ce volume – «Les phénomènes d'érosion et d'effondrement naturels des sols («dongas») du parc national du W et leur impact sur la régénération végétale», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Usengumuremyi J.-C., Ickowicz A., Toure I., ce volume – «Impact du pâturage des animaux domestiques sur la végétation du Parc National des Oiseaux du Djoudj (PNOD) au Sénégal», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Vidal M., Nontanovanh M., Devineau J.-L., Doumnang D., Pouclet A., ce volume – «Substratum géologique et paysages dans le Sud du Tchad. Partage des terres, réserve de faune de Binder Nayri (région des lacs de Léré et de Tréné)» in Fournier A., Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
Wala K., Sinsin B., Hahn-Hadjali K., Akpagana K., ce volume – «Conservation des savanes boisées à Afzelia africana et à Pterocarpus erinaceus dans la chaîne de l'Atakora (Nord-Bénin)», résumé, in Fournier A. Sinsin B. et Mensah G.A. (éd.)
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Notes de bas de page
1 What is designated by the term “forest reserve” in West Africa is very often a savanna environment.
Auteurs
-
Anne Fournier
Anne.Fournier@orleans.ird.fr
Anne Fournier, phytoécologue
UR 136 «Aires protégées en Afrique de l’Ouest»
centre IRD, 5 rue du Carbone, 45072 Orléans cedex 2, France -
Jeanne Millogo-Rasolodimby
jmilogo@univ-ouaga.bf
Jeanne Millogo-Rasolodimby, ethnobotaniste
laboratoire de Botanique et Biologie végétale, faculté des Sciences et Techniques
université de Ouagadougou, 03 BP 7021, Burkina Faso
Le texte seul est utilisable sous licence Licence OpenEdition Books. Les autres éléments (illustrations, fichiers annexes importés) sont « Tous droits réservés », sauf mention contraire.
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